The examples and perspective in this article deal primarily with Nigeria and do not represent a worldwide view of the subject.(May 2022) |
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Anti-Fulani sentiment is the hostility that exists towards Fulani people in Nigeria, Mali and other West African nations and the discrimination that they are subjected to as a result of it. The Fulani are a semi-nomadic ethnic group that is dispersed across several West African countries. Fulani people represent 25% of Nigeria's population. [1]
Fulani people have been accused of supporting Islamic terrorist groups such as Boko Haram even though they themselves are often victims of terrorist attacks. [2] These accusations have emboldened various ethnonationalist groups in Nigeria, such as the Igbo nationalist group Indigenous People of Biafra, which attempts to spread anti-Fulani rhetoric. [3] Alleged support for Islamist Terrorism was the main motive for the Ogossagou massacre in Mali by Dogon militias.
The Herder–farmer conflicts in Nigeria are a series of disputes between Fulani cattle herders and non-Fulani farmers over land, sometimes resulting in violence. The competition with Fulani herders has fueled anti-Fulani sentiment in Nigeria from politicians and news outlets. [2] In response to this conflict, some states in Nigeria have proposed or enacted laws to discourage Fulani herders from bringing their cattle for grazing. These laws have been accused of being discriminatory towards the Fulani people without solving the problem. [4] The Fulani advocacy group Tabital Pulaaku International has accused Adamawa senator Binos Dauda Yaroe of hate speech after he blamed Fulani pastoralists for armed kidnappings in Nigeria. [5]
The Herder-farmer conflicts have led to ethnically motivated killings against Fulani. On 1 February 2018, 7 Fulani men in Gboko, Benue State, Nigeria who were not accused of any wrongdoing were lynched by an angry mob after being kidnapped from a public transportation vehicle. [6] After the attacks on Berom farming villages in Plateau State of 23–24 June 2018, Berom youths in Plateau State blocked highways and lynched an unknown number of suspected Fulani people. [6] An angry mob in Edo State lynched five alleged Fulani herders who were carrying firearms. [7]
Leaders in Nigeria's southern and Middle Belt regions have expressed opposition to plans from the federal government to establish a Fulani-language radio station, claiming it would promote genocidal propaganda against non-Fulanis, making comparisons to the Rwandan genocide. [8]
In 2016, in response to a rise in conflicts with Fulani herders, the hashtag #fulaniherdsmen trended among Nigerian social media users, accompanied and fueled by anti-Fulani rhetoric. [9] Online media and fake news have depicted Fulani herders as bloodthirsty murderers or terrorists, further inciting anti-Fulani sentiment. [10] Nigerian Catholic bishop Matthew Hassan Kukah has called for an end to online "hate speech" towards Fulani herders. [11]
The Fula, Fulani, or Fulɓe people are an ethnic group in Sahara, Sahel and West Africa, widely dispersed across the region. Inhabiting many countries, they live mainly in West Africa and northern parts of Central Africa, South Sudan, Darfur, and regions near the Red Sea coast in Sudan. The approximate number of Fula people is unknown, due to clashing definitions regarding Fula ethnicity. Various estimates put the figure between 25 and 40 million people worldwide.
The 2010 Jos riots were clashes between Muslim and Christian ethnic groups in central Nigeria in and near the city of Jos. The first spate of violence of 2010 started on 17 January in Jos and spread to surrounding communities. Houses, churches, mosques and vehicles were set ablaze, during at least four days of fighting. At least 326 people, and possibly more than a thousand, were killed.
Religious violence in Nigeria refers to Christian-Muslim strife in modern Nigeria, which can be traced back to 1953. Today, religious violence in Nigeria is dominated by the Boko Haram insurgency, which aims to establish an Islamic state in Nigeria. Since the turn of the 21st century, 62,000 Nigerian Christians have been killed by the terrorist group Boko Haram, Fulani herdsmen and other groups. The killings have been referred to as a silent genocide.
Fulani herdsmen or Fulani pastoralists are nomadic or semi-nomadic Fulani people whose primary occupation is raising livestock. The Fulani herdsmen are largely located in the Sahel and semi-arid parts of West Africa, but due to relatively recent changes in climate patterns, many herdsmen have moved further south into the savannah and tropical forest belt of West Africa. The herdsmen are found in countries such as Nigeria, Niger, Senegal, Guinea, Mauritania, Mali, Burkina Faso, Ghana, Benin, Côte d'Ivoire, and Cameroon. In Senegal, they inhabit northeastern Ferlo and the southeastern part of the country. In some of these countries the Fula constitute a minority group. They inhabit Northern Nigeria and some parts of the country.
Communal conflicts in Nigeria can be divided into two broad categories:
Herder–farmer conflicts in Nigeria are a series of disputes over arable land resources across Nigeria between the mostly-Muslim Fulani herders and the mostly-Christian non-Fulani farmers. The conflicts have been especially prominent in the Middle Belt since the return of democracy in 1999. More recently, they have deteriorated into attacks on farmers by Fulani herdsmen.
Miyetti Allah Cattle Breeders Association of Nigeria is a loose partisan advocacy group centered on promoting the welfare of Fulani pastoralists in Nigeria. The organization was founded in the early 1970s with headquarters in Kaduna. It became legally operational in 1979 and gained wider acceptance as an advocacy group in 1987.
Ethnic conflicts involving the Fulani people occur in West Africa, primarily in Nigeria, but also in Mali, Cameroon, the Democratic Republic of Congo, and the Central African Republic, due to conflicts over land and culture. The death count for each attack is small, although the cumulative death count is in the thousands.
On March 23, 2019, several attacks by gunmen killed a reported 160 Fulani herders in central Mali. The violence came in the aftermath of the Malian government cracking down on Islamic terror cells in the country. Two villages, Ogossagou and Welingara, were particularly affected.
On 10 June 2019, the Dogon village of Sobane Da in Mali was attacked. Moulaye Guindo, mayor of neighbouring Bankass, blamed a Fulani militia group. The attack killed 35 people, revised from an earlier claim of 95 killed with 19 missing. A survivor said the attackers numbered about 50, driving motorbikes and pickup trucks. The government of Mali has suspected that terrorists have committed the attack.
The Ruga policy is a Nigerian policy intended to reduce herder–farmer conflicts in Nigeria. Introduced by the Buhari presidency, it is aimed at resolving the conflict between nomadic Fulani herdsmen and sedentary farmers. The policy, which is currently suspended, would "create reserved communities where herders will live, grow and tend their cattle, produce milk and undertake other activities associated with the cattle business without having to move around in search of grazing land for their cows."
The Fulani refers to an ethnic group, the Fulani, whose neighboring farmers are against them in various ethnicities. Nigeria is considered a “melting pot” of different cultural and ethnic groups. Ethnic identification in the country is a complicated amalgamation of primordial and constructivist approaches.
Nomadic conflict, also called farmer–herder conflict, is a type of environmental conflict where farming and herding communities overlap and has been used to refer to fighting among herding communities or fighting between herding and farming communities. This is sometimes referred to as conflict involving “pastoralists” or “nomadic” people and “agriculturalists” or “settled” people. The conflicts usually arise from destruction of crops by livestock and is exacerbated during times when water and lands to graze are scarce.
The 2021 Nasarawa massacre was an attack by Fulani herdsmen gunmen on Tiv civilians that occurred on December 20, 2021, in the state of Nasarawa, Nigeria. The herdsmen killed approximately 52 people according to eyewitnesses in 12 different villages, although the death toll was initially put at least 20 by the Tiv Development Association.
CONAECDA is an organization that serves as a coalition of indigenous ethnic communities in central and northern Nigeria. CONAECDA works in diverse areas such as language development, community development, and indigenous land rights. It represents a few hundred indigenous groups that are spread across 15 Nigerian states.
The 2023 Nigerian Senate elections in Adamawa State will be held on 25 February 2023, to elect the 3 federal Senators from Adamawa State, one from each of the state's three senatorial districts. The elections will coincide with the 2023 presidential election, as well as other elections to the Senate and elections to the House of Representatives; with state elections being held two weeks later. Primaries were held between 4 April and 9 June 2022.
The majority of herders in African countries are livestock owners. Livestock farming is a part of Nigeria's agriculture system. In 2017, Nigeria had approximately over 80 million poultry farming, 76 million goats, 43.4 million sheep, 18.4 million cattle, 7.5 million pigs, and 1.4 million of its equivalent. Livestock farming is about 5% of Nigeria's gross domestic product and 17% of its agricultural gross domestic product.
On January 3, 2020, suspected Fulani militants attacked the town of Tawari, Kogi State, Nigeria, killing twenty-nine people.
The Ƴan-Sakai are a vigilante group active in northwest of Nigeria. The group contains mostly Hausa farmers, and was created by the local people to protect themselves against bandits.