Total population | |
---|---|
at least 9% of Indian Christians [1] 90% of Pakistani Christians | |
Regions with significant populations | |
India and Pakistan (majority) Bangladesh and Nepal (minority) | |
Religions | |
Christianity | |
Scriptures | |
Bible |
The term Dalit Christian or Christian Dalit is used to describe those who have converted to Christianity from other forms of religion in the Indian subcontinent, and are still categorised as Dalits in Hindu, Christian, Muslim, and Sikh societies in South Asia. Hindu Dalits are sometimes referred to as Harijans . About 90% of Pakistani Christians are Dalits from the Chuhra caste and at least 9% of Indian Christians are Dalits, categorised thus by the greater societal practices in various parts of the Indian subcontinent. [1] [2] [3] [4] [5] [6]
Despite their conversion to Christianity, this group often continues to face societal discrimination both within and outside their religious community due to the pervasive influence of the caste system. Although Christian missionaries during the colonial era aimed to dismantle the caste hierarchy within the Church, the traces of caste-based practices persist in some Christian communities today with distinct practices and rituals from other Christian's. This article explores the historical journey and current status of Dalit Christians in the Indian Subcontinent, their struggles for equality, and their ongoing demand for recognition under the Indian Reservation policy. Furthermore, it sheds light on the cultural and religious expressions of Dalit Christians, including the emergence of Dalit Christian songs as a medium for social change in the 19th century.
Christian missionaries who were evangelising in colonial India fought against the idea of a caste system within church. [7] However, some people within the different branches of Christianity in South Asia still engage in societal practices with regard to the caste system, along with all its customs and norms, to varying degrees depending on their background. Though other Christians in the Indian subcontinent may not practice a caste culture themselves, they may face societal discrimination outside their Christian community for the caste they belong to. [8] Asif Aqeel and Sama Faruqi documented in Herald Magazine : [8]
In 1947, there were two types of Christians in what was then known as West Pakistan: landless, unskilled, poor labourers and peasants living in villages across central Punjab, and educated Christian professionals, mostly Anglo-Indians and Goans, who lived in big cities such as Karachi and Lahore. The former are generally converts to Christianity from low-caste Hindus and the latter from upper-caste Hindus as well as Muslims. Anglo-Indians and Goans immediately faced discrimination in jobs and business opportunities in the newly created Pakistan. Their rather privileged social status under the Raj – that prized their English language skills and British cultural mannerisms – started waning. Punjabi Christians, on the other hand, were always treated with contempt due to their caste and their dark skin. [8]
Within the three major Christian branches in South Asia, there were historically and are currently different levels of caste acceptance. The Protestant churches have been most consistent among the Christian community in repudiating it as part of the Hindu social order while attempting to establish a caste-less Christian community. [9] The Roman Catholic Church is said to sometimes develop a more culturally consistent view, treating the caste system as part of the Indian social structure and, for much of its history in India; similarly, the Syrian Orthodox Churches have sometimes responded in like fashion, except it has tended to collectively act as one caste within the caste system instead of maintaining different castes within their churches. [6] However, Protestant churches have fared no better than Catholic churches other than the fact that mainly Dalit dioceses have got Dalit Bishops. The other ways where the presence of caste is seen among Indian churches include the non-acceptance of a Dalit priest, maintaining separate entrance for Dalits in churches, separate seating, and other features. [10]
In Kerala, there are several documented events of this discrimination. Dalit Christians in colonial Kerala faced severe discrimination despite their conversion, remaining at the bottom of the social hierarchy. Syrian Christians in Kerala played a significant role in the slave trade during the Dutch colonial period, often acting as agents for the Dutch East India Company. Church buildings were used as slave warehouses and even as venues for public slave auctions, highlighting the connection between the religious institution and the practice of slavery. [11] Early converts, who were only allowed to live in temporary huts on upper-caste landlords' properties, sought land from missionaries to construct their own churches because they were being forced out of these churches from the upper castes. [12] However, these churches, often made of sticks, mud, and straw, were frequently attacked and burned down by upper-caste Hindus and prominent Muslim groups. [12] Despite this opposition, conversion to Christianity became a mass movement among the Dalits, who found strength in composing and singing songs that broke the restrictions of upper-caste language. [13] Within churches, Dalit Christians experienced continued discrimination, such as being forced to sit at the back during services or being relegated to separate areas in cemeteries. This discrimination persisted well into the early 20th century, with caste-based violence and social divisions remaining prevalent in Kerala churches. [14]
Other major factors affecting Dalit Christians and other Christians within India in regard to caste statutes are the regional variances in maintaining the caste system. [6] Rural communities are said to hold more strongly to the caste system than the urban communities and Roman Catholics are the majority of Christians in these communities. The urban areas tend to have the least pressure to maintain caste classes and Protestant churches are aid to be best represented in this background. [6] [15] [16]
After conversion, people in India lose any privileges they had in their former caste, while those in lower castes often gain more opportunities. [17] [6] Although a significant number [3] of Indian Christians are unofficially reported to be Dalit Christians, [18] [19] the Sachar Committee on Muslim Affairs reported that only 9% of Indian Christians have Scheduled Caste status, with a further 32.8% having Scheduled Tribe status, and 24.8% belonging to other disadvantaged groups. [20]
In the 1990s there were protests against those Christian organizations that still practiced some form of the caste system and for discrimination in leadership positions; Dalits saw those practices as contrary to Jesus's egalitarianism. [21] Dalit Christians have frequently criticized the Church for not just tolerating but hiding the discriminatory practices among Dalit Christians. [21]
Leonard Fernando, G. Gispert-Sauch writes that: "Today, no Indian Christian think would approve or speak of tolerating the caste reality. There are many, however, who live in it." [21] Dalits that have become Christians in south India have transformed their position as just spectators in Hindu religious practice to that of leaders and representatives of the Christian religion; they have also become influential promoters of Dalit political aspirations. [22]
Reservation is available to Dalits who follow Hinduism, Buddhism, and Sikhism, but Dalit Christians and Muslims are not protected as castes under Indian Reservation policy. [23] [24] The Indian constitution in 1950 abolished untouchability, converting those castes to scheduled castes and tribes: in doing so it also provided a system of affirmative action (called the Reservation Policy) whereby 22.5 percent of all government and semi-government jobs including seats in Parliament and state legislatures were reserved for those in those castes; the law also set aside space for admission to schools and colleges. In 1980 the constitutional policy was extended to cover the rest of the 3,743 backward castes in the country. But Christians who claim to belong to no caste are not included in the quotas, meaning those Dalits who convert to Christianity are no longer part of the affirmative action program run by the government. Dalit Christians have now appealed to the government to extend the benefits of reservation policy to Dalit Christians to improve their employment opportunities. [25] In 2008, a study commissioned by the National Commission for Minorities suggested extension of reservation to Dalit Muslims and Dalit Christians. According to the study, Indian Muslims and Christians should be brought under the ambit of the constitutional safeguards. [26]
Dalit Christian songs emerged as a significant medium for the expression of social change and emancipation in 19th century Kerala. Through these songs, the Dalit community in Kerala, primarily consisting of the Pulaya and Paraya castes, found a means to challenge the oppressive caste system and the practice of caste-based slavery. These songs became an important part of the cultural and religious life of the converted Dalit Christians. During the medieval period in Kerala, caste slavery and the sale of lower caste persons were prevalent social institutions. The arrival of the Portuguese in 1498 and the Dutch in 1603 strengthened the slave trading networks. The Portuguese era saw the Christian conversion of slave castes, and many Pulayas were baptized with Portuguese names. Syrian Christians, a significant part of Kerala society, were major slaveholders and played a crucial role in the sale of slaves. [27]
In the 19th century, Christian missionaries and native preachers composed and performed songs that carried anti-slavery and anti-caste messages. The songs were composed in modern Malayalam, making them accessible to a wider audience, and were often performed at roadside gatherings. [28] [29]
Oh God!
Hear our heartbreaking cries
Cleared forest and made it into land
We made our small huts as home
These people are thrown into the wilderness
Half dead and half alive (Oh God)
Made to plough fields yoked with bull and oxen
When they become frail
Beaten to death and buried (2)
Lord of creation heard our cries on the cross
Showed us the path of mercy (Oh God)
And we remember the color of his mercy
Fell down fatigued with the heavy load
Fell down exhausted
Found too frail and beaten up mercilessly
Bundled together and thrown into the wild
Half alive and half dead (Oh God)
Six days after delivery
Mother went out for work
Left the sleeping baby under the shade of a tree
Returned to find ant-eaten remains
Lord of creation heard our cries on the cross
Showed us the path of mercy
And we remember the color of his mercy (Oh God)
Europeans came among us
Slaves were freed with gospels (2)— Ayyayyo Daivame (Oh God!)
LMS missionary Samuel Mateer and native missionary Mosavalsala Sastrikal composed songs that were sung with fervor in Dalit congregations. One such popular song, "Adimavela Ozhinju," meaning "Our slavery is over; there is no more slave-work," captured the history of lower-caste slavery in 19th century Kerala. [30]
Our slave work is done, our slave bonds are gone,
For this, we shall never henceforth forsake Thee, O Jesus!
To purchase cattle, fields, houses, and many luxuries (we were sold);
(Now) Messiah himself has settled in the land a people who once fled
in terror (Our).
The father was sold to one place, the mother to another;
The children also separated. But now (Our).
The owners who enslaved us often caused us much suffering;
But will it comfort us to relate all the oppression in full? (Our).
After exhaustion with labour in burning heat, in rain and cold and dew,
They beat us cruelly. With thousands of strokes (Our).
Dogs might enter streets, markets, courts, and lands;
(but) if we went near, they beat and chased us to a distance— Adima vela ozhinju nammude (our slavery is over; there is no more slave-work)
These songs, which were performed in traditional Carnatic music style, were in stark contrast to the religious practices of the Syrian Christians and the caste-marked language used by Dalits in earlier generations. They symbolized a change in their social life and provided a space for them to liberate their thoughts. The songs influenced Dalit lives and brought changes in their lived experiences. [28] Through the use of modern Malayalam language, Dalits learned new vocabulary, biblical concepts, and even Sanskrit words, thus constructing a new linguistic culture among them. [31] [32]
The testimony of Vettamala Philipose (1900-85), a Dalit pastor in central Kerala, serves as a fine example of how Dalit Christians, persuaded by strong faith, responded to discrimination experienced within churches. After 1924, Syrian Christians conducted several revival meetings in different parts of central Kerala, and Dalits also joined these meetings. Vettamala Philipose, a Dalit pastor from Ranni, once went to listen to Mammen Pastor, a Syrian Christian. When Mammen Pastor saw Philipose, a dark young man, staring at him and keenly listening to his speech, he took a break from his sermon and made a derogatory remark about Philipose's appearance. This comment hurt Philipose, who then stood up and sang a new song, [14]
When the sun of justice comes in His radiance,
I would be cleared of my black colour,
in His second coming, I will be seated beside him like a king”— Philipose Vettamala, Vettamala Gananga
Dalit theology is a branch of Christian theology that emerged among the Dalit caste in the Indian subcontinent in the 1980s. It shares a number of themes with Latin American liberation theology, which arose two decades earlier, including a self-identity as a people undergoing Exodus. Dalit theology sees hope in the "Nazareth Manifesto" of Luke 4, where Jesus speaks of preaching "good news to the poor ... freedom for the prisoners and recovery of sight for the blind" and of releasing "the oppressed."
Mahatma Ayyankali was an Indian politician, prominent social reformer, educator, economist, lawmaker, and revolutionary leader. He worked for the advancement of the oppressed people in the princely state of Travancore. His struggle resulted in many changes that improved the socio-political structure of Kerala. His determined and relentless efforts changed the lives of Dalits.
Dalit, also some of them previously known as untouchables, is the lowest stratum of the castes in the Indian subcontinent. Dalits were excluded from the fourfold varna of the caste hierarchy and were seen as forming a fifth varna, also known by the name of Panchama. Several scholars have drawn parallels between Dalits and the Burakumin of Japan, the Baekjeong of Korea and the peasant class of the medieval European feudal system.
Christianity is India's third-largest religion with about 26 million adherents, making up 2.3 percent of the population as of the 2011 census. The written records of Saint Thomas Christians mention that Christianity was introduced to the Indian subcontinent by Thomas the Apostle, who sailed to the Malabar region in 52 AD.
Christianity is the third largest religion in Pakistan, making up about 1.27% of the population according to the 2017 Census. Of these, approximately half are Catholic and half Protestant. A small number of Eastern Orthodox Christians, and Oriental Orthodox Christians also live in Pakistan.
Chuhra, also known as Bhanghi and Balmiki, is a Dalit caste in India and Pakistan. Populated regions include the Punjab region of India and Pakistan, as well as Uttar Pradesh in India, among other parts of the Indian subcontinent such as southern India. Their traditional occupation is sweeping, a "polluting" occupation that caused them to be considered untouchables in the caste system.
The caste system in Kerala differed from that found in the rest of India. While the Indian caste system generally divided the four-fold Varna division of the society into Brahmins, Kshatriyas, Vaishyas and Shudras, in Kerala, there existed only two varnas: Brahmins and Shudras, out of these four, while others were classified as Avarna. The Malayali Brahmins formed the priestly class. Brahmins labeled all other castes as "Sat-sudra", "Shudra" and "Avarna" based on their origin and ritual rank. The exception to this were Kings in Kerala like of Travancore and Cochin, who were ritually promoted to the status of Kshatriya by means of the Hiranyagarbha ceremony.
The caste system in India is the paradigmatic ethnographic instance of social classification based on castes. It has its origins in ancient India, and was transformed by various ruling elites in medieval, early-modern, and modern India, especially in the aftermath of the collapse of the Mughal Empire and the establishment of the British Raj. It is today the basis of affirmative action programmes in India as enforced through its constitution. The caste system consists of two different concepts, varna and jati, which may be regarded as different levels of analysis of this system.
The caste system among South Asian Christians often reflects stratification by sect, location, and the caste of their predecessors. There exists evidence to show that Christian individuals have mobility within their respective castes. But, in some cases, social inertia caused by their old traditions and biases against other castes remain, causing caste system to persist among South Asian Christians, to some extent. Christian priests, nuns, Dalits and similar groups are found in India, Pakistan, Bangladesh, and Nepal.
Protestants in India are a minority and a sub-section of Christians in India and also to a certain extent the Christians in Pakistan before the Partition of India, that adhere to some or all of the doctrines of Protestantism. Protestants in India are a small minority in a predominantly Hindu majority country, but form majorities in the north-eastern states of Meghalaya, Mizoram and Nagaland and significant minorities in Konkan division, Bengal, Kerala and Tamil Nadu, with various communities in east coast and northern states. Protestants today trace their heritage back to the Protestant reformation of the 16th century. There are an estimated 20 million Protestants and 16 million Pentecostals in India.
National Commission for Religious and Linguistic Minorities, also called Ranganath Misra Commission, was constituted by Government of India on 29 October 2004 to look into various issues related to Linguistic and Religious minorities in India. It was chaired by former Chief Justice of India Justice Ranganath Misra, member of Rajya Sabha from 1998 to 2004. The commission submitted the report to the Government on 21 May 2007.
Anti-Christian violence in India is religiously motivated violence against Christians in India. Human Rights Watch has classified violence against Christians in India as a tactic used by the right-wing Sangh Parivar organizations to encourage and exploit communal violence in furtherance of their political ends. The acts of violence include arson of churches, conversion of Christians by force, physical violence, sexual assaults, murders, rapes, and the destruction of Christian schools, colleges, and cemeteries.
Nepal is a secular state under the Constitution of Nepal 2015, where "secular" means religious, cultural freedoms, including protection of religion and culture handed down from time immemorial.
Vishva Hindu Parishad (VHP) is an Indian far-right Hindu organisation based on Hindu nationalism. The VHP was founded in 1964 by M. S. Golwalkar and S. S. Apte in collaboration with Swami Chinmayananda. Its stated objective is "to organise, consolidate the Hindu society and to serve and protect the Hindu Dharma". It was established to construct and renovate Hindu temples, and deal with matters of cow slaughter and religious conversion. The VHP is a member of the Sangh Parivar group, the family of Hindu nationalist organisations led by the RSS.
Poykayil Sree Kumara Gurudevan, known as Poykayil Appachan or Poykayil Yohannan, was a spiritual leader, poet, Dalit emancipator, renaissance leader and the founder of the socio-religious movement Prathyaksha Raksha Daiva Sabha.
Ghar Wapsi is the programme of religious conversion to Hinduism from Islam, Christianity, and other religions in India conducted by Indian Hindu nationalist organisations Vishva Hindu Parishad (VHP), Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS) and their allies. The term owes to the Hindu nationalist ideology that all people of India are ancestrally Hindu and, hence, conversion to Hinduism is one of "returning home" to their ancestral roots.
In the state of Andhra Pradesh the most widely professed religion is Hinduism, with significant Muslim communities. According to 2011 Census of India figures, Hindus (~90.89%), Muslims (~7.30%) and Christians (1.34%) form the three largest religious groups in the total population of the state. Jains (0.06%) and Buddhists (0.04%) are the minority religious groups of the state.
Punjabi Christians are adherents of Christianity who identify ethnically, linguistically, culturally, and genealogically as Punjabis. They are mainly found in the Pakistani province of Punjab, forming the largest religious minority. They are one of the four main ethnoreligious communities of the Punjab region with the others being Muslims, Sikhs and Hindus. Punjabi Christians are traditionally divided into various castes, and are largely descendants of Hindus who converted to Christianity during the British Raj in colonial India.
The Bettiah Christians, also known as Betiawi Christians, are the northern Indian subcontinent's oldest Christian community, which emerged in the 18th century. The origins of the Bettiah Christian community lie in Champaran in what is now the Indian state of Bihar, in which the king of the Bettiah Raj, Maharaja Dhurup Singh, invited Roman Catholic missionaries of the Order of Friars Minor Capuchin to establish the Bettiah Christian Mission there.
The Latin Catholics of Malabar Coast, aka Latin Christians of Kerala or Malabar Latin Catholics are a multi-ethnic religious group who constitute the ecclesiastical provinces of Verapoly and Trivandrum, which follow the Roman Rite liturgical practices of the Latin Church, on the Malabar Coast, the southwestern coast of India. They are predominantly Malayali people and speak the Malayalam language, though a subgroup of Luso-Indians speaks the Cochin Portuguese Creole. They trace their origins to the evangelization of Malabar Coast by the Dominican, Franciscan, Jesuit and Carmelite missionaries, mainly French and Portuguese.
For example, 90 to 95% of Pakistani Christians are Punjabi of the chura (dalit) group converted from Hinduism rather than from Islam or local religious systems.
This study explores caste discrimination in Pakistan against untouchable (Dalit) converts to Christianity. During the nineteenth century in India, many Dalits converted to Christianity to escape caste persecution. In the 1870s in Punjab, a mass movement to Protestant Christianity flourished among the Dalit caste. The Chuhras were the largest menial caste in Punjab and engaged in degrading occupations including sweeping and sanitation work. By the 1930s, almost the entire caste converted to Protestant Christianity. In 1947, during the partition of India, the majority converts in Punjab became part of the Protestant community in Pakistan. After Partition, many uneducated were confined to menial jobs in the sanitation industry. Today, the stigma of Dalit ancestry is a distinct feature of social discrimination again Christians in Pakistan.
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has generic name (help)Protestant missionaries not only to condemn caste but also to eliminate it within the churches. The missionaries aimed at encouraging and strengthening the existing movements against caste oppression and discrimination. ... Especially, the founders of Guntur and Nellore missions were the arch enemies of the spirit and practice of the caste system.
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