Anti-Pakistan sentiment

Last updated

Anti-Pakistan sentiment, also known as Pakistan-phobia, Pakophobia or Pakistanophobia, [1] [2] [3] [4] refers to hatred, fear, hostility or irrational fixation toward Pakistan, Pakistanis and Pakistani culture. The opposite is pro-Pakistan sentiment.

Contents

Results of 2017 BBC World Service poll.
Views of Pakistan's influence by country [5]
Sorted by Pos-Neg
Country polledPositiveNegativeNeutralPos-Neg
Flag of India.svg  India
5%
85%
10%
-80
Flag of Brazil.svg  Brazil
5%
81%
14%
-76
Flag of France.svg  France
16%
72%
12%
-56
Flag of the United States.svg  United States
14%
71%
15%
-57
Flag of Canada (Pantone).svg  Canada
14%
67%
19%
-53
Flag of Mexico.svg  Mexico
10%
65%
25%
-55
Flag of Australia (converted).svg  Australia
18%
63%
19%
-45
Flag of Nigeria.svg  Nigeria
19%
62%
19%
-43
Flag of the United Kingdom.svg  United Kingdom
28%
62%
10%
-34
Flag of Spain.svg  Spain
5%
59%
36%
-54
Flag of Peru.svg  Peru
9%
59%
32%
-50
Flag of Greece.svg  Greece
4%
58%
38%
-54
Flag of Germany.svg  Germany
1%
47%
52%
-46
Flag of Russia.svg  Russia
10%
40%
50%
-30
Flag of Kenya.svg  Kenya
36%
35%
29%
+1
Flag of the People's Republic of China.svg  China
47%
44%
9%
+3
Flag of Indonesia.svg  Indonesia
48%
12%
40%
+36
Flag of Turkey.svg  Turkey
58%
9%
33%
+49

India

Ideological

The Indian state officially rejects the validity of the Two Nation Theory, the notion that Indian Muslims are a distinct 'nation' and needed an independent homeland in South Asia. [6] [7] [8] [9] [10] [11] [12] Both Indian nationalist and Hindu nationalist historiography reject the Two Nation Theory, and thus Pakistan, for their own reasons.

Congress critiques

Indian nationalists led by Mahatma Gandhi and Jawaharlal Nehru wanted to make what was then British-ruled India, as well as the 562 princely states under British paramountcy, into a single secular, democratic state. [13] The All India Azad Muslim Conference, which represented nationalist Muslims, gathered in Delhi in April 1940 to voice its support for an independent and united India. [14] The colonial authorities, however, sidelined this nationalist Muslim organization and came to see Jinnah, who advocated separatism, as the sole representative of Indian Muslims. [15] This was viewed with dismay by many Indian nationalists, who viewed Jinnah's ideology as damaging and unnecessarily divisive. [16]

In an interview with Leonard Mosley, Nehru said that he and his fellow Congressmen were "tired" after the independence movement, so weren't ready to further drag on the matter for years with Jinnah's Muslim League, and that, anyway, they "expected that partition would be temporary, that Pakistan would come back to us." [17] Gandhi also thought that the Partition would be undone. [18] The All India Congress Committee, in a resolution adopted on 14 June 1947, openly stated that "geography and the mountains and the seas fashioned India as she is, and no human agency can change that shape or come in the way of its final destiny… at when present passions have subsided, India’s problems will be viewed in their proper perspective and the false doctrine of two nations will be discredited and discarded by all." [19]

V.P. Menon, who had an important role in the transfer of power in 1947, quotes another major Congress politician, Abul Kalam Azad, who said that "the division is only of the map of the country and not in the hearts of the people, and I am sure it is going to be a short-lived partition." [20] Acharya Kripalani, President of the Congress during the days of Partition, stated that making India "a strong, happy, democratic and socialist state" would ensure that "such an India can win back the seceding children to its lap... for the freedom we have achieved cannot be complete without the unity of India." [21] Yet another leader of the Congress, Sarojini Naidu, said that she did not consider India's flag to be India's because "India is divided" and that "this is merely a temporary geographical separation. There is no spirit of separation in the heart of India." [22]

Giving a more general assessment, Paul Brass says that "many speakers in the Constituent Assembly expressed the belief that the unity of India would be ultimately restored." [23]

Hindu nationalist critiques

Hindu nationalists in India support the idea of Akhand Bharat, 'undivided India', and consider the partition of India an illegitimate act. Already in early June 1947 the All India Committee of the Hindu Mahasabha issued a resolution, where it stated that "[t]his Committee deeply deplores that the Indian National Congress, after having given solemn assurance to the Hindu electorates that it stood by the unity of India and would oppose the disintegration of India, has betrayed the country by agreeing to the partition of India without a referendum. The Committee declares that Hindus are not bound by this commitment of Congress. It reiterates that India is one and indivisible and that there will never be peace unless and until the separated areas are brought back into the Indian Union and made integral parts thereof." [24]

As per journalist Eric Margolis, "to Hindu nationalists, even the continued existence of Pakistan constitutes a threat to the Indian union, as well as a painful affront to their sense of national importance and a galling reminder of their hated historical enemy, the Muslim Mogul Empire." [25] The Bharatiya Jana Sangh (BJS), a direct precedent of the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP), the current ruling party which came out of its split, during the 50s and 60s, considered "the ultimate aim of Indian foreign policy in the region to be the reassimilation of Pakistan into an undivided India ('Bharath')." [26] During the demolition of the Babri Masjid, Hindu nationalist elements who participated to its destruction were heard with the slogan "Babur ki santan, jao Pakistan ya Qabristan! (Descendants of Babur, go to Pakistan or the graveyard!)", thus considering Pakistan, as a modern-State, a continuation of what they consider to be Islamic imperialism in the region. [27]

M. S. Golwalkar, who was the leader of the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS) and thus one of the most important Hindu nationalist voices, also saw Pakistan as continuing "Islamic aggression" against Hindus: "The naked fact remains that an aggressive Muslim State has been carved out of our own motherland. From the day the so-called Pakistan came into being, we in Sangh have been declaring that it is a clear case of continued Muslim aggression (...) we of the Sangh have been, in fact, hammering this historical truth for the last so many years. Some time ago, the noted world historian Prof. Arnold Toynbee, came forward to confirm it. He visited our country twice, studied our national development at close quarters, and wrote an article setting forth the correct historical perspective of Partition. Therein he has unequivocally stated that the creation of Pakistan is the first successful step of the Muslims in this 20th century to realise their twelve-hundred-year-old dream of complete subjugation of this country." [28]

On the more popular level, there have been many anti-Pakistan rallies involving the burning or desecration of Pakistani flags. [29]

Sports

In February 2011, the Shiv Sena stated that it would not allow Pakistan to play any 2011 Cricket World Cup matches in Mumbai. [30] Pakistan Hockey Federation also feared of sending the national hockey of Pakistan because of anti-Pakistani sentiment in India. [31] The state of Maharashtra, where Shiv Sena is prominent, has been deemed an unsafe venue for hosting visiting Pakistani teams. [32] Shiv Sena has periodically disrupted cricketing occasions involving the two countries. In 1999, it tampered the pitch at Feroz Shah Kotla Ground to stop a match between the two sides, while during the 2006 Champions Trophy it made threats against hosting Pakistan's matches in Jaipur and Mohali. [33] Post-2008, it has frequently threatened against the resumption of a bilateral Indo-Pakistani cricket series. In October 2015, Shiv Sena activists barged into the headquarters of the Board of Control for Cricket in India (BCCI) in Mumbai, chanting anti-Pakistan slogans and stopping a scheduled meeting between BCCI president Shashank Manohar and the Pakistan Cricket Board's Shahryar Khan and Najam Sethi. [33] In the 2023 Cricket World Cup, Pakistan Cricket Fans and media personnel were barred from attending the group stage match between the two nations. [34]

Media

Several major Bollywood films have depicted Pakistan in a hostile manner by portraying Pakistanis and the state as a hostile enemy. [35] Other Bollywood movies, however, have been highly popular in Pakistan and India's Bollywood movie star. Although Bollywood films were banned for 40 years prior to 2008 because Indian culture was officially viewed as being "vulgar", there had been an active black market during the period and little was done to disrupt it. [36]

In 2012, Raj Thackeray and his party Maharashtra Navnirman Sena (MNS) told Indian singer Asha Bhosle not to co-judge in Sur Kshetra , a musical reality show aired on a local television channel that featured Pakistani artists alongside Indians. The MNS threatened to disrupt the shoot among other consequences if the channel went on to air the show. However, amid tight security in a hotel conference, Bhosle played down the threat, saying she only understood the language of music and did not understand politics. [37] In the past, Shiv Sena has disrupted concerts by Pakistani artists in India. [33] In October 2015, Shiv Sena activists assaulted Indian journalist Sudheendra Kulkarni and blackened his face with ink; Kulkarni was due to host a launch event for former Pakistani foreign affairs minister Khurshid Mahmud Kasuri's book in Mumbai. [33] The Shiv Sena have also blocked the screening or promotion of Pakistani films in Indian cinemas, or Indian films starring Pakistani actors, as well as threatening Pakistani artists in Maharashtra. [38] [39] [40]

According to one Indian minister, Kiren Rijiju, much of the obsession with Pakistan is limited to North India due to historical and cultural reasons. [41]

More recently following the Uri attack in 2016, due to which tensions escalated between India and Pakistan, anti-Pakistan sentiments became more pronounced; the Indian Motion Picture Producers' Association voted to ban Pakistani artists from working in Bollywood. [42]

Bangladesh

The relationship between Bangladesh and Pakistan is poor as a result of the 1971 Bangladesh genocide inflicted by the Pakistan Army during the Bangladesh liberation War. Due to political, economic, linguistic and ethnic discrimination by the Pakistani state before independence in 1971, some people in Bangladesh had anti-Pakistan sentiment. [43] The Government of Bangladesh demands a formal apology for those atrocities from the Government of Pakistan, as well as putting on trial former military and political leaders who had played a role in the 1971 genocide. Pakistan has continued to ignore this demand. [44] And has stood in solidarity with convicted war criminals [45]

However, many other sources including Bengali/Bangladeshi sources [46] have challenged the Bangladeshi narrative of the war, such as the alleged genocidal acts by the Pakistani armed forces including mass rape. [47]

Pakistani writers meanwhile have also published their own works challenging the allegations of the Bangladeshi government on the events of the 1971 war. [48]

In 2012, Bangladesh Cricket Board (BCB) abandoned a planned cricket tour in Pakistan indefinitely amid fears over players' safety, following protests by Bangladeshis and a Facebook campaign against the visit. [49]

In response to Pakistan's National Assembly adopting a resolution to condemn the alleged war criminal Abdul Quader Mollah execution, protests were held outside the Pakistan High Commission. [50] It is argued that some Bangladeshis still believes in the united Pakistan ideology mainly due to the religious sentiments.[ citation needed ]

A 2014 PEW opinion poll found that 50% of Bangladeshis held a favorable view of Pakistan. [51]

Afghanistan

Afghanistan–Pakistan relations have been negatively affected by issues related to the Durand Line, the 1978–present war (i.e. Mujahideen, Afghan refugees, Taliban insurgency and border skirmishes), including water and the growing influence of India in Afghanistan. [52] [53] Most major attacks in Afghanistan are blamed on neighboring Pakistan and Iran. This makes anti-Pakistan sentiment run high in the country, particularly among the Afghan politicians. [54] In response to Afghan support for Baloch insurgents, since the 1970s onwards, Pakistan supported rebels such as Gulbuddin Hekmatyar, Ahmad Shah Massoud, [55] Haqqanis, Taliban, [56] and others against the governments of Afghanistan.

In the 1990s, Pakistan's support for the Taliban movement led to strong anti-Pakistan sentiments in Afghanistan. According to Pakistan and Afghanistan expert Ahmed Rashid, "between 1994 and 1999, an estimated 80,000 to 100,000 Pakistanis trained and fought in Afghanistan" keeping the Taliban regime in power. [57] The role of the Pakistani military during that time has been described by international observers as a "creeping invasion" of Afghanistan. [57] UN documents also reveal the role of Arab and Pakistani support troops in Taliban massacre campaigns. [58] In addition, Pakistan's funding and support of warlord Gulbuddin Hekmatyar, who sieged the city of Kabul with rockets for three years which killed thousands of civilians, has also played a part in anti-Pakistan sentiment. [59]

In the course of the Taliban insurgency anti-Pakistan sentiment was again fuelled after a spate of suicide bombings by the Taliban, which in 2011 and 2012 caused 80% of the civilian casualties in Afghanistan, and which the Afghan government and many international officials claim is supported by Pakistan. [60] [61] Demonstrations in Afghanistan have denounced Pakistan politically for its alleged role in Taliban attacks. [62] Afghan leaders such as Amrullah Saleh or Ahmad Wali Massoud (a younger brother of Ahmad Shah Massoud) have said, that their criticism is directed at the politics of the Pakistani military and not at Pakistan as a country. Both reiterated the distinction by saying that the Pakistani people had been very generous in providing shelter to Afghan refugees but that it was the policy of the Pakistani military which had caused so much suffering to the Afghan people. [63]

Anti-Pakistan sentiment has increased in Afghanistan after hundreds of suicide bombings and assassinations. [60] In 2017 there were large protests in parts of Afghan provinces, alleging that Pakistan was sponsoring unrest in the country. [64]

France

After the July 2005 bombings in London, there were waves of "Pakistanophobia" in France. A Pakistani community leader said a "right-wing newspaper, for instance, launched a ferocious campaign against Pakistanis in France and placed them in one basket, calling them a 'cause for concern.'" [65]

Israel

There has been some anti-Pakistani sentiment in Israel. During the 1965 Indo-Pakistani war, Israel played a major role in convincing the United States not to send weapons to Pakistan, indirectly leading it to impose an embargo on Pakistan. [66] The anniversary of the Indo-Pakistani war of 1971 is regularly marked in Israel with tributes paid to the Indian Armed Forces. [67]

Israeli journalists have also criticized Pakistan's nuclear weapons program. [68]

United Kingdom

As of 2005, the United Kingdom had the largest overseas Pakistani community, who are known as British Pakistanis. [69] There have been periodic ethnic tensions faced by the Pakistani community. The ethnic slur "Paki" was commonly used to refer to Pakistanis. However, the term has also been used for non-Pakistani South Asians. The word is being reclaimed by younger British Pakistanis, who use it themselves although this remains controversial. [70]

British Pakistanis were eight times more likely to be victims of a racially motivated attack than white people in 1996. [71] The chances of a Pakistani being racially attacked in a year is more than 4% – the highest rate in the country, along with British Bangladeshis – though this has come down from 8% a year in 1996.[ citation needed ] According to a 2016 YouGov survey, around 20% of respondents were against admitting immigrants from Pakistan and four other countries. [72]

Paki-bashing

Starting in the late 1960s, [73] and peaking in the 1970s and 1980s, violent gangs opposed to immigration took part in frequent attacks known as "Paki-bashing", which targeted and assaulted Pakistanis and other British Asians. [74] "Paki-bashing" was unleashed after Enoch Powell's inflammatory Rivers of Blood speech in 1968, [73] and peaked during the 1970s–1980s, with the attacks mainly linked to far-right fascist, racist and anti-immigrant movements, including the white power skinheads, the National Front, and the British National Party (BNP). [75] [76] These attacks were usually referred to as either "Paki-bashing" or "skinhead terror", with the attackers usually called "Paki-bashers" or "skinheads". [73] "Paki-bashing" was also fueled by the media's anti-immigrant and anti-Pakistani rhetoric at the time, [76] and by systemic failures of state authorities, which included under-reporting racist attacks, the criminal justice system not taking racist attacks seriously, constant racial harassment by police, and sometimes police involvement in racist violence. [73]

United States

Public opinion polling shows that the United States has the most anti-Pakistan sentiment of any country with 69% expressing a negative view in a 2014 BBC poll. [77]

Since the September 11, 2001 attacks, Pakistani-Americans have been targeted more often in hate crime attacks. Pakistani Americans are subjected to greater scrutiny in airport security checks. Up to 45,000 of the estimated 100,000-strong Pakistani community in New York were deported or left voluntarily following the attacks. [78] Following these attacks, many Pakistanis have identified themselves as Indians to avoid discrimination and obtain jobs. [79]

In 2006, Hasan, a Princeton University graduate, was arrested by Immigration and Customs Enforcement officials who allegedly tortured him, accusing him of having ties to Al Qaeda before deporting him to Pakistan. In 2009, his wife formally requested the U.S. Embassy in Islamabad review his case in 2009. [80]

See also

Related Research Articles

<span class="mw-page-title-main">Bal Thackeray</span> Indian politician

Bal Keshav Thackeray, also known as Balasaheb Thackeray, was an Indian politician who founded the Shiv Sena, a right-wing pro-Marathi and Hindu nationalist party active mainly in the state of Maharashtra.

<span class="mw-page-title-main">Shiv Sena</span> Political party in Maharashtra, India

Shiv Sena is a right-wing Marathi regionalist and Hindu ultranationalist political party in India founded in 1966 by Bal Thackeray. Currently led by Eknath Shinde, this party is the ruling party of the Indian state of Maharashtra since 2019. Shiv Sena's election symbol is the Bow and Arrow. It uses the saffron colour in its flag and a image of a roaring tiger.

<span class="mw-page-title-main">Jamaat-e-Islami (Pakistan)</span> Political party in Pakistan

Jamaat-e-Islami, or Jamaat as it is commonly known, is an Islamist political party based in Pakistan and founded by Abul Ala Maududi. It is the Pakistani successor to Jamaat-e-Islami, which was founded in colonial India in 1941. Its objective is the transformation of Pakistan into an Islamic state, governed by Sharia law, through a gradual legal, and political process. JI strongly opposes capitalism, communism, liberalism, and secularism as well as economic practices such as offering bank interest. JI is a 'vanguard party', whose members are intended to be leaders spreading party beliefs and influence. Supporters not thought qualified to be members may become 'affiliates', and beneath them are 'sympathizers'. The party leader is called an 'ameer'. Although it does not have a large popular following, the party is quite influential and considered one of the major Islamic movements in Pakistan, along with Deobandi and Barelvi.

Hindus have experienced both historical and ongoing religious persecution and systematic violence, in the form of forced conversions, documented massacres, genocides, demolition and desecration of temples, as well as the destruction of educational centres.

The Bombay riots were a series of riots that took place in Bombay, Maharashtra, between December 1992 and January 1993. An estimated 900 people, mostly Muslims, were killed. The riots were mainly due to escalations of hostilities after large scale protests by Muslims in reaction to the 1992 Babri Masjid Demolition by Hindu Karsevaks in Ayodhya; and by Hindus in regards with the Ram Temple issue.

<span class="mw-page-title-main">Indian nationalism</span> Territorial nationalist movement

Indian nationalism is an instance of territorial nationalism, which is inclusive of all of the people of India, despite their diverse ethnic, linguistic and religious backgrounds. Indian nationalism can trace roots to pre-colonial India, but was fully developed during the Indian independence movement which campaigned for independence from British rule. Indian nationalism quickly rose to popularity in India through these united anti-colonial coalitions and movements. Independence movement figures like Mahatma Gandhi and Jawaharlal Nehru spearheaded the Indian nationalist movement. After Indian Independence, Nehru and his successors continued to campaign on Indian nationalism in face of border wars with both China and Pakistan. After the Indo-Pakistan War of 1971 and the Bangladesh Liberation War, Indian nationalism reached its post-independence peak. However by the 1980s, religious tensions reached a melting point and Indian nationalism sluggishly collapsed. Despite its decline and the rise of religious nationalism; Indian nationalism and its historic figures continue to strongly influence the politics of India and reflect an opposition to the sectarian strands of Hindu nationalism and Muslim nationalism.

Anti-Hindu sentiment, sometimes also referred to as Hinduphobia, is a negative perception, sentiment or actions against the practitioners or religion of Hinduism. It exists in many contexts in many countries, often due to historical conflict. There is also scholarly debate on what constitutes Hinduphobia in the Western World.

<span class="mw-page-title-main">India–Pakistan relations</span> Bilateral relations

India–Pakistan relations are the bilateral ties between the Republic of India and the Islamic Republic of Pakistan. The two countries have a complex and largely hostile relationship that is rooted in a multitude of historical and political events, most notably the partition of British India in August 1947.

Anti-Indian sentiment, a form of racism against Asians, also known as Indophobia or anti-Indianism, includes negative feelings such as hatred and disgust towards India, Indians, and Indian culture. Indophobia, in the context of anti-Indian prejudice, is "a tendency to react negatively towards people of Indian extraction, against aspects of Indian culture and normative habits". Its opposite is Indomania.

<span class="mw-page-title-main">Refugees in India</span> Overview of legally registered refugees residing in India

Since its independence in 1947, India has accepted various groups of refugees from neighbouring countries, including partition refugees from former British Indian territories that now constitute Pakistan and Bangladesh, Tibetan refugees that arrived in 1959, Chakma refugees from present day Bangladesh in early 1960s, other Bangladeshi refugees in 1965 and 1971, Sri Lankan Tamil refugees from the 1980s and most recently Rohingya refugees from Myanmar. In 1992, India was seen to be hosting 400,000 refugees from eight countries. According to records with the Union Ministry of Home Affairs, as on January 1,2021, there were 58,843 Sri Lankan refugees staying in 108 refugee camps in Tamil Nadu and 54 in Odisha and 72,312 Tibetan refugees have been living in India.

<span class="mw-page-title-main">Afghanistan–Pakistan relations</span> Bilateral relations

Afghanistan–Pakistan relations refer to the bilateral ties between Afghanistan and Pakistan. In August 1947, the partition of British India led to the emergence of Pakistan along Afghanistan's eastern frontier, and the two countries have since had a strained relationship; Afghanistan was the sole country to vote against Pakistan's admission into the United Nations following the latter's independence. Various Afghan government officials and Afghan nationalists have made irredentist claims to large swathes of Pakistan's territory in modern-day Khyber Pakhtunkhwa and Pakistani Balochistan, which complete the traditional homeland of "Pashtunistan" for the Pashtun people. The Taliban has received substantial financial and logistical backing from Pakistan, which remains a significant source of support. Since the Taliban's inception, the Pakistani Inter-Services Intelligence (ISI) agency has been providing them with funding, training, and weaponry. However, Pakistan's support for the Taliban is not without risks, as it involves playing a precarious and delicate game. Afghan territorial claims over Pashtun-majority areas that are in Pakistan were coupled with discontent over the permanency of the Durand Line which has long been considered the international border by every nation other than Afghanistan, and for which Afghanistan demanded a renegotiation, with the aim of having it shifted eastward to the Indus River. Territorial disputes and conflicting claims prevented the normalization of bilateral ties between the countries throughout the mid-20th century. Further Afghanistan–Pakistan tensions have arisen concerning a variety of issues, including the Afghanistan conflict and Afghan refugees in Pakistan, water-sharing rights, and a continuously warming relationship between Afghanistan and India, but most of all the Taliban in Kabul providing sanctuary and safe havens to TTP terrorists to attack Pakistani territory. Nonetheless, the Durand Line witnesses frequent occurrences of suicide bombings, airstrikes, or street battles on an almost daily basis.

Pakistan and state-sponsored terrorism refers to the involvement of Pakistan in terrorism through the backing of various designated terrorist organizations. Pakistan has been frequently accused by various countries, including its neighbours Afghanistan, Iran, and India, as well as by the United States, the United Kingdom, Germany, and France, of involvement in a variety of terrorist activities in both its local region of South Asia and beyond. Pakistan's northwestern tribal regions along the Afghanistan–Pakistan border have been described as an effective safe haven for terrorists by Western media and the United States Secretary of Defense, while India has accused Pakistan of perpetuating the insurgency in Jammu and Kashmir by providing financial support and armaments to militant groups, as well as by sending state-trained terrorists across the Line of Control and de jure India–Pakistan border to launch attacks in Indian-administered Kashmir and India proper, respectively. According to an analysis published by the Saban Center for Middle East Policy at the Brookings Institution in 2008, Pakistan was reportedly, "with the possible exception of Iran, perhaps the world's most active sponsor of terrorist groups... aiding these groups that pose a direct threat to the United States. Pakistan's active participation has caused thousands of deaths in the region; all these years Pakistan has been supportive to several terrorist groups despite several stern warnings from the international community." Daniel Byman, a professor and senior analyst of terrorism and security at the Center For Middle East Policy, also wrote that, "Pakistan is probably 2008's most active sponsor of terrorism". In 2018, the former Prime Minister of Pakistan, Nawaz Sharif, suggested that the Pakistani government played a role in the 2008 Mumbai attacks that were carried out by Lashkar-e-Taiba, a Pakistan-based Islamist terrorist group. In July 2019, Pakistani Prime Minister Imran Khan, on an official visit to the United States, acknowledged the presence of some 30,000–40,000 armed terrorists operating on Pakistani soil. He further stated that previous administrations were hiding this truth, particularly from the United States, for the last 15 years during the War on Terror.

Jamaat-e-Islami is an Islamist movement founded in 1941 in British India by the Islamist author, theorist, and socio-political philosopher, Syed Abul Ala Maududi. It developed under the umbrella of Darul Uloom Deoband.

<span class="mw-page-title-main">Greater Bangladesh</span> Theory about an expanded Bangladesh

Greater Bangladesh, or Greater Bengal is the irredentist ideology of Bangladesh to inevitably expand its territory to include the Indian states that currently has, or historically had, large populations of ethnic Bengali people. These include West Bengal, Bihar, Odisha, and Jharkhand to the west, Sikkim to the north, and the states of Arunachal Pradesh, Assam, Meghalaya, Tripura, Mizoram, Manipur, and Nagaland to the east. Greater Bangladesh would naturally therefore take on the more inclusive title of Greater Bengal, as her people would be united under a common ethnicity and heritage based on language rather than one based on religion.

There used to be a small community of Indians in Afghanistan who are Afghans of Indian origin as well as Indian construction and aid workers involved in rebuilding and humanitarian assistance efforts. India is often described as acting as a soft power in Afghanistan. Having committed a $2.3 billion aid programme, India is one of the largest donors to Afghanistan, investing in the economy, humanitarian aid, education, development, construction and electrical. According to Foreign Policy among Afghans there is a positive perception of India's role in the reconstruction efforts in Afghanistan.

Antisemitism in Pakistan is the presence of hostility and discrimination against Jews in Pakistan based on prejudices against the Jewish people and/or the religion of Judaism. Alongside the prevalence of general stereotypes, Jews are commonly subjected to negative views, feelings and rhetoric in Pakistan, most of which overlap with and are directly related to the antisemitic views prevalent throughout the Islamic world. Widely regarded as miserly within Pakistani Muslim circles, Jews residing in Pakistan have also faced periodic intolerance by the state, which has intensified since the Islamization period of the 1980s under Muhammad Zia-ul-Haq, who propelled Pakistan towards the adoption of strict and highly-conservative Islamic practices and laws. The Jewish population of Pakistan has rapidly decreased since the state's founding and separation from neighbouring India in August 1947, and as of 2019 estimates, stands at less than 200 people amidst Pakistan's total population of over 200 million, the majority of whom are Muslims.

<span class="mw-page-title-main">Indian reunification</span> Concept of the potential reunification of India, Pakistan and Bangladesh

Indian reunification refers to the potential reunification of India with Pakistan and Bangladesh, which were partitioned from British India in 1947.

There have been several instances of religious violence against Muslims since the partition of India in 1947, frequently in the form of violent attacks on Muslims by Hindu nationalist mobs that form a pattern of sporadic sectarian violence between the Hindu and Muslim communities. Over 10,000 people have been killed in Hindu-Muslim communal violence since 1950 in 6,933 instances of communal violence between 1954 and 1982.

Paki is a derogatory ethnic slur originating from the United Kingdom, directed towards people of South Asian descent.

The Citizenship (Amendment) Act, 2019 (CAA) was passed by the Parliament of India on 11 December 2019. It amended the Citizenship Act, 1955 by providing an accelerated pathway to Indian citizenship for persecuted religious minorities from Afghanistan, Bangladesh and Pakistan who arrived in India by 2014. The eligible minorities were stated as Hindus, Sikhs, Buddhists, Jains, Parsis or Christians. The law does not grant such eligibility to Muslims from these countries. The act was the first time that religion had been overtly used as a criterion for citizenship under Indian law, and it attracted global criticism.

References

  1. ↑ Praveen Kumar (2011). Communal Crimes and National Integration: A Socio-Legal Study. Readworthy Publications. p. 239. ISBN   978-93-5018-040-2.
  2. ↑ Kalim Siddiqui (1975). The functions of international conflict: a socio-economic study of Pakistan. Royal Book Co.
  3. ↑ Yaacov Vertzberger (1984). Misperceptions in foreign policymaking: the Sino-Indian conflict, 1959–1962 . Westview Press. ISBN   978-0-86531-970-7 . Retrieved 3 June 2012.
  4. ↑ K. K. Kaul (1952–1966). U.S.A. and the Hindustan Peninsula. even though it was easy to fan Pakophobia under the circumstances.43 The Prime Minister of Pakistan, on the other hand, asserted that Nehru was not afraid of aggression from Pakistan, but was protesting against US aid for fear of..
  5. ↑ "2017 BBC World Service Global Poll" (PDF). BBC World Service. pp. 22–23. Archived from the original (PDF) on 16 June 2020. Retrieved 4 August 2017.
  6. ↑ Yale H. Ferguson and R. J. Barry Jones, Political space: frontiers of change and governance in a globalizing world, page 155, SUNY Press, 2002, ISBN   978-0-7914-5460-2
  7. ↑ Ulrika Mårtensson and Jennifer Bailey, Fundamentalism in the Modern World (Volume 1), page 97, I.B.Tauris, 2011, ISBN   978-1-84885-330-0
  8. ↑ Jyotirmaya Sharma, "Ideological heresy?, The Hindu , 19 June 2005
  9. ↑ Radhika Ramaseshan, "Advani fires Atal weapon", The Telegraph , 16 June 2005
  10. ↑ Ashish Vashi, "Anti-Sardar Patel book sold from RSS HQ in Gujarat", The Times of India , 27 August 2009
  11. ↑ Manini Chatterjee, "Only by Akhand Bharat", The Indian Express , 1 February 2007
  12. ↑ Sucheta Majumder, "Right Wing Mobilization in India", Feminist Review, issue 49, page 17, Routledge, 1995, ISBN   978-0-415-12375-4
  13. ↑ Hardgrave, Robert. "India: The Dilemmas of Diversity", Journal of Democracy, pp. 54–65
  14. ↑ Qasmi, Ali Usman; Robb, Megan Eaton (2017). Muslims against the Muslim League: Critiques of the Idea of Pakistan. Cambridge University Press. p. 2. ISBN   9781108621236.
  15. ↑ Qaiser, Rizwan (2005), "Towards United and Federate India: 1940-47", Maulana Abul Kalam Azad a study of his role in Indian Nationalist Movement 1919–47, Jawaharlal Nehru University/Shodhganga, Chapter 5, pp. 193, 198, hdl:10603/31090
  16. ↑ Yousaf, Nasim (31 August 2018). "Why Allama Mashriqi opposed the partition of India?". Global Village Space. Retrieved 24 January 2019.
  17. ↑ Sankar Ghose, Jawaharlal Nehru, a Biography, Allied Publishers (1993), pp. 160–161
  18. ↑ Raj Pruthi, Paradox of Partition: Partition of India and the British strategy, Sumit Enterprises (2008), p. 443
  19. ↑ Graham Chapman, The Geopolitics of South Asia: From Early Empires to the Nuclear Age, Ashgate Publishing (2012), p. 326
  20. ↑ V.P. Menon, The Transfer of Power in India, Orient Blackswan (1998), p. 385
  21. ↑ G. C. Kendadamath, J.B. Kripalani, a study of his political ideas, Ganga Kaveri Pub. House (1992), p. 59
  22. ↑ Constituent Assembly Debates: Official Report, Volume 4, Lok Sabha secretariat, 14 July 1947, p. 761
  23. ↑ Paul R. Brass, The Politics of India Since Independence, Cambridge University Press (1994), p. 10
  24. ↑ Ted Svensson, Production of Postcolonial India and Pakistan: Meanings of Partition, Routledge (2013), pp. 110–111
  25. ↑ Eric Margolis, War at the Top of the World: The Struggle for Afghanistan, Kashmir and Tibet, Routledge (2001), p. 98
  26. ↑ K.R. Dark, Religion and International Relations, Springer (2000), p. 151
  27. ↑ Munis D. Faruqui, The Princes of the Mughal Empire, 1504–1719, Cambridge University Press (2012), p. 1
  28. ↑ Quoted in Christophe Jaffrelot, Hindu Nationalism: A Reader, Princeton University Press (2009), p. 119
  29. ↑ "VHP, RSS activists set Pak flag on fire, BJP says don't approve". The Indian Express. 20 April 2015.
  30. ↑ "Sena leader announces veiled threat on World Cup final involving Pakistan". The Hindu. Mumbai, India. 17 February 2011. Retrieved 17 February 2011.
  31. ↑ "'Anti-Pakistan' sentiment in India, a cause for concern: PHF". UMMID. Retrieved 1 October 2012.
  32. ↑ "Shiv Sena scare: BCCI to keep Pakistan out of Maharashtra in 2016 World T20". The Express Tribune. 10 August 2015. Retrieved 10 August 2015.
  33. 1 2 3 4 "BCCI-PCB talks hit by anti-Pakistan protest". Cricinfo. 19 October 2015. Retrieved 20 October 2015.
  34. ↑ "'I have pangs in my heart': Pakistan fans a glaring absence at India clash".
  35. ↑ Hasan, Khalid (3 April 2004). "Indian film festival to screen anti-Pakistan films". Daily Times. Archived from the original on 12 January 2005. Retrieved 30 December 2011.
  36. ↑ How Pakistan Fell in Love With Bollywood. Foreign Policy (15 March 2010). Retrieved 3 June 2012.
  37. ↑ "Asha Bhosle downplays MNS threat against co-judging show with Pakistanis". The Express Tribune. 31 August 2012. Retrieved 8 October 2012.
  38. ↑ "Shiv Sena Threatens Pakistani Actors Fawad Khan, Mahira Khan Against Promoting Films in Maharashtra". Huffington Post. 21 October 2015. Retrieved 30 August 2017.
  39. ↑ Ali, Sarfraz (15 July 2015). "Shiv Sena threatens against 'Bin Roye' screening". Daily Pakistan. Retrieved 30 August 2017.
  40. ↑ "Shiv Sena warns distributors against screening of Raees". Dawn. 12 January 2017. Retrieved 30 August 2017.
  41. ↑ "Kiren Rijiju: Pakistan obsession is a north Indian thing". The Times of India. 20 January 2015.
  42. ↑ Anand, Geeta; Venkataraman, Ayesha (19 October 2016). "Bollywood Becomes India and Pakistan's Latest Battleground". The New York Times.
  43. ↑ Noor, Sanam (2005). "Outstanding Issues between Pakistan and Bangladesh". Pakistan Horizon. 58 (1): 47–60. ISSN   0030-980X. JSTOR   41394082.
  44. ↑ "BD seeks Pak apology for 1971 war crimes". The News International, Pakistan. 9 November 2012.
  45. ↑ "Pakistan again sides with war criminals". 12 May 2016.
  46. ↑ M. Abdul Mu'min Chowdhury (1996). Behind the Myth of Three Millions. Al-hilal Publishers.
  47. ↑ Bose, Sarmila. "Losing the victims: Problems of using women as weapons in recounting the Bangladesh war." Economic and Political Weekly (2007): 3864-3871.
  48. ↑ Junaid Ahmed (2016). Creation of Bangladesh: Myths Exploded. LIGHTNING SOURCE Incorporated, 2016. ISBN   9789692316903.
  49. ↑ "Security concerns force Bangladesh to shelf Pakistan tour". Mid-day.com. 31 December 2012. Retrieved 29 May 2015.
  50. ↑ "Bangladeshi protesters burn Pakistan flag, Imran Khan's effigies". The News International, Pakistan. 18 December 2013.
  51. ↑ "Chapter 4: How Asians View Each Other". Pew Research Center's Global Attitudes Project. 14 July 2014. Retrieved 4 April 2016.
  52. ↑ "What does Pakistan want in Afghanistan?". The Express Tribune. 27 December 2011.
  53. ↑ "What Iran and Pakistan Want from the Afghans: Water". Time. 2 December 2012.
  54. ↑ Zaheer, Abasin (20 May 2012). "Iran, Pakistan out to weaken Afghanistan, MPs told". pajhwok.com.
  55. ↑ "Ahmad Shah Masoud". Encyclopædia Britannica. Retrieved 18 December 2012. Masoud, an ethnic Tajik, studied engineering before the Soviet intervention in Afghanistan and then moved to Pakistan for military training.
  56. ↑ Craggs, Ryan (1 February 2012). "Taliban Will Control Afghanistan With Support From Pakistan, Says Leaked Report". Huffington Post. Retrieved 18 December 2012.
  57. 1 2 Maley, William (2009). The Afghanistan wars. Palgrave Macmillan. p. 288. ISBN   978-0-230-21313-5.
  58. ↑ Gargan, Edward A (October 2001). "Taliban massacres outlined for UN". Chicago Tribune. Newsday.
  59. ↑ "Post-Soviet Pakistani Interference in Afghanistan: How and Why".
  60. 1 2 Gall, Carlotta (15 February 2006). "Afghan Suicide Bombings, Tied to Taliban, Point to Pakistan". The New York Times.
  61. ↑ Joscelyn, Thomas (22 September 2011). "Admiral Mullen: Pakistani ISI sponsoring Haqqani attacks". The Long War Journal. Retrieved 1 December 2011. During a Senate Armed Services Committee hearing today, Admiral Michael Mullen, the Chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff, highlighted the Pakistani Inter-Services Intelligence Agency's role in sponsoring the Haqqani Network – including attacks on American forces in Afghanistan. "The fact remains that the Quetta Shura [Taliban] and the Haqqani Network operate from Pakistan with impunity," Mullen said in his written testimony. "Extremist organizations serving as proxies of the government of Pakistan are attacking Afghan troops and civilians as well as US soldiers." Mullen continued: "For example, we believe the Haqqani Network—which has long enjoyed the support and protection of the Pakistani government and is, in many ways, a strategic arm of Pakistan's Inter-Services Intelligence Agency—is responsible for the 13 September attacks against the U.S. Embassy in Kabul."
  62. ↑ King, Laura (23 September 2011). "Protests break out at Afghanistan peace negotiator's funeral". Los Angeles Times . Angry protests against Afghan President Hamid Karzai erupted Friday at the burial of his government's chief peace negotiator, who was killed this week by a suicide bomber posing as a Taliban envoy. The daylong funeral observances for Burhanuddin Rabbani, a former president, brought Afghanistan's capital to a near-standstill, with some of the heaviest security in recent memory. Police and soldiers in armored vehicles patrolled the streets, checkpoints dotted major boulevards and traffic circles, and a large part of central Kabul was blocked to all but foot traffic. Helicopters buzzed overhead. ... Mourners also shouted slogans denouncing Pakistan, which is seen as fomenting insurgent violence ...
  63. ↑ Amrullah Saleh on the BBC's Hardtalk. BBC. Retrieved 3 June 2012. Archived 19 December 2011 at the Wayback Machine
  64. ↑ "Anti-Pakistan protests break out across Afghanistan". Business Standard India. 8 April 2017.
  65. ↑ 'Pakistanophobia' Grips France, Fox News Channel
  66. ↑ Indian foreign policy: challenges and opportunities by Atish Sinha, Madhup Mohta, Academic Foundation, 2007, p 332.
  67. ↑ "The Jewish General Who Beat Pakistan". Haaretz.com. 6 September 2004.
  68. ↑ Bermant, Azriel (20 May 2015). "Pakistan Is the Only Muslim Nuclear-armed State. Why Is Israel's Hysteria Reserved for Iran? - Opinion". Haaretz.com.
  69. ↑ Werbner, Pnina (2005). "Pakistani migration and diaspora religious politics in a global age". In Ember, Melvin; Ember, Carol R.; Skoggard, Ian (eds.). Encyclopedia of Diasporas: Immigrant and Refugee Cultures around the World. New York: Springer. p. 475. ISBN   978-0-306-48321-9.
  70. ↑ Rajni Bhatia (11 June 2007). "After the N-word, the P-word". BBC News. Retrieved 1 January 2012. Its first recorded use was in 1964, when hostility in Britain to immigration from its former colonies in the Asian sub-continent, was beginning to find a voice.
  71. ↑ Ian Burrell (8 February 1999). "Most race attack victims 'are white'" . The Independent. Archived from the original on 7 May 2022. Retrieved 2 November 2010.
  72. ↑ "20% of British public against admitting single Pakistani migrant: survey". The Express Tribune. 1 September 2016. Retrieved 3 September 2016.
  73. 1 2 3 4 Ashe, Stephen; Virdee, Satnam; Brown, Laurence (2016). "Striking back against racist violence in the East End of London, 1968–1970". Race & Class . 58 (1): 34–54. doi:10.1177/0306396816642997. ISSN   0306-3968. PMC   5327924 . PMID   28479657.
  74. ↑ "In the eye of the storm". Red Pepper. Retrieved 23 June 2015.
  75. ↑ Nahid Afrose Kabir (2012), Young British Muslims, Edinburgh University Press
  76. 1 2 Taylor, Max; Currie, P. M.; Holbrook, Donald (2013). Extreme Right Wing Political Violence and Terrorism. Bloomsbury Publishing. pp. 40–53. ISBN   9781441140876.
  77. ↑ "2014 BBC World Service poll" (PDF).
  78. ↑ Jonathan H. X. Lee and Kathleen M. Nadeau (2011). Encyclopedia of Asian American Folklore and Folklife, Volume 1. ABC-CLIO. p. 958.
  79. ↑ "Pakistanis pose as Indians after NY bomb scare". Reuters . 7 May 2010. Retrieved 23 March 2020.
  80. ↑ "American Rose fights for Pakistani husband". Dawn. 17 September 2009.
This page is based on this Wikipedia article
Text is available under the CC BY-SA 4.0 license; additional terms may apply.
Images, videos and audio are available under their respective licenses.