| Part of a series on |
| Discrimination |
|---|
 |
Anti-white racism refers to discriminatory sentiments and acts of hostility of a racist nature toward people racialized as White. These notions and the use of the term "anti-white racism" are an object of study in sociology, philosophy, political science and law, as well as a topic discussed in the media, by intellectuals and in the social sphere.
According to Magali Bessone, professor of political philosophy at the Panthéon-Sorbonne University in Paris, if the phenomenon of racism is considered in a "structural manner", then the notion of anti-white racism is not relevant "in societies where whites are in a position of domination. [Which] does not prevent the existence of individual behaviors that can be designated in this case as falling within the scope of racial hatred". [1]
Sociology studies racism by taking into account specific socio-historical contexts and the prior existence, in Western societies, of ideologies and policies that have historically given whites the role of the "dominant race". [2] [3] [4] Researchers distinguish between what is racist behavior—rejection, anger, insults, aggression, etc.—of an individual nature, and the existence of "systemic racism", i.e. racism that is embedded in the social organization. [5]
Pooja Sawrikar, a psychologist, and Ilan Katz, a social work researcher at the University of New South Wales, challenge this definition of racism, which they summarize as "racism = prejudice + power". Finding this approach "reductionist", they refute definitions of racism based on social power, which they believe reduce racism to white supremacy in white-majority societies. Thus, the idea that "only white people can be racist" would be false and itself racist. Furthermore, they assert that this approach, which places white people at the center of any discourse on race, leads to impotence in the fight against racism. This helplessness would manifest itself in a feeling of guilt among white people, due to the fact that they cannot do anything individually against racism since they are oppressors by virtue of their skin color, and a feeling of helplessness among ethnic minorities, who would be forced to admit that racism is a condition that they cannot change. This approach would also encourage passivity, both among white people not participating in the anti-racist struggle, who would be content with their assigned role as dominant, and among people from racial minorities, who would reject any responsibility because of their minority status. [6]
Close to this vision, the French political scientist, sociologist and historian Pierre-André Taguieff considers that the notions of "institutional racism", "structural racism" or "systemic racism" derive from the anti-racist definition of racism produced by revolutionary African-American activists at the end of the 1960s. According to him, these terms are not the expression of a conceptualization of racism, but "a symbolic weapon which consists of reducing racism to white racism supposed to be inherent to "white society" or to "white domination", the latter being the only form of racial domination recognized and denounced by neo-antiracists." White society being conceptualized as "intrinsically racist", "it follows that anti-white racism cannot exist. This is a fundamental article of faith of the new "anti-racist" catechism." [7]
For Daniel Sabbagh, research director at the Center for International Research (CERI) in Paris, racism can be understood from three points of view. The first is ideological, based on the hierarchy of "races" defined by a racialization of humanity. The second, the subject of studies in social psychology in particular, conceives racism as a set of negative attitudes towards the racialized other ("attitudinal racism"). The third is systemic racism. [8] The researcher believes that the use of the expression "anti-White racism" is not abusive to characterize, for example, the ideological or attitudinal racism inevitably produced in reaction to the racism suffered, without common measure, by "non-Whites". He cites as examples the ideological speech of Elijah Muhammad, leader of the Nation of Islam (NOI), likening whites to "demons", and the video of the French rapper Nick Conrad, entitled "Pendez les Blancs" (Hang the Whites). [8] Daniel Sabbagh agrees that if we only consider systemic racism, as a conception of racism, then the expression "anti-white racism" is irrelevant. He believes, however, that racism must be studied in all its dimensions. [8]
BBC News editor Mark Easton cites the Ross Parker murder case to argue that society has been forced to redefine racism and discard the definition of "prejudice plus power"—a definition which, in Easton's view, tends to only allow ethnic minorities to be victims and whites to be perpetrators. He states, "Describing an incident as racist may say as much about a victim's mindset as the offender. How else can one explain the British Crime Survey finding that 3,100 car thefts from Asians were deemed to be racially motivated?" [9] Journalist Yasmin Alibhai-Brown argues that the case highlights double standards of racial equality campaigners, suggesting black activists should "march and remember victims like Ross Parker ... our values are worthless unless all victims of these senseless deaths matter equally". [10] She writes, "to treat some victims as more worthy of condemnation than others is unforgivable and a betrayal of anti-racism itself". [11]
Claims of racism against whites has been brought forward by various far-right parties since 1978, [12] and other groups beginning in the 1980s, [13] including from the right. In September 2012, Jean-François Copé, the leader of the Union for a Popular Movement (UMP), and then incumbent for his reelection, denounced the development of an anti-white prejudice by people living in France, some of them French citizens, against the "Gauls", a name among immigrants for the native French, according to him, on the basis of these having a different religion, color skin, and ethnic background. [14] [15] [16] [17] The former minister of interior, Claude Guéant, went on record stating that this kind of racism is a reality in France and that there is nothing worse than the political elite hiding from the truth. [14]
In September 2018, French rapper Nick Conrad broadcast on the web a song and video called "Pendez les Blancs" (Hang the Whites), for which he was later prosecuted. [18] [19] [20]
In a sociological survey conducted in 2008 by the French Institute for Demographic Studies (INED), which never uses the expression "anti-white racism", it appears that 16% of the majority population of France, i.e. the white population, say they have been the victim of a "racist situation", compared to 32% for immigrants and 36% for descendants of immigrants. 23% of the majority population say they "have not experienced a racist situation but feel exposed to it", compared to 29% for immigrants and 25% for descendants of immigrants. In addition, 10% of people of European origin say they have suffered racist discrimination in the last five years, compared to 26% for immigrants, 31% for descendants of two immigrant parents and 17% for descendants of one immigrant parent. The most reported grounds for discrimination by the majority population are 18% related to origin, compared to 70% for immigrants and 65% for descendants of immigrants. [21]
In 2012, INED published a new survey conducted between September 2008 and February 2009 on people born between 1948 and 1990, which showed that 18% of people belonging to the "majority population" said they had been "the target of racist insults, remarks or attitudes" compared to 30% for immigrants and 37% for descendants of immigrants. [22] However, a study by the same institute concluded in 2016 that the phenomenon was "not a mass experience": "Racism by minorities against majorities can be verbally offensive, or even physically aggressive, but it is not systematic and does not produce social inequalities." [23] The same year, Jean-Luc Primon, a sociologist at the University of Nice and researcher at the Migrations and Society Research Unit (URMIS), participating in the TEO survey, the first INED database on origins, declared that a little more than one person in ten of those classified in the so-called "majority" population (neither immigrants, nor from immigration, nor from overseas) declared having experienced racism. [24]
A 2022 survey found that 80% of French people believe that anti-white racism is present in some French communities. [25]
The massacres of almost the entire white population in Haiti in 1804, also referred to as the Haitian genocide, [26] [27] [28] which marked the end of the Haitian Revolution, [29] [30] have been partially explained in the context of anti-white racism. [31] On 22 February 1804, revolutionary leader Jean-Jacques Dessalines signed a decree ordering that all French people stil residing in the country should be put to death. [32] Dessalines' secretary Louis Boisrond-Tonnerre complained that the declaration of independence was not aggressive enough, saying that "...we should have the skin of a white man for parchment, his skull for an inkwell, his blood for ink, and a bayonet for a pen!". [33]
The people chosen to be killed were targeted primarily based on three criteria: "skin color, citizenship and vocation." While some whites, such as Poles and Germans who were granted citizenship and "a few non-French veterans and American merchants, along with some useful professionals such as priests and doctors" were spared, political affiliation was not considered. [33] The white victims were almost entirely French, commensurate with their share in the white population of Haiti. About his targets of the massacre, Dessalines' slogan exemplified his mission to eradicate the white population with the saying "Break the eggs, take out the [sic] yoke [a pun on the word 'yellow' which means both yoke and mulatto ] and eat the white." [33] Upper class whites were not the only target; any white of any socioeconomic status was also to be killed, including the urban poor known as petits blancs (little whites). [34] During the massacre, stabbing, beheading, and disemboweling were common. [35]
Historian Philippe R. Girard also states that if, after 1804 and throughout the 19th century, the presence of whites in the country was negligible, they were perceived, in particular by Haitian nationalists, with an antipathy that amounted to racism, excluding alliances with countries with generally white populations such as the United States and European countries, or considered too light-skinned, such as the Dominican Republic. The black population, a large majority (90% at the beginning of the 19th century), tended to consider themselves the only true Haitian population, calling themselves "authentic", with the exception of the mulattos, who were viewed with great suspicion because of their French fathers as well as their frequent possession of slaves before independence. The word blan, meaning "white man", came to designate the foreigner, and carried a negative connotation that that of neg, literally "negro", did not have. [36]
Democratic Alliance MP Gwen Ngwenya states that racism aimed at white people in South Africa is often overlooked compared to racism aimed at black people, noting that racism aimed at white people elicits little reaction from the populace. [37] According to a comparative study by the trade union Solidarity, South African media give more attention to white-on-black racism, and the South African Human Rights Commission is much more likely to self-initiate investigations into white-on-black racism and is more lenient in cases of black-on-white racism. [38]
The F.W. de Klerk Foundation reported that there are social media posts inciting extreme violence against white South Africans, and these posts come mostly from black South Africans. It appealed to the South African Human Rights Commission to intervene on the issue of racism and hate speech against white South Africans. Its complaint to the commission detailed "45 social media postings that incite extreme violence against White South Africans." The foundation also said "an analysis of Facebook and Twitter messages shows that by far the most virulent and dangerous racism – expressed in the most extreme and violent language – has come from disaffected Black South Africans. The messages are replete with threats to kill all whites – including children; to rape white women or to expel all whites from South Africa." [39]
After a black person was allegedly killed by two white people, businesses and properties owned by white people and other minorities in Coligny were targeted for destruction by members of the black community. [40] [41]
A Gauteng government official, Velaphi Khumalo, stated on Facebook "White people in South Africa deserve to be hacked and killed like Jews. [You] have the same venom. Look at Palestine. [You] must be [burnt] alive and skinned and your [offspring] used as garden fertiliser". [43] A complaint was lodged at the Human Rights Commission, and a charge of crimen injuria was laid at the Equality Court. In October 2018, he was found guilty of hate speech by the court, for which he was ordered to issue an apology. [44]
In March 2018, a screenshot depicting EFF Ekurhuleni leader Mampuru Mampuru calling for racial violence on Facebook began to circulate on social media. The post read, "We need to unite as black People, there are less than 5 million whites in South Africa vs 45 million of us. We can kill all this white within two weeks. We have the army and the police. If those who are killing farmers can do it what are you waiting for. Shoot the boer, kill the farmer." [sic]. Mampuru claims the screenshot was fabricated in an attempt to discredit the EFF, further adding that "Without white people in the country‚ we are not going to have a Rainbow Nation." [45]
After 76-year-old white professor Cobus Naude was murdered in 2018, black senior SANDF officer Major M.V. Mohlala posted a comment on Facebook in reaction to Naude's murder, stating "It is your turn now, white people… [he] should have had his eyes and tongue cut out so that the faces of his attackers would be the last thing he sees". [46] Mohlala received a warning of potential future disciplinary action by the SANDF. [47] Subsequently, Ernst Roets of AfriForum contrasted Mohlala's punishment against that of convicted white racist Vicki Momberg, stating, "The inconsistency being applied in this country regarding minorities has reached the level of absurdity... The reality in South Africa is that a white person who insults a black person goes to prison, while a senior officer in the defence force who says white people's eyes and tongues must be stabbed out is simply asked nicely not to repeat it." [48]
A photograph emerged of a University of Cape Town student who wore a shirt that read "Kill All Whites" in a residence dining hall during early 2016. [49] The university later identified the wearer as Slovo Magida and reported the matter to SAPS and HRC. [50] During a parliamentary debate on racism, Pieter Mulder of the FF+ read out the contents of the shirt, to which some MPs shouted "Yes! Yes!". [51] As of 2018, no further action against Magida has been taken.
In April 2018, a Judicial Services Commission tribunal found that Nkola Motala's racist comments could justify his removal as a judge. Motala crashed into a wall while driving under the influence of alcohol in 2007. After the accident, Motala swore at a white onlooker, Richard Baird, and referred to him as a "boer". [52]
Julius Malema, leader of the third-largest party, Economic Freedom Fighters, stated at a political rally in 2016 that "we [the EFF] are not calling for the slaughter of white people‚ at least for now". When asked for comment by a news agency, the ANC spokesperson, Zizi Kodwa, stated that there would be no comment from the ANC, as "[h]e [Malema] was addressing his own party supporters." This received backlash from many South Africans of all races. [53] While still the ANCYL leader, Malema was taken to the Equality Court by AfriForum for repeatedly singing "dubul' ibhunu", which literally translates as "shoot the boer [white farmer]." In context, this was sung as a struggle (against apartheid) song. At another political rally in 2018, he stated, "Go after a white Man... We are cutting the throat of whiteness." This was in reference to the removal of Athol Trollip, a white mayor, from office in Port Elizabeth. [54] The opposition Democratic Alliance has accused the EFF leader of racism. [55]
At the EFF's 10th anniversary rally in 2023, Malema again sang the song to an estimated 90,000 supporters [56] at the FNB Stadium. [57] The incident received international coverage with Elon Musk criticizing Malema on Twitter for singing the song, accusing him of "openly pushing for the genocide of white people in South Africa". [57] [58]
In September 2018, Black First Land First (BLF) Spokesperson Lyndsay Maasdorp told The Citizen reporter Daniel Friedman that, as a white person, his existence is "a crime". Maasdorp also posted on his now-suspended Twitter account in 2018: "I have aspirations to kill white people, and this must be achieved!". [59]
In December 2018, in response to comments made by Johann Rupert in support of the South African taxi industry, Mngxitama asserted at a BLF rally that "For each one person that is being killed by the taxi industry, we will kill five white people", [60] giving rise to the BLF slogan "1:5". [61] Mngxitama went on to say, "You kill one of us, we will kill five of you. We will kill their children, we will kill their women, we will kill anything that we find on our way." [62] The comments were criticized by many, including the African National Congress, with an ANC spokesperson claiming that "[Mngxitama's] comments clearly incite violence in South Africa" and urging the South African Human Rights Commission to investigate. [60] The Congress of the People and Democratic Alliance also criticized the statements and filed criminal charges against Mngxitama for incitement of violence. Mngxitama's Twitter account was also suspended as a result. [63] In response, the BLF’s deputy president, Zanele Lwana, responded that Mngxitama's comments were made in the context of self-defense and that "The only sin committed by BLF president is defending black people. President Mngxitama correctly stated that for every one black life taken, five whites would be taken!" [63]
In March 2022, the Equality Court of South Africa ordered BLF members Lindsay Maasdorp and Zwelakhe Dubasi to pay R200,000 in damages and make a public apology for "celebrat[ing] the tragic deaths" [64] of four children on social media in statements that were judged to be hate speech. [64] The four children, all of whom were white, died when a walkway collapsed at Hoërskool Driehoek in Vanderbijlpark. [64]
The Black First Land First party does not allow white people in the party. [65]
There have been incidents of violence in the United Kingdom where individuals have attacked white people due to hatred or as a form of racial retaliation. In 1994, Richard Norman Everitt, a 15-year-old white English teenager, was stabbed to death in London. After ethnic tensions in his neighbourhood, Somers Town, Everitt was murdered by a gang of British Bangladeshis who were seeking revenge against another white boy. A judge described the killing as "an unprovoked racial attack". [66] [67] [68] In 2001, Ross Parker, a 17-year-old white English teenager was murdered in Peterborough, in what has been described as an unprovoked racially motivated crime. He bled to death after being stabbed, beaten with a hammer and repeatedly kicked by a gang of British Pakistani men. [69] [70] The 2002 trial judge concluded that they had planned to find "a white male to attack simply because he was white" in the context of "hostility on the part of some of the younger white residents of the city against the Asian community". [71] In 2004, Kriss Donald, a 15-year-old white Scottish teenager was kidnapped, abused and murdered in Glasgow on the grounds of ethnicity. Four British Pakistani men were sentenced to life in prison for the crime, and admitted to choosing him because he was white. [72] [73] [74] In 2018, Ella Hill, a survivor of the Rotherham child sexual exploitation scandal, said she faced serious racial abuse by her attackers. Race was suggested as one of the factors involved in the failure to address the abuse. [75]
In 2019, a British government inquiry by the Equality and Human Rights Commission (EHRC) into racism in universities found that 9% of white British students reported experiencing racial harassment, including anti-English, anti-Welsh and anti-Scottish sentiments (compared to 29% of black students, 27% of Asian students and 22% of other non-white or mixed race students). Academics of color have criticized the Commission for including harassment against white students in the statistics, which they say shows a worrying misunderstanding of racism as it "minimises the racism by including groups who do not experience racial prejudice". [76] Prominent academics and student leaders have criticized the Commission for "drawing a false equivalence between what it described as racial harassment against white British students and staff and the racism suffered by their black and minority ethnic peers". The EHRC did not respond to requests to remove anti-white harassment from the report, explaining that "its report made clear that racial harassment predominantly affects black and Asian students". [77]
There are black supremacists in the United States who advocate the superiority of the "black race", including organized groups such as the Nation of Islam (NOI) and the New Black Panther Party (NBPP). These groups have repeatedly been accused of stirring up racial hatred against whites. [78] The Southern Poverty Law Center (SPLC) classifies the NBPP as a black separatist hate group [79] and says that its leaders "have advocated the killing of Jews and white people", [80] [81] while it describes the NOI as having a "theology of innate black superiority over whites". [82] The NOI was notably represented by Malcolm X and Khalid Abdul Muhammad, who made anti-white speeches and called for the murder of white Americans and white South Africans. [83] [84] The speeches of Elijah Muhammad and Louis Farrakhan also often emphasized hatred of whites. [84]
The United Nuwaubian Nation of Moors, a black supremacist group, founded and led by Dwight York, [85] [86] has been described by the SPLC as advocating the belief that black people are superior to white people. The SPLC reported that York's teachings included the belief that "whites are 'devils', devoid of both heart and soul, their color the result of leprosy and genetic inferiority". [87] [88] Another black supremacist group, the Nation of Yahweh, founded by Hulon Mitchell Jr., also known as Yahweh ben Yahweh, has been described by the SPLC as racist, stating that the group believes that Black people are the true Israelites and whites hold "wicked powers". The SPLC also claims that the group believes that Yahweh ben Yahweh had a Messianic mission to vanquish whites and that it held views similar to those of the Christian Identity movement, which believes that "Aryans" are the true Israelites and non-whites are devils. By 2007, the Nation of Yahweh had eliminated calls for violence and toned down its anti-white rhetoric, but remained Black supremacist and antisemitic in its ideology. [89]
Proponents of the pseudoscientific "melanin theory" argue that whites suffer from a melanin deficiency that makes them inferior to blacks in athletic, intellectual and spiritual terms. [90] [91] : 67 This theory has been popular with some proponents of Afrocentrism and black supremacists, including professor of black studies Leonard Jeffries [92] [91] : 56 and psychologist Frances Cress Welsing. [93]
A 2017 poll found that 55% of white Americans believe that white people face discrimination. [94] A 2022 poll found that 64% of Republicans polled said white people experience a fair amount of hate or discrimination in society. [95] A 2023 YouGov poll found that of Trump 2020 voters, 73% say that racism against white Americans is a problem. [96]
Following the dissolution of Rhodesia and Zimbabwe's independence from British rule in 1980, the Zimbabwe African National Union–Patriotic Front (ZANU–PF) party came to power. At the time, most agricultural land was owned by white Zimbabweans. The party, led by Robert Mugabe, implemented racist policies through land reform, confiscating land from whites and evicting them from their farms. Under President Robert Mugabe's regime, discrimination and violence were perpetrated against the country's white community, with the participation and encouragement of the state. [97] [98] Most white farmers were dispossessed and several were murdered. [99] Mugabe was regularly accused of stoking hostility towards Zimbabwe's white farmers and blaming them for the failure of his land reform to save his power. [100] [101] A racist ideology developed, with ZANU and ZAPU emphasizing the "sons and daughters of the soil" as genuine citizens as opposed to white aliens by nature (amabhunu). [102] On several occasions, Mugabe also made statements deemed racist towards whites. [98] [103]
Since then, Zimbabwe's white population has continued to decline, from 260,000 in 1975 to around 30,000 in 2014. While whites provided 80% of the national income, this agrarian policy is fostering famine in the former corn basket of Africa. From an exporter, the country became an importer. [101] In December 2008, the Southern African Development Community (SADC) Tribunal, in the case of Mike Campbell (Pvt) Ltd v Zimbabwe , accused Mugabe and his government of waging a racist political campaign in which land confiscations were carried out in a discriminatory manner. [104] [105] The government and the Supreme Court of Zimbabwe contested the tribunal's decision. [106] [105] [107] However, in 2016, noting the harmful impact of his measures on agricultural production, Mugabe called for the return to the country of white farmers forced into exile. [108]
In 2017, new President Emmerson Mnangagwa's inaugural speech promised to pay compensation to the white farmers whose land was seized during the land reform program. [109] Rob Smart became the first white farmer whose land was returned after President Mnangagwa was sworn in to office; he returned to his farm in Manicaland province by military escort. [110] During the World Economic Forum 2018 in Davos, Mnangagwa also stated that his new government believes thinking about racial lines in farming and land ownership is "outdated", and should be a "philosophy of the past." [111]
Racism is discrimination and prejudice against people based on their race or ethnicity. Racism can be present in social actions, practices, or political systems that support the expression of prejudice or aversion in discriminatory practices. The ideology underlying racist practices often assumes that humans can be subdivided into distinct groups that are different in their social behavior and innate capacities and that can be ranked as inferior or superior. Racist ideology can become manifest in many aspects of social life. Associated social actions may include nativism, xenophobia, otherness, segregation, hierarchical ranking, supremacism, and related social phenomena. Racism refers to violation of racial equality based on equal opportunities or based on equality of outcomes for different races or ethnicities, also called substantive equality.
Racism has been reflected in discriminatory laws, practices, and actions against racial or ethnic groups throughout the history of the United States. Since the early colonial era, White Americans have generally enjoyed legally or socially-sanctioned privileges and rights that have been denied to members of various ethnic or minority groups. European Americans have enjoyed advantages in matters of citizenship, criminal procedure, education, immigration, land acquisition, and voting rights.
SOS Rascime is an international movement of anti-racist NGOs. The oldest chapter of SOS Racisme was founded in 1984 in France, and it has counterparts in several other European countries or regions. Its Norwegian branch, which claimed to be both the largest chapter of SOS Racisme and the largest anti-racist organisation in Europe, was controversial for its strong Maoist stance and for defrauding the government, resulting in the organisation's conviction for fraud and its bankruptcy as well as criminal proceedings against its leaders.
The Mouvement contre le racisme et pour l'amitié entre les peuples is a French NGO which describes itself as anti-racist. It was founded in 1949.
Reverse racism, sometimes referred to as reverse discrimination, is the concept that affirmative action and similar color-conscious programs for redressing racial inequality are forms of anti-white racism. The concept is often associated with conservative social movements, and reflects a belief that social and economic gains by Black people and other people of color cause disadvantages for white people.
Anti-Black racism, also called anti-Blackness, colourphobia or negrophobia, is characterised by prejudice, collective hatred, and discrimination or extreme aversion towards people who are racialised as Black people, as well as a loathing of Black culture worldwide. Such sentiment includes, but is not limited to: the attribution of negative characteristics to Black people; the fear, strong dislike or dehumanisation of Black men; and the objectification and dehumanisation of Black women.
Racism has been a recurring part of the history of Europe.
The South African Human Rights Commission (SAHRC) was inaugurated in October 1995 as an independent chapter nine institution. It draws its mandate from the South African Constitution by way of the Human Rights Commission Act of 1994.
Robert Gabriel Mugabe was a Zimbabwean revolutionary and politician who served as Prime Minister of Zimbabwe from 1980 to 1987 and then as President from 1987 to 2017. He served as Leader of the Zimbabwe African National Union (ZANU) from 1975 to 1980 and led its successor political party, the ZANU – Patriotic Front (ZANU–PF), from 1980 to 2017. Ideologically an African nationalist, during the 1970s and 1980s he identified as a Marxist–Leninist, and as a socialist during the 1990s and the remainder of his career.
Julius Sello Malema is a South African politician. He is the founder and leader of the Economic Freedom Fighters (EFF), a populist far-left political party known for the red berets and military-style outfits worn by its members. He is sometimes referred to as Juju. Before the foundation of EFF, he served as a president of the African National Congress Youth League (ANCYL) from 2008 until his expulsion from the party in 2012.
Racism in South Africa can be traced back to the earliest historical accounts of interactions between African, Asian, and European peoples along the coast of Southern Africa. It has existed throughout several centuries of the history of South Africa, dating back to the Dutch colonization of Southern Africa, which started in 1652. Before universal suffrage was achieved in 1994, White South Africans, especially Afrikaners during the period of Apartheid, enjoyed various legally or socially sanctioned privileges and rights that were denied to the indigenous African peoples. Examples of systematic racism over the course of South Africa's history include forced removals, racial inequality and segregation, uneven resource distribution, and disenfranchisement. Racial controversies and politics remain major phenomena in the country.
Racism on the Internet sometimes also referred to as cyber-racism and more broadly considered as an online hate crime or an internet hate crime consists of racist rhetoric or bullying that is distributed through computer-mediated means and includes some or all of the following characteristics: ideas of racial uniqueness, racist attitudes towards specific social categories, racist stereotypes, hate-speech, nationalism and common destiny, racial supremacy, superiority and separation, conceptions of racial otherness, and anti-establishment world-view. Racism online can have the same effects as offensive remarks made face-to-face.
Racism has been called a serious social issue in French society, despite a widespread public belief that racism does not exist on a serious scale in France. Antisemitism and prejudice against Muslims have a long history. Acts of racism have been reported against members of various minority groups, including Jews, Berbers, Arabs and Asian. Police data from 2019 indicates a total of 1,142 acts classified as "racist" without a religious connotation.
Racism in Zimbabwe was introduced during the colonial era in the 19th century, when emigrating white settlers began racially discriminating against the indigenous Africans living in the region. The colony of Southern Rhodesia and state of Rhodesia were both dominated by a white minority, which imposed racist policies in all spheres of public life. In the 1960s–70s, African national liberation groups waged an armed struggle against the white Rhodesian government, culminating in a peace accord that brought the ZANU–PF to power but which left much of the white settler population's economic authority intact.
The Economic Freedom Fighters (EFF) is a South African communist and black nationalist political party. It was founded by expelled former African National Congress Youth League (ANCYL) president Julius Malema, and his allies, on 26 July 2013. Malema is president of the EFF, heading the Central Command Team, which serves as the central structure of the party. It is currently the fourth-largest party in the National Assembly.
Anti-racism encompasses a range of ideas and political actions which are meant to counter racial prejudice, systemic racism, and the oppression of specific racial groups. Anti-racism is usually structured around conscious efforts and deliberate actions which are intended to create equal opportunities for all people on both an individual and a systemic level. As a philosophy, it can be engaged in by the acknowledgment of personal privileges, confronting acts as well as systems of racial discrimination and/or working to change personal racial biases. Major contemporary anti-racism efforts include the Black Lives Matter movement and workplace anti-racism.
The white genocide, white extinction, or white replacement conspiracy theory is a white nationalist conspiracy theory that claims there is a deliberate plot to cause the extinction of white people through forced assimilation, mass immigration, or violent genocide. It purports that this goal is advanced through the promotion of miscegenation, interracial marriage, mass non-white immigration, racial integration, low fertility rates, abortion, pornography, LGBT identities, governmental land-confiscation from whites, organised violence, and eliminationism in majority white countries. Under some theories, Black people, Hispanics, and Muslims are blamed for the secret plot, but usually as more fertile immigrants, invaders, or violent aggressors, rather than as the masterminds. A related, but distinct, conspiracy theory is the Great Replacement theory.
Black First Land First (BLF) is a political movement and political party in South Africa. It was founded in 2015 by Andile Mngxitama following his expulsion from the Economic Freedom Fighters (EFF), led by Julius Malema.
Racism in the Dominican Republic exists due to the after-effects of African slavery and the subjugation of black people throughout history. In the Dominican Republic, "blackness" is often associated with Haitian migrants and a lower class status. Those who possess more African-like phenotypic features are often victims of discrimination, and are seen as foreigners.
John Andile Mngxitama is a South African politician serving as a member of Parliament for newly formed UMkhonto WeSizwe Party in the 7th Parliament. Previously he served as the president of the Black First Land First party from October 2015 until November 2023. Moreover, he was a member of the Economic Freedom Fighters, he served as a Member of the National Assembly of South Africa for the party from May 2014 until his expulsion in April 2015.
{{cite web}}: CS1 maint: numeric names: authors list (link)
