 | The examples and perspective in this article deal primarily with the United States and do not represent a worldwide view of the subject.(August 2019) |
Anti-police sentiment is opposition to the police by groups or individuals.
| The examples and perspective in this article deal primarily with the United States and do not represent a worldwide view of the subject.(August 2019) |
Anti-police sentiment is opposition to the police by groups or individuals.
The anti-police sentiment has been reported to be on the rise in Indonesia in recent years due to the rise of police brutality in the country. In 2021, a police officer was recorded slamming student protesters in Banten. [1] In the same year, a woman named Novia Widyasari was found dead in front of her father's grave after she found out about her pregnancy in aftermath of the rape perpetrated by a police officer who was her boyfriend. The incident later raised the anti-police sentiment among the locals even further. [2]
The sentiment began to resurface after the murder of Nofriansyah Yosua Hutabarat in 2022. The killing was ordered by Inspector General Ferdy Sambo, his former boss. Police use of tear gas and incompetence in Kanjuruhan Stadium disaster also fueled this sentiment.
On 2024, a primary school teacher from Konawe Regency, Southeast Sulawesi was arrested for allegedly disciplining a student who happens to be a son of a local police officer and asked to pay 50 million Rupiah fines. The arrest prompted anger among Indonesian internet user, flaming another anti-police sentiment in Indonesia.
Anti-Garda Síochána (Republic of Ireland police) sentiment is common among Irish Travellers, a social group with high levels of poverty, unemployment and crime. [3] [4] Gardaí were also accused of police brutality in the Shell to Sea protests of 2006–2011, and anti-brutality protests took place in 2007. [5] Anti-Garda sentiment is also common in Dublin's north inner city, [6] an area of high crime, deprivation and drug addiction. Local youths attacked Gardaí during the 2006 Dublin riots, sparked by a Love Ulster protest. [7] The Kerry babies case of 1984 also sparked anti-Garda feeling in the area. [8] The acronym AGAB, a variation on ACAB, is sometimes used. [9]
In Poland, the abbreviation HWDP is used with the meaning of "a dick in the police's ass." It often appears as graffiti. [10] [11]
A series of riots took place in Sweden in April 2022 after Danish-born, right-wing activist Rasmus Paludan attempted to hold a series of Quran burning demonstrations in the country. Counterprotesters responded by attacking participants and engaging in rioting, often getting into violent clashes with police. National Police Commissioner Anders Thornberg said that, in some cases, protesters "tried to kill police." [12] In an interview with Agence France-Presse, Kivanc Atak of Stockholm University interpreted the riots to be unusual as, unlike most incidents causing conflict between police and minorities, the unrest was not directed against a specific case of police misconduct nor even the subject in general. Manne Gerell of Malmö University further added that some of those involved in the unrest might have been seeking to vent general frustration against police, such as over the use of stop and search powers. [12] Anders Thornberg said some rioters were suspected to have "[had] links to criminal gangs" and that the police would look into it. [13]
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Contrary to its European neighbours, England did not have a tradition of professional police forces. Crime prevention was carried out by a combination of the town watch and the parish constabulary appointed by the justices of the peace in each county. In Great Britain during the late 1790s, anti-police views were based on the possible encroachment of absolutism through professionalised law enforcement, the obstruction of the magistrates' power and skepticism towards trusting an unfamiliar organisation. [14]
 | This section appears to be slanted towards recent events.(August 2019) |
In the 1950s, William Westley suggested that anti-police sentiment may come from the social stigma of working in dangerous conditions, having to work with stigmatized others, and at times unethical practices. [15]
In the 1970s, police departments began to become concerned about litigation over police misconduct. [16]
Distrust of police in the U.S. is sometimes mentioned in connection to police brutality and racial profiling. [17]
In 1991, Rodney King, an African American man, was savagely beaten by four Los Angeles Police officers. The following year, the 1992 Los Angeles riots broke out in response to the acquittal of the police officers involved in the beating. This event brought large amounts of media attention to police brutality towards minorities such as African Americans and Hispanics.
The 2014 shooting of Michael Brown in Ferguson, Missouri, and the ensuing outrage is considered a turning point in the U.S. dialogue of the "war on cops" [17] with the Black Lives Matter movement challenging the legitimacy of the police. [17]
Minority groups in disadvantaged neighborhoods tend to distrust police more [18] and feel that the "law is not on their side". [19]
The role of police in the restriction of youth freedom has also perpetuated anti-police sentiments among young people. [20]
During the George Floyd protests and the wave of racial unrest that followed, a surge in anti-police attacks was reported. [21] According to a 2021 FBI statement, "103 ambush-style attacks on law enforcement officers [took place] this year, which was an increase of 115% from 2020, and resulted in 130 officers being shot. Thirty of those officers were killed." [22] [23] In April 2021, Canadian scholar Temitope Oriola expressed concern tensions between police and African Americans could lead to an "anti-police insurgency", drawing parallels to the armed conflict that took place between 1950 and 1994 in Apartheid South Africa. Oriola noted that the vast majority of anti-police brutality protests have been peaceful, and an insurgency in the United States would be far less violent than one in other countries. [24]
Former U.S. president Donald Trump has on several occasions condemned the anti-police atmosphere. [12] [25] [26] [27]
Smartphones, allowing people to capture real-time recordings of confrontations with police and spread them across the internet, have been mentioned in helping extend anti-police sentiment. [26] [17] Anti-police sentiment also manifests in music. [35]
Police have expressed feeling threatened by violent protesters and attackers, and a dissatisfaction with a larger gap between police and the community. [19]
Some have blamed media for fueling anti-police sentiment. Chuck Cantury Howard Safir identified "a war on police" in his letter to President Barack Obama. [17] Former FBI director James Comey addressed in 2015 by positing that "a chill wind [is] blowing through American law enforcement over the last year… and that wind is surely changing behavior". [17] Academics have theorized that "de-policing" may be seen in America as a response to police dissatisfaction in some areas.
Police brutality is the excessive and unwarranted use of force by law enforcement against an individual or a group. It is an extreme form of police misconduct and is a civil rights violation. Police brutality includes, but is not limited to, asphyxiation, beatings, shootings, improper takedowns, racially-motivated violence and unwarranted use of tasers.
The National Fraternal Order of Police (FOP) is a fraternal organization consisting of sworn law enforcement officers in the United States. It reports a membership of over 355,000 members organized in 2,100 local chapters (lodges), state lodges, and the national Grand Lodge. The organization attempts to improve the working conditions of law enforcement officers and the safety of those they serve through education, legislation, information, community involvement, and employee representation.
Copwatch is a network of typically autonomous activist organizations, focused in local areas in the United States, Canada, and Europe, that observe and document police activity looking for signs of police misconduct and brutality. They believe that monitoring police activity on the streets is a way to prevent police brutality. They also propose theoretical and practical approaches to security and justice structures to replace the police. They criticize capitalism and see crime as a consequence of social problems that cannot be fought by surveillance and punishment.
Police brutality is the use of excessive or unwarranted force by law enforcement against civilians. Police brutality involves physical or psychological harm to a person and can involve beatings, killing, intimidation tactics, racist abuse, and torture.
The Ferguson effect is an increase in violent crime rates in a community caused by reduced proactive policing due to the community's distrust and hostility towards police. The Ferguson effect was first proposed after police saw an increase in violence following the 2014 shooting of Michael Brown in Ferguson, Missouri. The term was coined by Doyle Sam Dotson III, the chief of the St. Louis police, to account for an increased murder rate in some U.S. cities following the Ferguson unrest. Whether the Ferguson effect really exists is subject of discussions with many published studies reporting contradicting findings concerning whether there is a change in crime rates, number of 911 calls, homicides, and proactive policing. Furthermore, the effect and influence of the portrayal of police brutality in the media is also contested.
Civil–police relations describes the relationship police and similar public servants trusted with law enforcement have with civilians and the public. Police officers, who are tasked with enforcing laws and keeping the peace within a society, have the most contact with civilians of all other public servants. While it is in the best interest of them to cooperate mutually, the relationship between police and civilians—which are generally diverse and complex across and within different countries and societies—is not always harmonious, and issues such as police corruption, police brutality, militarization of police, and institutional racism can negatively affect public perceptions of police, trust in law enforcement, and thus also civil–police relations.
The Stolen Lives Project is a watchdog group for deaths from police brutality in the United States. The group collects data on people who have died from the police and Border Patrol. Current supporters of the group include the National Lawyers Guild, the Anthony Baez Foundation, and the Center for Constitutional Rights.
{{cite web}}: CS1 maint: numeric names: authors list (link)"We believe the suspects held views that reflected hatred of Jewish people as well as law enforcement," Attorney General Gurbir Grewal said at a press conference. "The evidence points toward acts of hate. We're investigating this as a potential act of terrorism fueled by anti-Semitic and anti-law enforcement beliefs."