Allan C. Stam | |
---|---|
Nationality | American |
Occupation(s) | Political scientist, educator, and writer |
Academic background | |
Education | B.A., Government M.A., Political Science Ph.D., Political Science |
Alma mater | Cornell University University of Michigan |
Academic work | |
Institutions | University of Virginia |
Allan C. Stam is an American political scientist,educator,and writer. He serves as a University Professor at the University of Virginia and holds the position of Professor of Politics and Public Policy at the Frank Batten School. [1] [2]
Stam's research investigates the dynamics of armed conflict both within and between nations,focusing on war outcomes,durations,mediation,and the politics of alliances. His published work includes articles in political science journals including International Security ,the British Journal of Political Science ,and the American Political Science Review , [3] and co-authored books such as,Democracies at War, [4] The Behavioral Origins of War, [5] and Why Leaders Fight. [6]
Stam has contributed to projects for the US Department of Defense and the United States Navy's Joint Warfare Analysis Center and conducted surveys in Russia,Rwanda,India,and the U.S. His research on the Rwandan genocide,featured in a BBC documentary,and his work in Gujarat,India,where he assisted in surveying 120,000 households across 1,800 villages to track discrimination and violence against sub-caste populations,provide insights into Indian Caste discrimination. [7] He has received awards,including the 2004 International Studies Association's Karl Deutsch Award,presented annually to a scholar who is judged to have the most significant contribution to the study of International Relations and Peace Research, [8] 2011 American Political Science Association J. David Singer Data Innovation Award, [9] and the Victoire Ingabire Umuhoza Prize for Democracy and Peace from the International Women's Network for Democracy and Peace in 2020. [10]
Stam earned a B.A. in Government from Cornell University in 1988. Prior to his time at Cornell,he served as a communications specialist on an 'A' detachment of the United States Army Special Forces and later served as an armor officer in the United States Army Reserve. He pursued further studies at the University of Michigan,receiving an M.A. in Political Science in 1991,and a Ph.D. in the same field in 1993. [2]
Stam began his academic career as an Assistant Professor at American University from 1993 to 1996 and at Yale University from 1996 to 2000. In 2000,he was appointed an Associate Professor in the Government Department at Dartmouth College,later becoming Professor in 2004 and Daniel Webster Professor from 2005 to 2007,while also working as a Visiting Associate Professor at Harvard University in 2004 and as a Residential Fellow at the Center for Advanced Study in the Behavioral Sciences at Stanford University. He then joined the University of Michigan as a Faculty Associate and Research Professor in the Center for Political Studies from 2007 to 2014, [11] after which he continued as a Professor at the University of Virginia Batten School. He has been a University Professor and Senior Faculty Fellow in the Miller Center of Public Affairs at the University of Virginia since 2020. [12]
Stam served as Director of the International Policy Center at the University of Michigan from 2012 to 2014. [13] In 2014,he took on the position of Dean of the Batten School at the University of Virginia,serving until 2019. [14]
Stam's research has examined the relationship between democracy and war,leadership dynamics,and the Rwandan genocide and civil conflict. His work on war outcomes,mediation,and alliance politics has been published in political science journals and books,and he has received grants,including those for comparative theory testing,interstate wars,and collaborative research on the expected utility theory of war. [3]
Building on his research interests,Stam studied why democracies win wars–focused on military effectiveness,and concluded that superior logistics,initiative,and leadership led to stronger battlefield performance. [15] However,he highlighted that these advantages diminished in prolonged conflicts,and after 18 months of war,autocracies persisted and ultimately gained the upper hand through their military-industrial capacity and strategy. [16] In 1999,he published Win,Lose,Or Draw:Domestic Politics and the Crucible of War. He argued that war outcomes are shaped not only by resources but,crucially,by domestic politics and strategy choice. [17] Subsequently,in 2002,he co-wrote a book titled Democracies at War,which Brandon Valeriano described as "an important empirical contribution to the fields of political science and military strategy." [18]
Stam's 2005 study documented that older leaders were likelier to initiate and escalate militarized disputes,particularly in democracies and intermediate regimes,excluding personalist regimes. [19] He found that leaders with military service and former rebels were more likely to initiate militarized disputes,while combat veterans did so mainly in weak civilian regimes. [20] He further emphasized that leader attributes,particularly combat experience,influenced their military assessments and threat effectiveness in international conflicts. [21] In his book,Why Leaders Fight,he explored how national leaders' life experiences and personal traits shaped their decisions on war and peace. Kirkus Reviews stated that the book was willing to challenge tradition without using "strident rhetoric." They further added,"This is a valuable contribution to the study of leadership and international relations in general." [22] In 2004,he co-authored The Behavioral Origins of War,which Philip A. Schrodt praised as "potentially the last important one," [23] and Lawrence D. Freedman noted that the authors "offer an ever more refined analysis." [24]
Stam served as co-principal investigator for a National Science Foundation-funded Genocide and Resistance project in Rwanda. Between 1998 and 1999,while working with the U.S. Agency for International Development,he and his colleagues assessed the 1994 genocide,which may have claimed 1 million lives. He and his collaborator,Christian Davenport,gathered data from the National University of Rwanda,conducted surveys,and interviewed government elites. Despite documenting the genocide,he was labeled a 'genocide denier' by the Rwandan government. In addition,he collaborated with both the prosecution and defense at the International Criminal Tribunal for Rwanda and uncovered data from NGOs documenting the 100 days of violence. He underscored that various forms of political violence occurred simultaneously and involved both the Hutu government and the Rwandan Patriotic Front,with the majority of victims likely being Hutu. [25] Furthermore,his findings revealed that killings occurred nationwide with varying rates and magnitude,and a comparison of the 1991 census with violence data suggested that over half of the 800,000–1 million killed were Hutu,challenging the view that genocide was the sole motive. [26]
The Hutu,also known as the Abahutu,are a Bantu ethnic group which is native to the African Great Lakes region. They mainly live in Rwanda,Burundi,and Uganda where they form one of the principal ethnic groups alongside the Tutsi and the Great Lakes Twa.
The Tutsi,also called Watusi,Watutsi or Abatutsi,are an ethnic group of the African Great Lakes region. They are a Bantu-speaking ethnic group and the second largest of three main ethnic groups in Rwanda and Burundi.
Rudolph Joseph Rummel was an American political scientist,a statistician and professor at Indiana University,Yale University,and University of Hawaiʻi at Mānoa. He spent his career studying data on collective violence and war with a view toward helping their resolution or elimination. Contrasting genocide,Rummel coined the term democide for murder by government,such as the genocide of indigenous peoples and colonialism,Nazi Germany,the Stalinist purges,Mao Zedong's Cultural Revolution,and other authoritarian,totalitarian,or undemocratic regimes,coming to the conclusion that democratic regimes result in the least democides.
Proponents of democratic peace theory argue that both electoral and republican forms of democracy are hesitant to engage in armed conflict with other identified democracies. Different advocates of this theory suggest that several factors are responsible for motivating peace between democratic states. Individual theorists maintain "monadic" forms of this theory;"dyadic" forms of this theory;and "systemic" forms of this theory.
The Rwandan Patriotic Front is the ruling political party in Rwanda.
The Rwandan genocide,also known as the genocide against the Tutsi,occurred from 7 April to 19 July 1994 during the Rwandan Civil War. Over a span of around 100 days,members of the Tutsi ethnic group,as well as some moderate Hutu and Twa,were systematically killed by Hutu militias. While the Rwandan Constitution states that over 1 million people were killed,most scholarly estimates suggest between 500,000 and 662,000 Tutsi died. The genocide was marked by extreme violence,with victims often murdered by neighbors,and widespread sexual violence,with between 250,000 and 500,000 women raped.
The Arusha Accords,officially the Peace Agreement between the Government of the Republic of Rwandaand the Rwandan Patriotic Front,also known as the Arusha Peace Agreement or Arusha negotiations,were a set of five accords signed in Arusha,Tanzania on 4 August 1993,by the government of Rwanda and the rebel Rwandan Patriotic Front (RPF),under mediation,to end a three-year Rwandan Civil War. Primarily organized by the Organisation of African Unity and the heads of state in the African Great Lakes region,the talks began on 12 July 1992,and ended on 4 August 1993,when the accords were finally signed.
The Burundian Civil War was a civil war in Burundi lasting from 1993 to 2005. The civil war was the result of longstanding ethnic divisions between the Hutu and the Tutsi ethnic groups. The conflict began following the first multi-party elections in the country since its independence from Belgium in 1962,and is seen as formally ending with the swearing-in of President Pierre Nkurunziza in August 2005. Children were widely used by both sides in the war. The estimated death toll stands at 300,000.
This is a bibliography for primary sources,books and articles on the personal and general accounts,and the accountabilities,of the 1994 Rwandan genocide.
The Republican Rally for Democracy in Rwanda,also known as the Rassemblement Démocratique pour la Retour is an unregistered Rwandan political party. Its stated goal is to establish a democratic and free Rwandan Republic,and its current president is Victoire Ingabire Umuhoza.
Hassan Ngeze is a Rwandan journalist and convicted war criminal best known for spreading anti-Tutsi propaganda and Hutu superiority through his newspaper,Kangura,which he founded in 1990. Ngeze was a founding member and leadership figure in the Coalition for the Defence of the Republic (CDR),a Rwandan Hutu Power political party that is known for helping to incite the genocide.
Mass killings of Tutsis were conducted by the majority-Hutu populace in Burundi from 21 October to December 1993,under an eruption of ethnic animosity and riots following the assassination of Burundian President Melchior Ndadaye in an attempted coup d'état. The massacres took place in all provinces apart from Makamba and Bururi,and were primarily undertaken by Hutu peasants. At many points throughout,Tutsis took vengeance and initiated massacres in response.
Racism in Africa has been a recurring part of the history of Africa.
Victoire Ingabire Umuhoza is a Rwandan politician who served as chairwoman of the Unified Democratic Forces from 2006 to 2019. As an advocate for democracy and critic of President Paul Kagame,she was the UDF's candidate for the Rwandan 2010 presidential elections,but was ultimately arrested and sentenced to prison. A Sakharov Prize nominee,she served 8 years of a 15-year prison sentence in Kigali Central Prison on charges of terrorism and threatening national security. She currently leads the party Development And Liberty For All,with the focus to campaign for more political space and for development.
Rwandan genocide denial is the pseudohistorical assertion that the Rwandan genocide did not occur,specifically rejection of the scholarly consensus that Rwandan Tutsis were the victims of genocide between 7 April and 19 July 1994. The perpetrators,a small minority of other Hutu,and some fringe Western writers dispute that reality.
During the Rwandan genocide of 1994,over the course of 100 days,up to half a million women and children were raped,sexually mutilated,or murdered. The International Criminal Tribunal for Rwanda (ICTR) handed down the first conviction for the use of rape as a weapon of war during the civil conflict,and,because the intent of the mass violence against Rwandan women and children was to destroy,in whole or in part,a particular ethnic group,it was the first time that mass rape during wartime was found to be an act of genocidal rape.
Since the end of the Rwandan Civil War,many forms of censorship have been implemented in Rwanda.
The double genocide theory posits that,during the Rwandan genocide,the Tutsi-led Rwandan Patriotic Front (RPF) engaged in a "counter-genocide" against the Hutus. Most scholars of Rwanda,such as Scott Straus and Gerald Caplan,say that RPF violence against Hutus does not fully match the definition of "genocide",considering that it instead consisted of war crimes or crimes against humanity.
Christian Davenport is the Mary Ann and Charles R. Walgreen Professor for the Study of Human Understanding and political scientist at the University of Michigan. affiliated with the Ford School of Public Policy as well as the University of Michigan Law School. He is also a Research Professor at the Peace Research Institute Oslo and an Elected Fellow of the American Academy of Arts and Sciences. Prior to joining the University of Michigan,Davenport was employed at the University of Notre Dame in political science and sociology as well as the Kroc Institute,the University of Maryland in political science,University of Colorado Boulder in political science and the University of Houston in political science. He received his PhD in 1992 from Binghamton University.
The territorial peace theory finds that the stability of a country's borders has a large influence on the political climate of the country. Peace and stable borders foster a democratic and tolerant climate,while territorial conflicts with neighbor countries have far-reaching consequences for both individual-level attitudes,government policies,conflict escalation,arms races,and war.
{{cite journal}}
: CS1 maint: DOI inactive as of December 2024 (link)