Herzl's Mauschel and Zionist antisemitism

Herzl's 1897 article "Mauschel"

Mauschel is an article written and published by Theodor Herzl in 1897. ^{[1] [2] [3]} The text appeared in his newspaper, Die Welt, which was to become the principal outlet for the Zionist movement down to 1914, ^[4] and was published roughly a month after the conclusion of the First Zionist Congress. ^[5]

Herzl believed that there were two types of Jews, Jiden (Yids) and Juden (Jews), ^{[6] [a]} and considered any Jew who openly opposed his proposals for a Zionist solution to the Jewish question to be a Mauschel. ^[b] The article has often been taken, since its publication, to be emblematic of an antisemitic strain of thinking in Zionism, and has been described as an antisemitic rant. ^{[9] [6] [10]}

Etymology and meaning

The word "Mauschel" is an epithet which is formed from the verb mauscheln , "to speak German with a Yiddish accent." ^[1] One etymology derives it from the Yiddish Moyschele or "little Moses", ^[11] though the sound also evokes connotations of Maus (mouse). The German writer and theologian Johann Peter Hebel translated it as "Mauses", evoking the verminous creature orthographically and phonetically. ^{[12] [c]} Mauschel is attested from the 17th century as a word for a haggling Jewish trader, but the term's meaning was then extended to refer pejoratively to Judeo-Germans generally, regardless of the quality of their German. The connotative sense of both forms extends from hustling and swindling to insincerity and duplicitous or generally dishonourable behaviour. ^{[1] [10] [d]}

Background

Several factors exacerbated the resurgence of antisemitism in Germany, the Austro-Hungarian Empire and Eastern Europe in the late 19th century.

Large-scale pogroms swept through Russia from 1881 to 1884. These events coincided with a demographic boom, an agrarian crisis, and the inability of industrial growth (itself undermining traditional values) ^[14] to keep pace with and absorb the burgeoning influx of the displaced rural poor into cities. ^{[15] [16]}

These factors combined to worsen the positions of Ostjuden, whose economic positions were being undermined. Emigration en masse from the traditional shtetl to become a "Weltvolk" on the move was facilitated by the more efficient transport technologies of steamships and railways. ^[15] Vienna in particular, where Herzl spent his adult years, was a crucial crossroads for these tensions.

The period was a critical one in Austrian history. Twenty-five years of a stable political order were coming to an end, and the antisemitic Christian Social Party had won the elections. ^{[17] [18]} It was in this context that Herzl, a thoroughly assimilated, German nationalist Jew, with almost no knowledge of Hebrew and little of Judaism (a prompter had to whisper to him the brokhe (berakhah) when he was asked to recite it in the Basel synagogue) ^{[19] [e]} became a fierce proponent and theorist of Zionism. ^[20]

These waves of newcomers stirred xenophobic alarms in countries westwards, and in particular troubled the established Jewish middle class communities, who felt duty-bound to provide charitable assistance to, and find solutions, including repatriation, ^{[f] [21]} for the plight of their Eastern European religious brethren, ^[22] but who, at the same time, accepted many of the negative perceptions about traditional Jews current among the non-Jewish majorities. ^[g]

Vienna's Jewish bourgeoisie generally strongly identified with its German milieu and now felt challenged by the recrudescence of powerful antisemitic forces increasingly hostile to Jews and their growing numbers ^[h] due to the rapid influx of Jewish immigrants from the east. ^[23]

Wealthy western Jews often accentuated the aspect of Sephardic origin, thought to be culturally and physically superior, ^{[24] [i]} to mark their distance from the oriental Ashkenazim, ^[25] and Herzl himself made such a claim for his own family, though there was no evidence for it. ^[26]

Jewish elites in the West had assimilated the secular principles of the Enlightenment, were committed to their various nations, wary of displays of Jewishness and Jewish nationalism, knew little of the Ostjuden, and were prone to echo mainstream stereotypes ^[j] about their poverty, dirtiness and superstitiousness. ^{[27] [28]} In France in 1894, Bernard Lazare spoke of Ostjuden as "coarse and dirty, pillaging Tatars, who come to feed upon a country which does not belong to them." ^[29] (Lazare later became a Zionist, and briefly, a friend of Herzl's, and radically, reversed his views of Ostjuden.) Overwhelmingly, the concern that Herzl shows for Jews was, as with Max Nordau, for these Ostjuden. ^[k]

Antisemitism for Herzl indeed had its uses, however painful. In his play The New Ghetto (1894) ^[l] Herzl has the Rabbi Friedheimer remark: "Antisemitism isn't all bad. As the movement gains force, I observe a return to religion. Antisemitism is a warning to us to stand together, not to abandon the God of our fathers, as many have done.". ^{[30] [m]} While repudiating religion, Herzl's programme can be read as a secular redemption of traditional Jewish religious messianism. ^[31]

In his foundational Zionist text, Der Judenstaat (1896) ^[n] Herzl indeed appealed to assimilated Jews to support Zionism out of self-interest. By ridding (Western) Europe of the "disquieting, incalculable, and unavoidable rivalry of a Jewish proletariat,"(die beunruhigende,unberechenbare, unvermeidliche Konkurrenz des jüdischen Proletariats) their own social position would be shored up against both Christian antisemitism and a new class of poor economic competitors. ^{[32] [33] [34] [o]}

Alan Levenson, commenting on the philosemitic ^[p] Hermann Bahr's belief that Herzl was driven by a concern for Eastern Jews, ^[q] writes: "To credit Herzl with having the Polish Jews ever in his heart is also a strange judgment considering his contempt for his 'army of schnorrers.' Herzl had also gone to the Jewish masses only after the plutocrats had shown him the door." ^{[35] [r]}

Synopsis

Jacques Kornberg calls Hertz's portrait of this putative "Jewish type" an "antisemite's dream" ^[36] Jay Geller considers it significant that Mauschel is used absolutely, without the expected definite or indefinite article. The lack of an article, Geller argues, indicates that Herzl is describing a particular type of Jew, one who embodies what antisemitic stereotypes say of Jews generally. ^[s]

For Herzl, Mauschel means a "bad Jew" as opposed to a "virtuous Jew" and his characterization of both consists of stereotypes. ^[37] The (good) Jew is no better or worse than any other human being. The (bad) Jew or Mauschel type by contrast is a distortion (Verzerrung) of human character, something unspeakably repulsive. ^[38] From the outset, Herzl declares, "Mauschel is an anti-Zionist." ^{[1] [t]} Herzl proceeds to qualify what he specifically understands by this "Jewish" type:

Who is this Mauschel anyway? A type, my dear friends, a figure that keeps reappearing over the ages, the hideous companion (fürchterliche Begleiter) of the Jew and so inseparable from him that the two have always been confused with each other. A Jew is a human being like any other – no better and no worse, possibly intimidated and embittered by persecution, and very steadfast in suffering. Mauschel, on the other hand, is a distortion (Verzerrung) of human character, something unspeakably low and repugnant. ^{[39] [40] [u]}

The essential distinction between a "good" and a "bad" Jew is a lack of honour in the latter. It is the hallmark of the Mauschel that, when poor, he behaves as a "despicable schnorrer" (erbärmlicher Schnorrer), and if as a parvenu he comes into riches, he proves to be an even more detestable show-off (Protz), ^[10] a "crafty profit-seeker" engaged in "dirty deals," who cringes in adversity rather than bearing up stoically under persecution. Good Jews have always been aware of, and tolerated, even helped, this kind of "spineless repressed and shabby fellow" (verkrümmter, verdrückter und schäbiger Geselle) in their midst. ^{[41] [1] [42]} The Mauschel commits apostasy, unlike the real Jew. ^[43] With the emergence of Zionism, he continues, the Mauschel has done his fellow-Jews a praiseworthy favour by setting himself apart from them as an "anti-Zionist". ^[1] It is the Mauschel who has given currency to the catchphrase about Zionist Jews being antisemitic, thereby conniving with antisemites themselves. ^[44] The pulpits of synagogues should be cleansed of rabbis who protest about Zionism. ^[45] The opponents of Zionism should be treated as what they are, enemies: the "motley crew" of profit-seekers – Jewish financiers, with skeletons in their closets; blackmailing Jewish journalists who accept bribes to keep quiet about misdoings; Jewish lawyers who serve a clientale operating on the edges of the law, along with pinko politicians, pious hypocrites, shady businessmen and the like. ^[46] Elsewhere in his writings, Herzl described opponents of the Zionism he was proposing as "Jewish vermin" (Schädlinge). ^[v]

If it puzzles Jews how they could have come to be confused with the Mauschel when the two types have always felt antipathy for each other, and if Jews are perplexed as to how this kind of Jew, whom Herzl and antisemites find repulsive, came to be part of Jewry, then perhaps, Herzl speculates, the explanation may be that sometime in the distant past the Jews suffered from racial contamination:

These irreconcilable, inexplicable antitheses make it seem as though at some dark moment in our history some inferior human material (eine niedrigere Volksmasse) got into our unfortunate people and blended with it. ^{[43] [w] [43] [47] [42]}

This reflects contemporary antisemitic claims about Jews: a very similar prejudice is expressed in Houston Stewart Chamberlain's The Foundations of the Nineteenth Century (1899), one of the most influential antisemitic works of his time. Chamberlain wrote that the "Jewish race" had an "admixture of negro blood". ^{[3] [x]} Herzl closes his article with the following remark, which Daniel Boyarin takes ^[50] to be a threat against Jews who will not aid in the Zionist project:

Mauschel, watch out! Zionism could act as (Wilhelm) Tell did in the legend. When Tell prepared to shoot the apple from his son's head, he had a second arrow in readiness. If the first shot missed. The second was to serve for revenge. Friends, the second arrow of Zionism is meant for Mauschel's chest! ^[y]

Strange Bedfellows

Eastern Jews, 75% of Jewry at that time, figure frequently in early Zionist texts as an impoverished population that was both physically and morally "degenerate". ^[51] As early as 1882, Herzl himself had likened Jews to a deformed finger on the hand of mankind. ^[52] He eventually came round to considering antisemitism to be indelible, assimilation to be illusory, and that the problem could only be resolved by removing its cause. ^[53] According to Steve Beller, Herzl thought that it was precisely the legal emancipation of Jews, with its collateral effect of allowing Jews to compete, which lay at the root of modern antisemitism. ^[z]

The movement Herzl founded, particularly among the Jewish intelligentsia in the German cultural sphere, concerned itself not only with the idea of transferring Jews out of Europe, but also with subjecting what they perceived to be "Jewish character" to a "purging". Herzl once punningly stated this aim as one of transforming Judenjungen ("Jewboys"/Kikes) into proud "young Jews" (junge Juden). ^{[54] [aa]} In a move Levenson considers "baffling", Herzl even pressed the philosemitic Arthur von Suttner, president of the Austrian branch of The Society for the Defense Against Antisemitism, to disband the association, arguing that Jews unable to protect themselves from antisemitism should not be defended:

Jews [without backbone] should not be protected by the Verein zur Abwehr; its members are too good for that. But Jews who are upright want to defend themselves, and must do so; and even this will raise them but a little in the esteem of their adversaries. The Verein zur Abwehr can do us one more favor: It should disband. ^[57]

These Zionist portrayals of a putative Jewish type in the diaspora (Golusjude) reflected the influence of canards current in antisemitic caricatures of the Jews themselves. ^[58] Some antisemites indeed, Jacob Katz observed, considered their own views on Jews as very similar to what Zionists themselves were stating. ^{[59] [60]} Beller notes that Herzl's own opinions in this regard were similar in some instances to the vehemently antisemitic views of the composer Richard Wagner. ^[ab]

Zionists were often criticized by fellow Jews for advocating what antisemites proposed. In his novel "The Road into the Open"(Der Weg ins Freie (1908)), Arthur Schnitzler has one character say: "I myself have only succeeded up to the present in making the acquaintance of one genuine anti-Semite. I'm afraid I'm bound to admit,..that it was a well-known Zionist leader". ^{[61] [ac]} The anti-Zionists' perception was that the "evacuation" of Jews from Europe was essentially identical to what antisemites advocated, namely expulsion, the only difference being that Zionists were suggesting the exercise of choice over forced removal. Ezra Mendelsohn once argued that while Jewish scholarship traditionally considered post WW1 Poland to be almost unique in the extremity of its anti-Semitism, Polish nationalist leaders, antisemites and their Jewish counterparts appear to have shared "a common intellectual, conceptual and political universe" and identical assumptions about the putative "nature" of the Jews, in a milieu where Zionism flourished, giving the impression that Zionists and Polish antisemites were, in Scott Ury's interpretation, "strange bedfellows". ^{[62] [63] [ad]}

For Herzl and those persuaded by his proposal, the creation of a Jewish state in Palestine was not only the only rational response to pervasive antisemitism in Europe, but it was also one which, through dialogue, antisemites themselves would support and organize, ^[64] if only by exercising a "legitimate self-defense" against Jewish commercial competitiveness. ^[ae] Earlier proposals for the idea of a return of Jews to Palestine had aroused little hostility or focused curiosity among antisemites, ^{[65] [af]} notable exceptions in the latter regard being Édouard Drumont and Győző Istóczy. The latter, a lifelong antisemite, fervently embraced the idea of Jewish Expatriation, ^{[66] [ag]} also as a means of reinvigorating the "enfeebled". The former's newspaper, La Libre Parole, responded exuberantly to the First Zionist Congress in 1897 by offering to raise a subscription to finance Jewish colonies abroad. ^[67] Herzl himself came round to the view that anti-Semitism itself could be turned to advantage since it served to exert pressure towards the reform of alleged flaws in Jewish character. ^[68]

Herzl at one point wrote:

We want to let respectable antisemites participate in our project, respecting their independence which is valuable to us as a sort of people's control authority. ^{[69] [ah]}

Herzl perceived a common strategic aim shared by, and beneficial to, both Zionists and antisemites. The evacuation of Jews from Europe would benefit both in that Jews would be liberated from antisemitism while relieving Europeans of Jews and thereby "liberating them from us." ^{[70] [ai]} To achieve this, one could even entrust the liquidation of Jewish assets in Europe to decent (anständige) antisemites:

It would be excellent idea to call in respectable, accredited anti-Semites (anständige und akkreditierte Antisemiten) as liquidators of property. To the people they would vouch for the fact that we do not want to bring about the impoverishment of the countries we leave. The anti-Semites will become our most dependable friends, the anti-Semitic countries our allies (Die Antisemiten werden unsere verläßlichsten Freunde, die antisemitischen Länder unsere Verbündeten.). ^{[71] [72] [73]}

Boyarin illustrates compatibility between Herzl's self-hatred and antisemites' desire for expulsion, quoting German philosopher Gottlieb Fichte. A century earlier, Fichte said:

As to giving them [Jews] civil rights, I see no way other than that of some night cutting off their heads and attaching in their place others in which there is not a single Jewish idea. To protect ourselves from them I see no means other than to conquer for them their promised land and to pack them off there. ^{[73] [aj]}

Jews, on the eve of their mass departure, could also use their expertise to help Europeans rid the world of the unrestrained power of money by nationalizing their stock exchanges and credit systems. For otherwise, in the absence of the expatriated Jews the probability would be, for Herzl, that Europeans themselves, left to their own resources, would in turn just judaise (verjuden) themselves. ^[70] In his address to the Rothschild family, he stated that were they to exempt themselves from Zionist expatriation, they would be excluded from the liquidation of Jewish assets in Europe for "Europe could not stand the additional shock of your liquidation." ^{[74] [ak]} He reflected that the antisemitic campaigns feeding off speculations concerning the role of Jewish finance ^[al] in the wake of the Panama scandals ^[am] were not wholly harmful: they had in his view their advantages, one of which was that they might "smash the insolence of Jews proud of their fortune and the cynical ruthless character of Jewish financiers", and thereby contribute to the education of the Jews. ^[an] According to his biography, Herzl both envied and despised wealthy Jews. ^[76] He once dismissed Albert Rothschild the head of the family's Austrian branch as a "Jewboy". ^{[47] [ao]}

The Palestinian solution to the Jewish Question

Herzl himself imagined the Promised Land as a place where stereotypical Jews with their hooked noses, red hair and bow-legs could live free of contempt. ^[9] In his subsequent novel Altneuland (1902) he described variously the Palestinian tradespeople prior to the advent of the reforming New Society to be established by Zionism. Without specifying their ethnicity, the narrator and his aristocratic Prussian interlocutor Kingscourt/Königshoff note streets filled with the sickly, mendicants, famished children, screaming women and strident merchants. Beggarly Jews at prayer at the Wall are "repulsive" (widerlich) Jaffa is peopled by an indolent, beggarly, hopeless assortment of poor Turks, dirty Arabs and timid Jews. Jay Geller comments that Herzl's descriptions here of "abject Palestinian life prior to the New Society" reproduce "Western Jewish representations of the Austro-Hungarian and German empires' internal colonized populations of Eastern Jews." ^[77] Zionists pressing for a Palestinian solution considered that only a peasant lifestyle rooted in farming a land could redeem many Jews given, in his view, to the "moral degeneracy" of behaving according to stereotype, with Herzl writing in his diary (24 August 1897) just prior to the first Zionist Congress, of the hucksters, peddlers, schnorrers and swindlers in his ranks. ^{[78] [79]}

I am in command only of boys, beggars, and parasites (shmucks). ^[ap] Some of them exploit me. Others are already jealous or disloyal. The third kind drop off as soon as some little career opens up for them. Few of them are unselfish enthusiasts. Nevertheless, this army would be entirely sufficient if only success were in sight. Then it would quickly become a well-conditioned, regular army ^{[80] [79] [aq]}

Herzl confided to his diary in 1895 that he saw himself as a "man who makes aniline out of refuse." ^{[79] [ar]} The idea is elaborated on in his story, The Aniline Inn where it may be read as a cypher for Herzl's own conversion to Zionism. An innkeeper tells a professor on the verge of suicide that what saved him from a similar despair was an encounter with a needy labourer, to whom he gave some money. The worker told him that at his workplace, worthless refuse – coal tar – was transformed into aniline dyes with their "beautiful, radiant colours". ^[81] The clear implication is that to Herzl, Zionism would be manufacturing a useful product from human rubbish. ^[82]

In 1915, Pinhas Felix Rosenblüth, who rose to be Israel's first Justice Minister, wrote in a field report on Ostjuden published in Der Jüdische Student that the great lesson for young Jewish Zionists fighting on the eastern front, on experiencing delusions at what they observe of Jewish life there, was that Palestine was one large "institute for the fumigation of (all) Jewish vermin" (Große Entlausungsanstalt für alles jüdische Ungeziefer). ^{[54] [as]}

Zionism's proposal of Palestine clashed with the American option, namely mass emigration as exemplified by Baron Hirsch and his Jewish Colonization Association Zionists. In discussing this competitive plan, Zionists were stirred by fears that exposure of eastern Jews to modern capitalism would wean them from a return to the plough and the hammer in agricultural colonies in Palestine. America would threaten to seduce immigrant Ostjuden back into the hectic world of financial wheeling and dealing which, for Zionists, constituted traits in Jews they aspired to uproot. ^{[at] [au]}

Responses and interpretations

Herzl's Viennese contemporary Karl Kraus, a fellow Jew, journalist and writer, with a theatrical brio not dissimilar to Herzl's, ^[83] was also much given to the tactical exploitation of antisemitic barbs, to the point that he is widely described as an extreme case of Jewish self-hatred. ^{[84] [av]} Kraus wrote a withering critique of Zionism soon after Herzl made his proposal. The article he penned, A Crown for Zion (Eine Krone für Zion), was prompted by a request soliciting the donation of a crown towards the expenses of the Second Zionist Party Congress in Basel, 1898. The title puns on crown as a monetary unit, and crown as a headpiece symbolizing monarchical power. A contribution would signify his support for Herzl as the King of Zionism, which Kraus then goes on to characterize as intrinsically an antisemitic movement, and Zionists as Jewish antisemites because, like their 'Aryan', counterparts, they seek the expulsion of Jews from Europe. ^[91] The problem was to civilize Europe by having it fully assimilate its Jewish population: to pursue Jewish colonization of their own country was less utopian than a remedy that envisaged a mass exodus of Jews elsewhere. ^[92] Already by 1898 Kraus had equated Zionists with antisemites: what Zionists preached was itself a form of antisemitism, and the risk was that they converge or collude with real antisemites themselves. ^{[92] [aw]} In a review of Herzl's New Ghetto, Kraus put his accusation in more pointed language. when antisemites' chanted: "Out with you Jews!" (Hinaus mit euch Juden!), Zionists could be understood in effect as cheerily chiming in: "Yes, out with us Jews!" (Jawohl, hinaus mit uns Juden!). ^[40]

Herzl's notion. Kraus further argued, played manipulatively on the hopes and sufferings of Ostjuden, serving them up with a kind of utopian mirage or opium for the oriental proletariat in places like Galicia. ^[93]

Jacques Kornberg, the author of a very influential rereading of Herzl's switch from assimilationism to expatriating Zionism, interprets Zionism as Herzl's way of resolving his own self-contempt in that it would create a new Jew. ^[47]

Daniel Boyarin maintains that Herzl, like Freud, was antisemitic and that Herzl's resolutive response to the antisemitism of his times was and remains deeply flawed. ^{[94] [ax]} Herzl, having internalized the antisemitic view of Jews, had earlier imagined a number of dramatic ways to put an end to the problem. He once imagined guaranteeing the Pope that he could persuade all Jews to convert to Catholicism. In this scenario, he and a few other leaders alone would remain faithful, in defense of Jewish honour and dignity, a handful of courageous witnesses to their origins, in the face of an antisemitic world. ^[96]

Boyarin suggests that The "New Ghetto" (1894) anticipated Herzl's later Zionist view that it is antisemitism that ensured Jews would remain Jews. ^[97] The absence of a state and preparedness to defend it suggested for Herzl effeminized unmanliness. ^[98] The play suggests for Boyarin that Herzl was disturbed by what he saw as the "vulgarity" of the Jewish working class, and the manners of parvenu Jewish capitalists, both of which prevented their acceptance by gentile elites. ^[41] The heroic figure in the play's dénouement, doing his "Christian duty" (Christenpflicht) ^[ay] to defend the class interests of poor Jews and gentiles even at the risk of damaging capital interests, dies in a duel to defend Jewish honour. ^[az] The redemption of Jewish honour via a mimesis of gentile masculinity, ^[ba] gaining acceptance among gentiles without succumbing to servility is, Boyarin insists, fundamental to Herzl's life. ^{[99] [bb]} Zionism in this reading aspires to assimilate Jews to the model of German culture, a state of "German Protestantism with a Jewish alias" ^[102] while removing themselves from Europe. ^[bc]

For Ritchie Robertson, it is only a half-truth to say Zionism emerged as a response to the antisemitic scandal afforded by the Dreyfus trial, as Herzl later claimed. ^[103] Herzl wrote that antisemitism had its roots in envy of superior Jewish abilities. ^[bd] Herzl's Zionism arose paradoxically from his deep admiration for the Prussian military aristocracy and his profound contempt for ghetto Jews. ^[104] Like Walther Rathenau, Herzl's lifelong "hyper acculturation" to and admiration for Prussia led him to embrace a military mentality based on virility and honour. He confided in negotiations with German authorities, that a Jewish state, with strict patterns of discipline and perhaps as a German protectorate, would have a salutary effect on Jewish character. ^[26]

Derek Penslar, contextualizing Mauschel, sees Herzl as basically a "histrionic personality", whose life was obsessed and torn between a thirst for honour, a love of theatricality evident in what has been called his "staging of Zionism". ^{[4] [be]} and a loathing of hypocrisy. The political Zionism he developed aspired to create an "authentic Jewish selfhood" and had a performative function for a man who was neither comfortable nor well-informed about Judaism and its culture. He likens these complexities in Herzl's psychological makeup and attitude towards Jews to the ambivalence Herzl saw in the dual duplicity and performativity of the Bishari(/n), Sudanese "savages" who once opposed Western colonial powers and whose opportunistic "perfidy" in switching sides could quickly absorb aspects of the modern world, like bargaining and money, as when they were hired to perform in human zoos in Europe. ^[2]

Glenn Bowman, professor emeritus of anthropology at Kent University, argues that there is an ambiguity in Herzl's design for a Jewish state in Palestine. Herzl, he argues, vacillated between imagining a recreation of a vibrant cosmopolitan state in the Middle East, only nominally Jewish, which would enable Jews to become Europeans without the harassment of antisemitism, which insisted on their remaining Jews, and conceiving it as a "racially distinct entity".

Herzl in effect argued that as Jews were made "Jewish" by exclusion and Europeans could only see Jewishness when it saw Jews (henceforth insisting on maintaining the exclusionary policies that made Jews "Jewish"), Jews would have to leave Europe in order to stop being "Jewish" and reveal themselves as European. ^[105]

See also

• Zionist antisemitism

Notes

1. In his diary entry for 2 July 1896, he mentions talking to Moses Schnirer, the president of the Viennese Zionist Association: "I immediately took the opportunity to tell him that I wanted to induce Edmond Rothschild to join the movement by resigning my leadership. For, I said, there are Yids and there are Jews. The Yids will be in no mood to support the cause, for fear of thereby lending me personally a helping hand." ^[7] "Ich nahm sofort Gelegenheit, zu sagen, daß ich Edmund Rothschild.zum Eintritt in die Bewegung durch meinen Rücktritt veranlassen wolle. Denn es gibt Jiden und Juden. Die Jiden werden nicht Lust haben, di Sache zu unterstützen, aus Furcht, mir persönlich damit Verspann zu leisten." ^[8]
2. Kein wahrer Jude kann Antizionist sein, nur Mauschel ist es/"no true Jew can be an anti-Zionist; only Mauschel is one" (Herzl 1897, p. 2; Herzl 1973, pp. 166, 167; Penslar 2020b, p. 114).
3. Maus (mouse) resonates with Mauschel. Geller writes: "The term was applied to both the diseased, deficient and decadent language of the Jews, Yiddish, and the no-less diseased, deficient and decadent identity of the stereotypical Jews who speak that language. The orthographic connection between Maus and Mauschel is more than fortuitous since it is the absence of an indigenous language that denies nationality status to the Jews. Yiddish, Judendeutsch, Mauscheldeutsch, is for Nordau but a degenerate form of German. Maus points as well to Mieselsucht. The affix Miesel of Mieselsucht denotes the blotches symptomatic of leprosy, but it can also refer to a Mäuschen (literally 'little mouse')." (Geller 1995, p. 141)
4. One immediate response by Moritz von Reymond to Wilhelm Marr's 1879 pamphlet which set a vogue for using the recent neologism antisemitic/antisemitism in the sense of opposition to both Jewry and Jewishness, uses the word in its very title, Wo steckt der Mauschel? Oder jüdischer Liberalismus und wissenschaftlicher Pessimismus. Ein offener brief an W. Marr. (Where is the kike? Or Jewish liberalism and scientific pessimism. An open letter to W. Marr). ^[13]
5. He eventually grew his long beard, however, to express his solidarity with Jews (Timms 1989, p. 133).
6. Between 120,000 to 150,000 came to Great Britain alone between 1882 and 1914, roughly a third of whom were repatriated:"It was the policy of the Anglo-Jewish community during the years 1881-1914 to send back to Eastern Europe many poor Jewish immigrants who applied for relief. The principal instrument of repatriation was the London Jewish Board of Guardians, whose historian estimated that fifty thousand people were sent back by the agency. Other Jewish charities in the provinces adopted the London policy and repatriated as well." (Hochberg 1988–1989, p. 49; Cohen 1995, p. 101)
7. "The situation of Eastern Jewry deteriorated rapidly towards the end of the nineteenth century, and it is doubtful whether Zionism would have ever become a mass movement without this particular development. The Zionist movement was well aware of this problem, and indeed its publications were rife with references to the poverty-stricken, physically and morally degenerate Eastern Jews." (Doron 1982, p. 4)
8. Vienna experienced a rapid surge in its Jewish population with the influx of Ostjuden, from 6,000 in 1862 to 100,00 by the time the antisemitic Christian Social Party's leader Karl Lueger became mayor. (14 May 1895), 4 months after Alfred Dreyfus's military court conviction (Cohn 1970, pp. 101, 107).
9. "Where Ripley elided Sephardim and Ashkenazim, the split between the two groups was far more definitive and meaningful for Jewish race scientists. What we see among them is a process of Sephardic idealization that crossed the line into a myth about Sephardic superiority. In brief, in the nineteenth century, German Jewry in particular, but among other Jewish communities as well, there was a veritable cult of the Sephardic Jews, whose culture, social status, and overall achievements made them appear as an ideal Jewish community. German Jewry saw the medieval Jews of Spain (Sepharad in Hebrew, hence the term Sephardim) as an excellent model for their own project of acculturation." (Efron 2013, p. 910)
10. In a letter describing his encounter with a Jewish family from Meseritsch whose German was Mauscheln-accented, Freud expressed his repulsion with "that lot" and stated that their hometown was "the proper compost heap for this sort of weed" (Bowman 2011, p. 24, n.8)
11. "An extremely common theme, most notably in Nordau's writing but also present in Herzl and Hess, is concern for Jews elsewhere. This elsewhere is almost invariably eastward" (Marshall 2016, p. 78).
12. It did not premiere until January 1898 (Scholtes 2015, pp. 47, 57–58).
13. "Die Bewegung hat auch ihr Gutes. Seit der Anti-semitismus im Land ist, sehe ich wieder mehr Frömmigkeit. Der Antisemitismus ist eine Mahnung, dass wir treu zusammenstehen sollen, dass wir nicht dem Gott unserer Väter abtrünnig werden sollen, wie Mancher es that." (Herzl 1903, p. 29)
14. Kornberg argues that the English title "The Jewish State" is a misnomer, and that the term should be rendered "the state of Jews, or the Jews' state" (Kornberg 1993, p. 178).
15. In Michael Berkowitz's analysis, the success of the movement lay in the perception by Western Jews that Zionism "was meant for Jews other than themselves". Western Jews could support it as a charitable project while remaining in Europe, keeping their local national and patriotic identities intact, and providing them with a supplementary nationalism supportive of an alternative state in Palestine: "Zionism succeeded in the West because the Zionists invented a way for Jews to be good Zionists while remaining in the nations where they lived, apparently without conflict with their being good Germans, Austrians, or Englishmen." (Berkowitz 1993, p. 7,xv)
16. "the early movement consciously promoted its gentile ties and advertised its gentile support. During the critical first decade of 1896-1906, this 'foreign policy' was really an attempt to stir up gentile sympathy and knowledge – it could be termed a policy of cultivating philosemitism, though of a different variety that interested Jewish apologists of the liberal-emancipationist outlook. An analysis of the Zionist journal Die Welt validates a perceptive remark of the late Salo Wittmayer Baron, 'In the case of Jews, we must remember, anti-Semitism or philo-Semitism has always played the role of the people's foreign relations'." (Levenson 2002, p. 188)
17. In his student days, Bahr's early profession of anti-Semitism while commemorating Richard Wagner had caused Herzl, a member of the "Albia" dueling society, to resign from it (Robertson 2004, p. 62).
18. "very early on it became clear to Herzl that his success would come - if at all - not from Jewish wealth and influence but from their plight and their poverty. Herzl thus realized at the very beginning of his effort that it would be the poor and downtrodden Jews who would be his constituency." (Avineri 1999, pp. 13–15, 15)
19. "An aspect of Mauschel is here alone qualified by 'human' (menschlichen), and then only as a distortion of the human; such qualification is absent throughout the remainder of the portrait. Instead, Mauschel is shorn of any article that would name either a human individual or a particular member of a group; Mauschel is a 'type' (Typus) or a 'figure' (Gestalt) that constellates every instance an identified Jew has looked or acted in a way that corresponds with anti-Jewish stereotype and with everything that Herzl's 'true Jew' is not" (Geller 2017, p. 24).
20. "Mauschel ist Antizionist." (Herzl 1897, p. 1)
21. "Wer ist denn dieser Mauschel? Ein Typus, meine lieben Freunde, eine Gestalt, die in den Zeiten immer wiederkehrt, der fürchterliche Begleiter des Juden, und vom Juden so unzertrennlich, daß man beide miteinander stets verwechselt hat. Der Jude ist ein Mensch wie andere, nicht besser, nicht schlechter, höchstens verschüchtert und verbittert durch die Verfolgungen, und von einer großen Standhaftigkeit im Leiden. Mauschel hingegen ist die Verzerrung des menschlichen Charakters, etwas unsagbar Niedriges und Widerwärtiges." (Herzl 1897, p. 1)
22. Schädlinge implies also parasite (Kornberg 1993, p. 164).
23. Und diese beiden, die durch eine tiefste Feindschaft ihres Wesens allezeit geschieden waren, wurden stets miteinander verwechselt. Ist das nicht ein schauerliches Missverständnis? Als wäre in irgendeinem dunklen Augenblick unserer Geschichte eine niedrigere Volksmasse in unsere unglückliche Nation hineingeraten und wäre mit ihr vermischt worden, so nehmen sich diese unvereinbaren, unerklärlichen Gegensätze aus.
24. "Auch die viel später erfolgte Aufnahme von Negerblut seitens der Juden in der alexandrinischen Diaspora — wofür mancher heutige Staatsbürger mosaischer Konfession den lebendigen Beweis liefert — ist nebensächlich." ^[48] Herzl could, at the same time, criticize himself and other Jews. In his diary he confided his shame at feeling Western Jewry's sense of superiority towards Ostjuden when, on meeting some Russian Jews at the First Basel Congress he was struck by their inner integrity and lack of intolerant conceit. ^[49]
25. "Mauschel, nimm dich in acht! Der Zionismus könnte es halten, wie Teil in der Sage. Wenn sich Teil anschickt, den Apfel vom Haupte seines Sohnes zu schießen, hat er noch einen zweiten Pfeil in Bereitschaft. Mißlänge der erste Schuß, dann soll der andere der Rache dienen. Freunde, der zweite Pfeil des Zionismus ist für Mauschels Brust bestimmt!" (Herzl 1897, p. 2; Herzl 1973, p. 168)
26. "Indeed, Herzl saw modern anti-Semitism as the result of legal emancipation itself, which had unleashed a too-powerful group on an unprepared society." (Beller 1994, p. 141)
27. Often cited as "Aus Judenjungen junge. Juden machen." (To make young Jews out of young "yidn".) ^[55] Herzl wrote in the family album of a boy orphaned in the Kishinev pogrom (1903): "When do my efforts on this earth strike me as successful? When poor Jewboys become proud young Jews." ("Wann erscheint mir als gelungen/Mein Bemüh'n auf dieser Erden?/Wenn aus armen Judenjungen/Stolze junge Juden werden".) ^[56]
28. "If it is difficult for us, in a pluralist world, to disagree with the recognition that the Jews were indeed different, it is just as difficult for many of us to accept the severe critique that Herzl (and Wagner) leveled against Jewish bourgeois society, because that smacks far too much of the anti-Semitism that led to Hitler. That Jews were in the thrall of the money power, that they lacked honour, that they were subverting German values, and that they were leading the socialist threat to the German state are all claims made by Herzl as well as Wagner. All also become part of the Nazi charge against 'Jewdom'. Therefore we instinctively want to deny such assertions any truth whatsoever." (Beller 1994, p. 146)
29. "Das ist die neueste Nationalkrankheit der Juden," sagte Nürnberger. "Mir selbst ist es bisher erst gelungen, einen einzigen echten Antisemiten kennen zu lernen. Ich kann Ihnen leider nicht verhehlen, lieber Herr Ehrenberg, daß der ein bekannter Zionistenführer war" (Schnitzler 1912, p. 84)
30. Yitzhak Grünbaum twice declared in public (1927/1936) that Poland had 1 million Jews too many. The ideologically antisemitic Polish National Democracy party (Endecja) applauded the declaration as they did when the founder of Revisionist Zionism, Zeev Jabotinsky, outlined an "evacuation plan" for Polish Jews, which even Grünbaum found excessive. Jewish Anti-Zionists deplored such statements as anti-Semitic or as lending weight to the arguments of Jew-haters. Sholem Asch thought Jabotinsky had "placed the most dangerous weapon in the hands of those who hate us". Moshe Kleinbaum tried to temper the rage, unsuccessfully, by writing an article "Zionist Anti-semites and Anti-semitic Zionists". Mendelsohn added that the Polish elites' attitudes towards Jews in such an antisemitic environment where ethnic homogeneity was a state aim are comprehensible to Israelis because "Israelis are in a good position to understand that any state which defines itself as a mono-ethnic entity, but which in fact includes within its borders members of other ethnic groups that cannot be absorbed, must act in a way which is deleterious to the interests of these other groups" (Mendelsohn 1989, pp. 253, 256)
31. "Herzl believed that the anti-Semitism of his day contained certain elements of what he called 'legitimate self-defense,' for emancipated Jews were particularly well-suited for commerce and the professions, thus creating 'fierce competition' with bourgeois Gentiles...Herzl believed that antisemites themselves would appreciate the desirability and feasibility of the Zionist project and would gladly help ensure a smooth transfer of unwanted Jews from Europe to Palestine." (Penslar 2006, pp. 13–14)
32. "Intriguingly the discourse on Jewish restoration to Palestine, a discourse that intensified with the writings of the former socialist Moses Hess in the 1860s, and, of course, with the establishment of the Zionist movement in the 1880s, attracted little sustained attention from anti-Semitic ideologues." (Penslar 2020c, p. 82)
33. Robert Wistrich notes that there are points of striking similarity between those made by the Hungarian anti-Semitic politician Győző Istóczy in his notorious speech before parliament on 24 June 1878 and Herzl's later vision of Zionism. Istóczy had argued earlier that Jews were an aggressive socially exclusive group refusing to assimilate whose liberalism was a veil for world domination. In the parliamentary speech he asserted that the time was ripe, to resolve the Jewish question, to have the Jews return to Palestine. Jewish cosmopolitans should assimilate in Gentile society, while Jewish patriots should reconstruct their ancestral state in Palestine:"There is no direct evidence that Istóczy's speech influenced Herzl, but the latter's arguments for Zionism nearly two decades later were amazingly similar on certain points." (Wistrich 1995, pp. 5–6)
34. Diary entry 14 June 1895 (Beller 1994, p. 143)
35. Herzl appears to have wavered between believing, with antisemites, that there were substantive reasons why Jews could not become Germans or French, or was the host societies' hostility a residue of the medieval tradition of rejecting Jews. The effects of persecution was to make Jews very economically competitive, so that even when the walls of the ghetto foundered, they were unfit for emancipation, since they dominated the Stock Exchange and had a high profile within social revolutionary movements, both threats to Gentile power (Beller 1994, p. 141).
36. The remark was made by Fichte in 1793 in his Beitrag zur Berichtigung der Urteile des Publikums über die Französische Revolution (Contribution Toward the Correction of the Public's Assessment of the French Revolution): "Den Juden Bürgerrechte zugeben, dazu sehe ich wenigstens kein Mittel, als das, in einer Nacht ihnen allen die Köpfe abzuschneiden, und andere aufzusetzen, in denen auch nicht eine jüdische Idee sey. Um uns vor ihnen zu schützen, dazu sehe ich wiederkein ander Mittel, als ihnen ihr gelobtes Land zu erobern, und sie alle dahinzu schicken". An almost identical opinion was expressed almost simultaneously by the Jewish Enlightenment philosopher Lazarus Bendavid, a fellow Kantian thinker in his Etwas zur Charackteristick der Juden (On Jewish Characteristics): "It [Judaism] is the hydra, all of whose heads must be cut off at once if two are not to grow back in place of every one severed." Bendavid saw modern Jews as "morally deficient subjects, the products of a pathologizing history of post-Temple Judaism." (Rose 2007, p. 74)
37. "Herzl was capable of worrying that the gentiles left behind in Europe might, 'quel horreur,' undergo a 'Verjudung'(Jewification) after the Jews left, and thus he mobilized one of the most vicious of all anti-Semitic terms." (Boyarin 1997, p. 298)
38. See Baron Jacques de Reinach and Cornelius Herz. de Reinach struck a deal with Drumont, who had set up a fringe anti-Semitic newspaper recently. He offered, if Drumont stopped writing about his family, a complete list of the French parliamentarians involved in the scandal. The deal enabled Drumont to catapult his newssheet La Libre Parole onto centre stage, as its subsequent revelations assured its status as a mainstream source on French politics, gathering a readership of 300,000 (McAuley 2021, p. 57).
39. "The earlier sensational activities of the anti-Semitic journalist Edouard Drumont and the notorious Panama scandals of 1892 had been if anything more disturbing symptoms of antisemitism than the Dreyfus case." (Cohn 1970, p. 110)
40. "brise l'insolence des juifs fiers de leur fortune et le caractere impitoyable et cynique des financiers juifs". ^[52] ("Die antisemitische Bewegung halte ich nicht für durchaus schädlich.) Sie wird den Uebermuth der Geldprotzen, die Gewissenlosigkeit und den Cynismus jüdischer Finanzmacher brechen (und vielfach zur Erziehung der Juden beitragen/) don't think the antisemitic movement is entirely harmful. It will break the arrogance of the money flaunters, the unscrupulousness and the cynicism of Jewish financiers and contribute in many ways to the education of the Jews." Letter to Moritz Benedikt 27 December 1892. ^[75]
41. Elsewhere he calls him a parakh (bastard, per Zohn's translation), par(e)kh being a Yiddish word for a scabby scalp, but metaphorically also meaning "loathsome" (Molodowsky 2006, p. 84; Herzl 1960, p. 238).
42. Avner Falk translates schnorrers as "panhandlers" and Schmöcken(schmucks) as "pricks" (Falk 1993, p. 310)
43. Tatsache ist, was ich jedermann verschweige, daß ich nur eine Armee von Schnorrern habe. Ich stehe nur an der Spitze von Knaben, Bettlern und Schmöcken (shmucks). Manche beuten mich aus. Andere sind schon neidisch oder treulos. Die dritten fallen ab, so wie sich ihnen eine kleine Karriere eröffnet. Wenige sind uneigennützige Enthusiasten. Dennoch würde dieses Heer vollkommen genügen, wenn sich nur der Erfolg zeigte. Da würde es rasch eine stramme reguläre Armee werden. Wir werden also sehen, was die nächste Zukunft bringt.(Herzl 1923, p. 21)
44. "Ich bin der Mann, der aus Abfällen Anilin macht." (Herzl 1922, p. 42; Herzl 1960, p. 36)
45. "Und ich kann mir denken, daß einige, vielleicht sehr junge Zionisten in ihren ostjüdischen Kriegserlebnissen eine gewisse Enttäuschung und — wie es dann meistens zu kommen pflegt — die große Lehre sehen, daß Palästina das einzig Wahre sei, — die große Entlausungsanstalt für alles jüdische Ungeziefer." (Rosenblüth 1915, p. 75)
46. "America was regarded as the land of the Stock Exchange, while capitalism and mammonism were perceived as representing those 'Jewish' characteristics which Zionism aimed at rooting out... In this regard, Zionism represented a break with 'the commercial and speculative mentality,' and 'the European race' for economic success. By identifying Western capitalism with the Golus mentality, there was a clear anti-Western bias in the Zionist case" (Doron 1982, p. 7)
47. The influential pro-Zionist journal East and West (1901-1923) which was read by some 60,000 German Jews and which had started by trying to provide a positive image of Eastern Jews, increasingly turned to criticizing Western Jews, often by reversing the stereotypical categories applied to East and West Jews respectively. "The Westjude... became the butt of a concerted campaign based on anti-capitalism and anti-Western thought." (Brenner 1995, p. 65)
48. The adequacy of this term as an analytical category has been challenged. The phrase is "too saturated with problematic meanings to be intellectually serviceable"; ^{[85] [84]} Sander Gilman, in his extremely influential book, stated that "Self-hatred results from outsiders' acceptance of the mirage of themselves generated by their reference group – that group in society which they see as defining them – as a reality." ^{[86] [87]} "'Jewish self-hatred' can be described as expressions of antipathy by Jews, speaking as Jews, towards Jews, perceived as Jews."; ^[88] The polemical term self-hating Jew refers to people, such as Herzl, Karl Kraus and Franz Kafka, who were thoroughly assimilated into Western societies, particularly in Germany, and yet who remained acutely aware of their Jewish origins and struggled to come to terms with the duality this awareness created for their identity. ^[89] The term is mainly used of Jews speaking of other Jews and not themselves. ^[87] Herzl was far from being alone in such criticism, and almost all major Jewish figures in Central European modern culture engaged in some form of criticism of Jews. Nor should the critical stance taken toward the group be seen as peculiar: being an intellectual is often taken to mean being adversarial. Yet we do not usually describe all criticisms of "bourgeois society," which would take in most of modern literature, as the products of "bourgeois self-hatred" –at least, not yet...In a similar vein, it should be apparent that to dismiss all negative evaluations by Jewish individuals such as Herzl of the Jews in nineteenth-century Central Europe as "Jewish self-hatred" is, on the level of scholarship, ill advised, for it rejects a historical problem before it is even properly investigated. ^[90]
49. Like Herzl, Kraus himself used language similar to that used by antisemites (Lacheny 2008, p. 3, n.11).
50. "Herzl was indeed an anti-Semite, as were many Viennese Jews of the fin de siècle. He adopted all of the most vicious stereotypes of Jew hatred but employed an almost classic psychological move, splitting, in order to separate himself from them. There were two kinds of Jews in the world. The 'true Jews', the manly, honorable, dueling, fighting Jacob Samuels, were the Zionists. The others were the tribe of Mauschel, crooked, 'low and repugnant', frightened, unresponsive to beauty, passive, queer, effeminate, the very embodiment of Otto Weininger's, Fichte's.. and Wagner's description of what Jews were." ^[61] In a footnote he adds: "Michael Berkowitz emphasizes that in the Zionist literature of the 1920s, it was the traditional Jews of Jerusalem, not the Arabs, whom the Zionists presented as the most burdensome obstacle to the flowering of their plan, and whom they treated to their harshest invective".(Berkowitz, Western Jewry, chapter 1). ^[95]
51. "Der Jude hat die Christenpflicht." (Herzl 1903, p. 84)
52. In Herzl's jottings for a future Jewish state, the rite of dueling would be retained, but, to spare killing other Jews, it would take the form of the state sending young men on dangerous missions against an enemy, where they could retain a sense of the risk of death proper to dueling (Boyarin 1997, pp. 295–296).
53. In a letter of Moritz Benedikt in December 1892, Herzl mentions his view that antisemitism had "emasculated" the Jews (Robertson 2004, p. 65).
54. See Anita Shapira's book-length study on the centrality of the warrior ideal in Zionist practice, ^[100] and Todd Samuel Presner's work on the "Zionist politics of corporeal regeneration". ^[101]
55. "if Jews had indeed been courageous, warlike, manly and patriotic in the 'golden age' of the biblical kingdom, then the solution is to restore that kingdom itself, a Camelot in the desert, or, rather, a Vienna on the Mediterranean." (Boyarin 1997, pp. 294–295)
56. "Our race is more capable [tüchtiger] than most of the others nations of the earth. This breeds this great hatred. Previously we just lacked confidence. The day when we will trust in ourselves, our misery will come to an end." Letter to Lord Rothschild 22 August 1902 (Robertson 2004, p. 62).
57. This trait is widely acknowledged to lie at the core of Herzl's nature. (Scholtes 2015, p. 45; Elon 1975, pp. 115, 236–237; Wistrich 1995, p. 1; Cohen 1995, p. 102)

Citations

1. Herzl 1973, p. 163.
2. Penslar 2020a, p. 195.
3. Boyarin 1997, p. 299.
4. Levenson 2002, p. 189.
5. Lacheny 2008, p. 4.
6. Beller 2012.
7. Herzl 1960, p. 405.
8. Herzl 1922, p. 466.
9. Burri 1997, p. 241.
10. Penslar 2020b, p. 114.
11. Geller 2017, p. 73.
12. Geller 2017, p. 24.
13. von Reymond 1879.
14. Shapira 1999, p. 1.
15. Doron 1982, pp. 3–4.
16. Aschheim 1982, p. 68.
17. Timms 1989, p. 35.
18. Bowman 2011, pp. 7–8.
19. Robertson 2004, p. 62.
20. Lacheny 2008, p. 2,n.6.
21. Hochberg 1988–1989, p. 49.
22. Doron 1982, pp. 1–3.
23. Beller 1994, p. 147.
24. Robertson 2004, p. 64.
25. Elon 1975, p. 15.
26. Robertson 2004, p. 63.
27. Brenner 1995, pp. 63–88, 63–64, 67.
28. Brenner 1998.
29. Bowman 2011, p. 24, n.8.
30. Boyarin 1997, pp. 285ff..
31. Goldman 2009, p. 130.
32. Gans 2008, p. 113,n.3.
33. Herzl 2015, p. 10.
34. Herzl 1920, p. 13.
35. Levenson 2002, p. 201.
36. Kornberg 1993, pp. 164–165.
37. Lacheny 2008, pp. 3, n.12, 4.
38. Robertson 2004, pp. 68–69.
39. Herzl 1973, pp. 163–164.
40. Scholtes 2015, p. 58.
41. Boyarin 1997, p. 287.
42. Herzl 1897, p. 1.
43. Herzl 1973, p. 165.
44. Herzl 1973, pp. 166–167.
45. Herzl 1973, p. 168.
46. Herzl 1973, pp. 164, 168.
47. Kornberg 1993, p. 164.
48. Chamberlain 1912, p. 439.
49. Boyarin 1997, p. 299, n.88.
50. Boyarin 1997, p. 300.
51. Doron 1982, p. 4.
52. Robertson 2004, p. 67.
53. Ury 2018, p. 1155.
54. Doron 1983, p. 169.
55. Gelber 2022.
56. Biller 2012, p. 63, n.36.
57. Levenson 2002, p. 194.
58. Doron 1982, p. 5.
59. Katz 1979.
60. Levenson 2002, p. 188.
61. Boyarin 1997, p. 296.
62. Ury 2018, pp. 1150, 1156.
63. Mendelsohn 1989, pp. 252–253.
64. Penslar 2020c, pp. 80–81.
65. Penslar 2006, p. 14.
66. Wistrich 1996, p. 98.
67. Penslar 2020c, pp. 82–83.
68. Scholtes 2015, p. 43.
69. Herzl 1960, p. 143.
70. Kornberg 1993, p. 165.
71. Herzl 1922, p. 93.
72. Herzl 1960, pp. 83–84.
73. Boyarin 1997, p. 298.
74. Herzl 1960, pp. 140–141.
75. Herzl 1983, p. 507.
76. Penslar 2020b, p. 75.
77. Geller 2014, p. 131, n. 21.
78. Doron 1982, pp. 6–7.
79. Robertson 2004, p. 68.
80. Herzl 1960, p. 577.
81. Kornberg 1993, pp. 173–174.
82. Robertson 2001, p. 473.
83. Timms 1989, p. 179.
84. Reitter 2003, pp. 79–80.
85. Reitter 2009, p. 358.
86. Gilman 1986, p. 2.
87. Marshall 2016, p. 76.
88. Marshall 2016, p. 75.
89. Robertson 1985, p. 81.
90. Beller 1994, pp. 144–145, 151.
91. Reitter 2003, p. 85.
92. Lacheny 2008, p. 3.
93. Lacheny 2008, pp. 4–5.
94. Boyarin 1997, p. 301.
95. Boyarin 1997, p. 296,n.77.
96. Boyarin 1997, pp. 282–284.
97. Boyarin 1997, p. 285.
98. Boyarin 1997, pp. 284–285.
99. Boyarin 1997, pp. 293–295.
100. Shapira 1999.
101. Presner 2007, pp. 1–63, 121, 191.
102. Boyarin 1998, p. 95.
103. Robertson 2004, p. 61.
104. Robertson 2004, pp. 63–64, 65.
105. Bowman 2011, pp. 3, 7–9, 18.

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