Police brutality

Last updated

Police overuse of force at a Montreal, Quebec protest in 2008 Montreal police brutality protest.jpg
Police overuse of force at a Montreal, Quebec protest in 2008

Police brutality is the excessive and unwarranted use of force by law enforcement against an individual or a group. [1] It is an extreme form of police misconduct and is a civil rights violation. Police brutality includes, but is not limited to, asphyxiation, beatings, shootings, improper takedowns, racially-motivated violence and unwarranted use of tasers. [2] [3]

Contents

History

Nine police officers subduing a member of the public in Egypt Police brutality in Egypt (4602240333).jpg
Nine police officers subduing a member of the public in Egypt

The first modern police force is widely regarded to be the Metropolitan Police Service in London, established in 1829. [4] However, some scholars argue that early forms of policing began in the Americas as early as the 1500s on plantation colonies in the Caribbean. [5] These slave patrols quickly spread across other regions and contributed to the development of the earliest examples of modern police forces. [5] Early records suggest that labor strikes were the first large-scale incidents of police brutality in the United States, including events like the Great Railroad Strike of 1877, the Pullman Strike of 1894, the 1912 Lawrence textile strike, the Ludlow massacre of 1914, the Great Steel Strike of 1919, and the Hanapepe massacre of 1924.

The term "police brutality" was first used in Britain in the mid-19th century, by The Puppet-Show magazine (a short-lived rival to Punch ) in September 1848, when they wrote:

Scarcely a week passes without their committing some offence which disgusts everybody but the magistrates. Boys are bruised by their ferocity, women insulted by their ruffianism; and that which brutality has done, perjury denies, and magisterial stupidity suffers to go unpunished. [...] And police brutality is becoming one of our most "venerated institutions!" [6]

The first use of the term in the American press was in 1872 when the Chicago Tribune [7] reported the beating of a civilian who was under arrest at the Harrison Street Police Station.

In the United States, it is common for marginalized groups to perceive the police as oppressors, rather than protectors or enforcers of the law, due to the statistically disproportionate number of minority incarcerations. [8]

Hubert G. Locke wrote:

When used in print or as the battle cry in a black power rally, police brutality can by implication cover several practices, from calling a citizen by his or her first name to death by a policeman's bullet. What the average citizen thinks of when he hears the term, however, is something midway between these two occurrences, something more akin to what the police profession knows as "alley court"—the wanton vicious beating of a person in custody, usually while handcuffed, and usually taking place somewhere between the scene of the arrest and the station house. [9]

— Police Brutality and Civilian Review Boards: A Second Look (1966–1967)

Sometimes riots, e.g. the 1992 Los Angeles riots, are a reaction to police brutality. [10] [11] [12]

Contemporary examples

Pro-Palestine camps

Berlin, Germany

In recent times, as of 2024, there have been more protests and action against the alleged genocide in Palestine. On 8 April 2024, 'Besetzung Gegen Besatzung' – 'Occupy Against Occupation' was set up in front of the Reichstag Building. [13] It is a pro-Palestinian camp by activists, with the demand for the German government to stop exporting arms to Israel, and to stop criminalising solidarity with the Palestinian movement. The camp lasted for two weeks. There were tents, an information booth about the history of the genocide, and field kitchens set up. Protesters were encouraged to sleep over in the camp or return frequently to provide support in numbers. There were community activities and workshops happening frequently to boost the sense of community and morale in the camp.

Police violence and brutality were very prominent at the camp, with the police forcefully evicting the occupants from the Bundestag area for various reasons. The police gave the camp many different restrictions and rules to abide by. The police came up with more new restrictions as the camp went on. This made it confusing for everyone at the camp as the restrictions were ever-changing. The police would not provide sufficient information about the restrictions, making it difficult to determine what is prohibited or not. From banning languages that are not German or English to be used, to criminalizing the songs and materials shared at their workshops. [14] These restrictions can be seen to have extended to the bigger Berlin society previously. Since early October 2023, Palestinian keffiyeh scarves in schools have been banned by the Berlin state authorities. With the reason that it could be a “threat to school peace”. [15]

If one does not abide by the rules set by the police, they could be arrested. These result in instances of the police violence -- arresting, shoving, grabbing, and forcefully holding down people who are resisting arrest. Police violence was most rampant and visible during the camp's eviction. Police were using heavy violence through riot control tactics like kettling the big groups of protesters, eventually arresting a huge number of them. In a Youtube video published by MEMO, 'German police violently attack Gaza solidarity camp in Berlin', police were seen grabbing protesters' faces and limbs as they arrest them or attempt to pull them away from where they were standing or sitting. The police can be seen forcibly choking protesters, while also throwing punches, and kicking at them. Affected protesters reported to have suffered injuries -- scratches, bleeding from open wounds, broken bones etc.

USA

See also: List of pro-Palestinian protests on university campuses in the United States in 2024

The main demands of Pro-Palestinian camps in the USA were for universities to divest from Israeli military such that their universities no longer accept research funding from them. And calling for an academic boycott -- from ending academic partnerships with Israeli institutions and organizing for an association or union to support the boycott. These are part of the Boycott, Divestment and Sanctions (BDS) movement. The BDS movement has an extensive website listing how one can show their support.

Columbia, USA

Pro-Palestine encampment was started on April 17 2024, on Columbia University's South Lawn. The encampment demanded that the University divest from companies with ties to Israel, and to be transparent with its direct and indirect investments. [16] There were various tents set up, with many banners and posters stating the encampment's demands. The university quickly called the police in to clear the encampment. The New York Police Department arresting 108 individuals. This was said to be the largest case of arrests on campus since 1968.

The police were forcibly removing protesters with a lot of force. Officers were seen to be carrying batons and zip ties for tying the arrestees' hands together.

California, USA

Pro-Palestinian encampment was set up at the University of Southern California (USC). The encampment has been in the Alumni Park, on USC's campus for almost 2 weeks. The university call the Los Angeles police to disperse the camp, which ended in 93 people being arrested . More people and students returned soon after to resist the police's efforts to clear the encampment. The police reported no arrests while clearing the encampment for the second time.

The encampment at University of California, Los Angeles (UCLA), was met with more violent police brutality. It was reported that more than 200 people were arrested. With many people being heavily injured. A man was struck in the chest with a rubber bullet at one point.

Police brutality in Brazil

Brazil is consistently ranked as one of the most violent countries in the world due to record-breaking homicide numbers each year. [17] The issue is exacerbated by widespread and systemic police brutality, particularly against Black people from the poorest neighborhoods. [18] While there was a noticeable decline in police killings from 2020 to 2022 as a result of government reforms, Brazil's police forces are still responsible for a significant proportion of killings annually. [18] [19] This violence is often justified by authorities as self-defense or part of the ongoing "war on drugs," yet it is frequently carried out with impunity. [20] Reports from human rights organizations have highlighted racism, corruption, a culture of excessive force and retaliation, and a lack of institutional police control mechanisms as key contributors to the persistence of police brutality in Brazil. [19] These structural issues stem from a long-standing system of aggressive social control that started in the colonial era, was reinforced during military dictatorships, and has carried on throughout the ongoing process of democratization in Brazil. [21]

One notable case that brought international attention to police brutality in Brazil occurred in 2020 in the Salgueiro favelas of Rio de Janeiro. João Pedro Matas Pinto, a 14-year-old Black teenager was shot and killed during a police raid that was targeted at suspected local drug traffickers. [22] João Pedro was at his aunt's house playing with his cousins when police stormed the building and opened fire. The teenager was shot in the abdomen by an assault rifle and sustained fatal injuries. [23] Building on the momentum of global Black Lives Matter protests following the murder of George Floyd by police officers in Minneapolis, widespread anti-police brutality protests were held across the country to call for justice and accountability. [24] Members of the public criticized the police for their reckless tactics and the systemic targeting of Black youth. [24] Despite public outrage, progress has been slow-moving, with many similar cases remaining unsolved. [25]

Causes

Ian Tomlinson after being pushed to the ground by police in London (2009). He collapsed and died soon after. Ian Tomlinson remonstrates with police.jpg
Ian Tomlinson after being pushed to the ground by police in London (2009). He collapsed and died soon after.
Protest against police brutality after the eviction of unemployed demonstrators occupying the Post Office in Vancouver, Canada, 1938 Citizens protest police terror.jpg
Protest against police brutality after the eviction of unemployed demonstrators occupying the Post Office in Vancouver, Canada, 1938

Hard on drugs campaigns

In nations with a reputation for having a high number of drug-related issues, including gang violence, drug trafficking, and overdose deaths, one common solution that government will enact is a collective campaign against drugs that spans the entirety of the state's establishment. Changes to address these issues encompass education, bureaucracy, and, most notably, law enforcement policy and tactics. Law enforcement agencies expand and receive more funding to attack drug problems in communities. Acceptance of harsher policing tactics grows as well, as an any means necessary philosophy develops within the law enforcement community and the militarization of local police forces. [26] However, many studies have concluded that these efforts are in vain, as the drug market has grown in such nations despite anti-drug policies. For example, in the United States, critics of the War on Drugs waged by the government have been very vocal about the ineffectiveness of the policy, citing an increase in drug-related crimes and overdoses since President Nixon first introduced this policy. [27]

A type of government failure that can result in the normalization of police brutality is a lack of accountability and repercussions for officers mistreating civilians. While it is currently commonplace for civilians to hold officers accountable by recording them, the actual responsibility of police oversight rests heavily on the criminal justice system of a given nation, as police represent the enforcement of the law. One method of increasing police accountability that has become more common is the employment of body cameras as a part of police uniforms. [28] However, the effectiveness of body cameras has been called into question due to the lack of transparency shown in police brutality cases where the footage is withheld from the public. In many cases of police brutality, the criminal justice system has no policy in place to condemn or prohibit police brutality. Certain nations have laws that permit lawful, violent treatment of civilians, like qualified immunity, which protects officers from being sued for their use of violence if their actions can be justified under the law. [29]

Police officers are legally permitted to use force. Jerome Herbert Skolnick writes in regards to dealing largely with disorderly elements of the society, "some people working in law enforcement may gradually develop an attitude or sense of authority over society, particularly under traditional reaction-based policing models; in some cases, the police believe that they are above the law." [30]

There are many reasons why police officers can sometimes be excessively aggressive. It is thought that psychopathy makes some officers more inclined to use excessive force than others. In one study, police psychologists surveyed officers who had used excessive force. The information obtained allowed the researchers to develop five unique types of officers, only one of which was similar to the bad apples stereotype. These include personality disorders; previous traumatic job-related experience; young, inexperienced, or authoritarian officers; officers who learn inappropriate patrol styles; and officers with personal problems.[ citation needed ] Schrivers categorized these groups and separated the group that was the most likely to use excessive force. [31] However, this "bad apple paradigm" is considered by some to be an "easy way out". A broad report commissioned by the Royal Canadian Mounted Police (RCMP) on the causes of misconduct in policing calls it "a simplistic explanation that permits the organization and senior management to blame corruption on individuals and individual faults – behavioural, psychological, background factors, and so on, rather than addressing systemic factors." [32] The report continues to discuss the systemic factors, which include:

The use of force by police officers is not kept in check in many jurisdictions by the issuance of a use of force continuum, [35] which describes levels of force considered appropriate in direct response to a suspect's behavior. This power is granted by the government, with few if any limits set out in statutory law as well as common law.

Violence used by police can be excessive despite being lawful, especially in the context of political repression. Police brutality is often used to refer to violence used by the police to achieve politically desirable ends (terrorism) and, therefore, when none should be used at all according to widely held values and cultural norms in the society (rather than to refer to excessive violence used where at least some may be considered justifiable).

Studies show that there are officers who believe the legal system they serve is failing and that they must pick up the slack. This is known as "vigilantism", where the officer-involved may think the suspect deserves more punishment than what they may have to serve under the court system. [36]

During high-speed pursuits of suspects, officers can become angry and filled with adrenaline, which can affect their judgment when they finally apprehend the suspect. The resulting loss of judgment and heightened emotional state can result in inappropriate use of force. The effect is colloquially known as "high-speed pursuit syndrome". [37]

Global prevalence

Australian police using an illegal pain hold on an activist at the University of Sydney in 2012 NSW police use illegal pain hold on activist at University of Sydney.JPG
Australian police using an illegal pain hold on an activist at the University of Sydney in 2012

Investigation

In England and Wales, an independent organization known as the Independent Police Complaints Commission (IPCC) investigates reports of police misconduct. They automatically investigate any deaths caused by or thought to be caused by, police action.

A similar body known as the Police Investigations and Review Commissioner (PIRC) operates in Scotland. In Northern Ireland, the Police Ombudsman for Northern Ireland has a similar role to that of the IPCC and PIRC.

In Africa, there exist two such bodies: one in South Africa and another one in Kenya known as the Independent Policing Oversight Authority.

In the United States, more police are wearing body cameras after the shooting of Michael Brown. The US Department of Justice has made a call to action for police departments across the nation to implement body cameras in their departments so that further investigation will be possible. [56]

Measurement

Police brutality is measured based on the accounts of people who have experienced or seen it, as well as the juries who are present for trials involving police brutality cases, as there is no objective method to quantify the use of excessive force for any particular situation.[ citation needed ]

In addition to this, police brutality may also be filmed by police body cameras, worn by police officers. Whereas body cams could be a tool against police brutality (by prevention, and by increasing accountability). However according to Harlan Yu, executive director from Upturn, for this to occur, it needs to be embedded in a broader change in culture and legal framework. In particular, the public's ability to access the body camera footage can be an issue. [57] [58] [59]

In 1985, only one out of five people thought that police brutality was a serious problem. Police brutality is relative to a situation: it depends on if the suspect is resisting. Out of the people who were surveyed about their account of police brutality in 2008, only about 12 percent felt as if they had been resisting. [60] Although the police force itself cannot be quantified, the opinion of brutality among various races, genders, and ages can. African Americans, women, and younger people are more likely to have negative opinions about the police than Caucasians, men, and middle-aged to elderly individuals. [61]

Independent oversight

Various community groups have criticized police brutality. These groups often stress the need for oversight by independent civilian review boards and other methods of ensuring accountability for police action.[ citation needed ]

Umbrella organizations and justice committees usually support those affected. Amnesty International is a non-governmental organization focused on human rights with over three million members and supporters around the world. The stated objective of the organization is "to conduct research and generate action to prevent and end grave abuses of human rights, and to demand justice for those whose rights have been violated".[ citation needed ]

Tools used by these groups include video recordings, which are sometimes broadcast using websites such as YouTube. [62]

Civilians have begun independent projects to monitor police activity to try to reduce violence and misconduct. These are often called "Cop Watch" programs. [63]

See also

US specific

Related Research Articles

<span class="mw-page-title-main">New York City Police Department</span> American municipal police force

The New York City Police Department (NYPD), officially the City of New York Police Department, is the primary law enforcement agency within New York City. Established on May 23, 1845, the NYPD is the largest, and one of the oldest, municipal police departments in the United States.

The blue wall of silence, also blue code and blue shield, are terms used to denote an informal code of silence among police officers in the United States not to report on a colleague's errors, misconduct, or crimes, especially as related to police brutality in the United States. If questioned about an incident of alleged misconduct involving another officer, while following the code, the officer being questioned would perjure themselves by feigning ignorance of another officer's wrongdoing.

Police misconduct is inappropriate conduct and illegal actions taken by police officers in connection with their official duties. Types of misconduct include among others: sexual offences, coerced false confession, intimidation, false arrest, false imprisonment, falsification of evidence, spoliation of evidence, police perjury, witness tampering, police brutality, police corruption, racial profiling, unwarranted surveillance, unwarranted searches, and unwarranted seizure of property.

<span class="mw-page-title-main">Copwatch</span> Activist network monitors law enforcement officers for misconduct, especially police brutality

Copwatch is a network of typically autonomous activist organizations, focused in local areas in the United States, Canada, and Europe, that observe and document police activity looking for signs of police misconduct and brutality. They believe that monitoring police activity on the streets is a way to prevent police brutality. They also propose theoretical and practical approaches to security and justice structures to replace the police. They criticize capitalism and see crime as a consequence of social problems that cannot be fought by surveillance and punishment.

<span class="mw-page-title-main">Law enforcement in the United States</span> Major component of the American criminal justice system

As of 2024, more than 1,280,000 sworn law enforcement officers are serving in the United States. About 137,000 of those officers work for federal law enforcement agencies.

<span class="mw-page-title-main">Columbus Division of Police</span> Law enforcement agency in Columbus, Ohio

The Columbus Division of Police (CPD) is the primary law enforcement agency for the city of Columbus, Ohio, in the United States. It is the largest police department in Ohio, and among the twenty-five largest in the United States. It is composed of twenty precincts and numerous other investigative and support units. Chief Elaine Bryant assumed leadership of the Division in 2021. Special units of the Columbus Division of Police include a Helicopter Unit, Canine Unit, Mounted Unit, Community Response Teams, Marine Park Unit, and Special Weapons and Tactics Team (SWAT).

Police accountability involves holding both individual police officers, as well as law enforcement agencies responsible for effectively delivering basic services of crime control and maintaining order, while treating individuals fairly and within the bounds of law. Police are expected to uphold laws, regarding due process, search and seizure, arrests, discrimination, as well as other laws relating to equal employment, sexual harassment, etc. Holding police accountable is important for maintaining the public's "faith in the system". Research has shown that the public prefers independent review of complaints against law enforcement, rather than relying on police departments to conduct internal investigations. Public perception of police accountability can be partisan. Electoral accountability can improve police accountability of asset forfeiture.

<span class="mw-page-title-main">Albuquerque Police Department</span> Municipal police in New Mexico, U.S.

The Albuquerque Police Department (APD) is the municipal law enforcement agency of Albuquerque, New Mexico. It is the largest police force in the state, with approximately 1,000 sworn officers in 2022.

<span class="mw-page-title-main">Ferguson Police Department</span> Law enforcement agency of the city of Ferguson, Missouri, United States

The Ferguson Police Department (FPD) is a law enforcement agency serving Ferguson, Missouri.

<span class="mw-page-title-main">Police brutality in the United States</span> Use of excessive force by a police officer

Police brutality is the use of excessive or unwarranted force by law enforcement against civilians. Police brutality involves physical or psychological harm to a person and can involve beatings, killing, intimidation tactics, racist abuse, and torture.

<span class="mw-page-title-main">Occupy Oakland</span> Protest group against economic inequality

Occupy Oakland refers to a collaboration and series of demonstrations in Oakland, California, that started in October 2011. As part of the Occupy movement, protesters have staged occupations, most notably at Frank H. Ogawa Plaza in front of Oakland City Hall.

<span class="mw-page-title-main">Police reform in the United States</span> Ongoing political movement in the United States concerning law enforcement

Police reform in the United States is an ongoing political movement that seeks to reform systems of law enforcement throughout the United States. Many goals of the police reform movement center on police accountability. Specific goals may include: lowering the criminal intent standard, limiting or abolishing qualified immunity for law enforcement officers, sensitivity training, conflict prevention and mediation training, updating legal frameworks, and granting administrative subpoena power to the U.S. Department of Justice for "pattern or practice" investigations into police misconduct and police brutality.

The Ferguson effect is an increase in violent crime rates in a community caused by reduced proactive policing due to the community's distrust and hostility towards police. The Ferguson effect was first proposed after police saw an increase in violence following the 2014 shooting of Michael Brown in Ferguson, Missouri. The term was coined by Doyle Sam Dotson III, the chief of the St. Louis police, to account for an increased murder rate in some U.S. cities following the Ferguson unrest. Whether the Ferguson effect really exists is subject of discussions with many published studies reporting contradicting findings concerning whether there is a change in crime rates, number of 911 calls, homicides, and proactive policing. Furthermore, the effect and influence of the portrayal of police brutality in the media is also contested.

Campaign Zero is an American police reform campaign launched on August 21, 2015. The plan consists of ten proposals, all of which are aimed at reducing police violence. The campaign's planning team includes Brittany Packnett, Samuel Sinyangwe, DeRay Mckesson, and Johnetta Elzie. The activists who produced the proposals did so in response to critics who asked them to make specific policy proposals. Subsequent critics of Campaign Zero and of their 8 Can't Wait project point out that some of the policies it recommends are already in place as best practice policies at many police departments. Some of these include the Milwaukee policing survey and the PRIDE act. However, a 2016 study by Campaign Zero found that only three of the eight policy recommendations were adopted by the average police department and that no law enforcement agency had adopted all eight.

Police brutality is defined as the use of excessive force by law enforcement personnel while performing their official duties in an abusive and unjustified manner. Police brutality can also include psychological harm through the use of intimidation tactics beyond the scope of officially sanctioned police procedure.

<span class="mw-page-title-main">Police body camera</span> Wearable recording system

In policing equipment, a police body camera or wearable camera, also known as body worn video (BWV), body-worn camera (BWC), or body camera, is a wearable audio, video, or photographic recording system used by police to record events in which law enforcement officers are involved, from the perspective of the officer wearing it. They are typically worn on the torso of the body, pinned on the officer's uniform, on a pair of sunglasses, a shoulder lapel, or a hat. Police body cameras are often similar to body cameras used by civilians, firefighters, or the military, but are designed to address specific requirements related to law enforcement. Body cameras are used by law enforcement to record public interactions and gather video evidence at crime scenes. Current body cameras are much lighter and smaller than the first experiments with wearable cameras in the late 1990s. There are several types of body cameras made by different manufacturers. Each camera serves the same purpose, yet some function in slightly different ways or have to be worn in a specific way. Police in the United Kingdom first began wearing body cameras in 2005, which have since been adopted by numerous police departments and forces worldwide.

<span class="mw-page-title-main">George Floyd Justice in Policing Act</span> Bill in the United States Congress

The George Floyd Justice in Policing Act of 2021 was a policing reform bill drafted by Democrats in the United States Congress. The legislation was introduced in the United States House of Representatives on February 24, 2021. The legislation aims to combat police misconduct, excessive force, and racial bias in policing.

Notable cases of police brutality have occurred in various countries.

<span class="mw-page-title-main">2024 University of California, Los Angeles pro-Palestinian campus occupation</span> 2024 occupation protest in Los Angeles, California

On April 25, 2024, a student protest began at the University of California, Los Angeles (UCLA) to protest the administration's investments in Israel. The occupation, self-titled as the 'Palestine Solidarity Encampment', was a part of pro-Palestine protests on university campuses campaigning for divestment from Israel. The encampment was attacked multiple times by counter protestors, leading to clashes. On May 2, the Los Angeles Police Department (LAPD) raided and dismantled the encampment, arresting the protestors and ending the occupation.

References

  1. ↑ Gale (2023). "Police Brutality".
  2. ↑ "Understanding Five Different Types of Police Brutality - Rhonda Hill Blog - Criminal Law". criminallaw.com. Archived from the original on 17 November 2022. Retrieved 1 May 2022.
  3. ↑ Emesowum, Benedict (5 December 2016). "Identifying Cities or Countries at Risk for Police Violence". Journal of African American Studies. 21 (2): 269–281. doi:10.1007/s12111-016-9335-3. ISSN   1559-1646. S2CID   151639366.
  4. ↑ "Introduction: Policing and State Power", Violence Work, Duke University Press, pp. 1–23, 24 August 2018, doi:10.1215/9781478002024-001, ISBN   978-1-4780-0202-4 , retrieved 29 July 2024
  5. 1 2 Brucato, Ben (2020). "Policing Race and Racing Police: The Origin of US Police in Slave Patrols". Social Justice. 47 (3/4): 115–136. ProQuest   2564585706 – via ProQuest.
  6. ↑ "More Police Brutality". The Puppet-Show. Vol. 2, no. 27. 9 September 1848. p. 14. Archived from the original on 9 February 2023. Retrieved 29 January 2021.
  7. ↑ "Police Brutality: A Prisoner was shamefully beaten by Officers, he was Kicked and Pounded in a Cell ---Probably Fatally Injured". Chicago Daily Tribune. 12 October 1872.
  8. ↑ Powers, Mary D. (1995). "Civilian Oversight Is Necessary to Prevent Police Brutality". In Winters, Paul A. (ed.). Policing the Police. San Diego: Greenhaven Press. pp. 56–60. ISBN   978-1-56510-262-0.
  9. ↑ Locke, Hubert G. (1966–1967). "Police Brutality and Civilian Review Boards: A Second Look". Hein Journals. 44. J. Urb. L.: 625. Archived from the original on 11 July 2011. Retrieved 4 May 2010.
  10. ↑ "A History of Protest of U.S. Police Brutality". Bloomberg. 9 June 2020. Archived from the original on 11 May 2022. Retrieved 10 January 2023– via bloomberg.com.
  11. ↑ "English riots were 'a sort of revenge' against the police". The Guardian. 5 December 2011. Archived from the original on 10 January 2023. Retrieved 10 January 2023.
  12. ↑ "Athens protest against police brutality turns violent". 9 March 2021. Archived from the original on 10 January 2023. Retrieved 10 January 2023.
  13. ↑ Alkousaa, Riham (26 April 2024). "Berlin police clear pro-Palestinian camp from parliament lawn". Reuters. Retrieved 8 July 2024.
  14. ↑ Moore, Matthew (26 April 2024). "Germany: Berlin police clear pro-Palestinian protest camp". Deutsche Welle. Retrieved 8 July 2024.
  15. ↑ "Berlin bans Palestinian keffiyeh scarves in schools". Middle East Monitor (MEMO). 13 October 2023. Retrieved 8 July 2024.
  16. ↑ Huddleston, Sarah; Stahl, Maya (1 June 2024). "Pro-Palestinian protesters repitch encampment on South Lawn during annual alumni reunion". Columbia Spectator. Retrieved 9 July 2024.
  17. ↑ "Murder rate by country 2023". Statista. Retrieved 12 August 2024.
  18. 1 2 cycles, This text provides general information Statista assumes no liability for the information given being complete or correct Due to varying update; Text, Statistics Can Display More up-to-Date Data Than Referenced in the. "Topic: Police violence in Brazil". Statista. Retrieved 12 August 2024.
  19. 1 2 ""They Promised to Kill 30"". Human Rights Watch. 7 November 2023.
  20. ↑ Briso, Caio Barretto (18 May 2020). "'Instead of doctors, they send police to kill us': locked-down Rio faces deadly raids". The Guardian. ISSN   0261-3077 . Retrieved 12 August 2024.
  21. ↑ Costa, Arthur Trindade Maranhão; Thompson, Timothy (2011). "Police Brutality in Brazil: Authoritarian Legacy or Institutional Weakness?". Latin American Perspectives. 38 (5): 19–32. doi:10.1177/0094582X10391631. ISSN   0094-582X. JSTOR   23060118.
  22. ↑ independent, Associated Press The Associated Press is an; City, not-for-profit news cooperative headquartered in New York (18 June 2020). "A teen's killing stirs Black Lives Matter protests in Brazil". Los Angeles Times. Retrieved 12 August 2024.
  23. ↑ Phillips, Tom (3 June 2020). "Black lives shattered: outrage as boy, 14, is Brazil police's latest victim". The Guardian. ISSN   0261-3077 . Retrieved 12 August 2024.
  24. 1 2 "Brazil's racial reckoning: 'Black lives matter here, too'". 24 July 2020. Retrieved 12 August 2024.
  25. ↑ Ramos, Paulo César; Völker, Siri (2020). Police Violence Against Black People Is on the Rise in Brazil (Report). German Institute of Global and Area Studies (GIGA).
  26. ↑ "Archived copy". cato.org. Archived from the original on 9 February 2023. Retrieved 17 May 2022.{{cite web}}: CS1 maint: archived copy as title (link)
  27. ↑ Cooper, Hannah LF (2015). "War on Drugs Policing and Police Brutality". Substance Use & Misuse. 50 (8–9): 1188–1194. doi:10.3109/10826084.2015.1007669. ISSN   1082-6084. PMC   4800748 . PMID   25775311.
  28. ↑ Zepcam. "Growing Number of European Police Forces use Bodycam" (Press release). PR Newswire. Archived from the original on 19 May 2022. Retrieved 19 May 2022.
  29. ↑ "Qualified Immunity". Equal Justice Initiative. Archived from the original on 9 February 2023. Retrieved 19 May 2022.
  30. ↑ Skolnick, Jerome H.; Fyfe, James D. (1995). "Community-Oriented Policing Would Prevent Police Brutality". In Winters, Paul A. (ed.). Policing the Police. San Diego: Greenhaven Press. pp. 45–55. ISBN   978-1-56510-262-0.
  31. ↑ Scrivner, 1994: 3–6
  32. 1 2 3 Loree, Don (2006). "Corruption in Policing: Causes and Consequences; A Review of the Literature" (PDF). Research and Evaluation Community, Contract and Aboriginal Policing Services Directorate. Royal Canadian Mounted Police. Archived (PDF) from the original on 10 September 2011. Retrieved 1 September 2007.
  33. ↑ Skolnick, Jerome H. (2002). "Corruption and the Blue Code of Silence". Police Practice and Research. 3 (1): 7. doi:10.1080/15614260290011309. S2CID   144512106.
  34. ↑ Owens, Katherine M. B.; Pfeifer, Jeffrey (2002). "Police Leadership and Ethics: Training and Police Recommendations". The Canadian Journal of Police and Security Services. 1 (2): 7.
  35. ↑ Stetser, Merle (2001). The Use of Force in Police Control of Violence: Incidents Resulting in Assaults on Officers. New York: LFB Scholarly Publishing L.L.C. ISBN   978-1-931202-08-4.
  36. ↑ Chevigny, P. (2008). "Police Brutality", In Encyclopedia of Violence, Peace and Conflict. Oxford: Elsevier Science and Technology, 2008.
  37. ↑ Kevin Mullen (5 April 1996). "The high-speed chase syndrome". San Francisco Chronicle. Archived from the original on 9 February 2023. Retrieved 12 November 2011.
  38. ↑ "Amnesty International Report 2007". Amnesty International. 2007. Archived from the original on 7 August 2007. Retrieved 8 August 2007.
  39. ↑ Walker, Peter (17 September 2012). "Ian Tomlinson case: PC Simon Harwood sacked for gross misconduct". The Guardian. Archived from the original on 22 December 2019. Retrieved 6 August 2013.
  40. ↑ "Dispatch Online - Your premier Eastern Cape news site". Archived from the original on 9 January 2009. Retrieved 20 May 2022.
  41. ↑ "Policija brutalno tukla i devojke". B92.net. 7 June 2010. Archived from the original on 4 October 2015. Retrieved 2 October 2015.
  42. ↑ "Blic Online – Policija nas tukla bez razloga". Blic. 7 July 2010. Archived from the original on 3 October 2015. Retrieved 2 October 2015.
  43. ↑ "Dačić: Policija nije tu da bije". B92.net. 7 July 2010. Archived from the original on 24 September 2015. Retrieved 2 October 2015.
  44. ↑ "Police question forensic experts". The Hindu . Chennai, India. 4 October 2005. Archived from the original on 10 November 2012.
  45. ↑ "Sampath case: 4 police officers to turn approvers". The Hindu . Chennai, India. 17 May 2011. Archived from the original on 21 May 2011.
  46. ↑ Spanish police clash with protesters over clean-up Archived 24 February 2017 at the Wayback Machine – The Guardian
  47. ↑ Los Mossos d'Esquadra desalojan a palos la Plaza de Catalunya Archived 3 December 2011 at the Wayback Machine – Público (in Spanish)
  48. ↑ Indignats – Desallotjament de la Plaça Catalunya on YouTube
  49. ↑ Spanish riot police clash in Madrid with anti-austerity protesters Archived 19 March 2017 at the Wayback Machine – The Guardian
  50. ↑ Los periodistas, detenidos y golpeados al cubrir las manifestaciones del 15-M Archived 4 November 2011 at the Wayback Machine – El Mundo (in Spanish)
  51. ↑ Doce policías para detener a un periodista Archived 7 November 2011 at the Wayback Machine – Público (in Spanish)
  52. ↑ Gorka Ramos: "Me tiraron al suelo, me patearon y luego me detuvieron" Archived 12 May 2013 at the Wayback Machine – Lainformación (in Spanish)
  53. ↑ La policía detiene al periodista Gorka Ramos Archived 5 November 2011 at the Wayback Machine – El País (in Spanish)
  54. ↑ Spanish police officer slaps girl during Pope protests – The Telegraph
  55. ↑ La policía golpea a un fotógrafo y a una joven Archived 9 December 2011 at the Wayback Machine – Público (in Spanish)
  56. ↑ "Investigation of the Ferguson Police Department". 2015.
  57. ↑ Matsakis, Louise. "Body Cameras Haven't Stopped Police Brutality. Here's Why". Wired. Archived from the original on 24 April 2021. Retrieved 19 April 2021.
  58. ↑ Lee, Andrew (13 October 2020). "Why Police Body Cameras Haven't Stopped Police Brutality". Progressive.org. Archived from the original on 9 February 2023. Retrieved 22 April 2021.
  59. ↑ Poor, William (31 August 2020). "Police body cameras don't tell the whole story. This experiment shows it". The Verge. Archived from the original on 19 April 2021. Retrieved 19 April 2021.
  60. ↑ Bureau of Justice Statistics. "Use of Force". Bureau of Justice Statistics. Office of Justice Programs. Archived from the original on 20 November 2014. Retrieved 15 November 2014.
  61. ↑ Jefferis, Eric; Butcher, Fredrick; Hanley, Dena (2012). "Measuring perceptions of police use of force". Police Practice and Research. 13 (6): 81–96.
  62. ↑ Veiga, Alex (11 November 2006). "YouTube.com prompts police beating probe". Associated Press. Archived from the original on 30 November 2006. Retrieved 12 November 2006.
  63. ↑ Krupanski, Marc (7 March 2012). "Policing the Police: Civilian Video Monitoring of Police Activity". The Global Journal . Archived from the original on 11 March 2012. Retrieved 13 March 2012.

Further reading

This page is based on this Wikipedia article
Text is available under the CC BY-SA 4.0 license; additional terms may apply.
Images, videos and audio are available under their respective licenses.