James Macdonald Jasper | |
---|---|
Academic background | |
Education | PhD |
Alma mater | University of California, Berkeley |
Thesis | The Politics of Nuclear Energy in France, Sweden and the United States (1988) |
Doctoral advisor | Harold Wilensky [1] |
Academic work | |
Notable students | Jane McAlevey [2] |
James Macdonald Jasper (born 1957) is a writer and sociologist who has taught Ph.D. students at the Graduate Center of the City University of New York [3] since 2007. He is best known for his research and theories about culture and politics,especially the cultural and emotional dimensions of protest movements.
Jasper was born on September 30,1957,in Takoma Park,Maryland,adjacent to Washington,D.C. His parents,Jane Howard-Jasper (born Betty Jane Howard) and James Dudley Jasper,separated just before he was born,and he was raised exclusively by his mother.
Jasper was prepared at Saint James School,where he was elected Senior Prefect and graduated in the Class of 1975. He thence attended Harvard College where he received the Bachelor of Arts magna cum laude in economics(1979). He was awarded the M.A. and Ph.D. degrees in sociology from University of California at Berkeley (1988).
Jasper taught at New York University from January 1987 to the summer of 1996,leaving after a protracted tenure battle that attracted angry letters from sociologists around the United States. [4] In the following ten years he taught as a visiting professor at Columbia University,Princeton University,and the New School for Social Research. Since the fall of 2007 he has been affiliated with the sociology Ph.D. program of the Graduate Center of the City University of New York,where he founded the Politics and Protest Workshop.
Jasper has been writing about politics and culture since the mid-1980s. His books include Nuclear Politics,about energy policy in France,Sweden,and the United States;The Animal Rights Crusade,an examination of the moral dimensions of protest coauthored with Dorothy Nelkin;The Art of Moral Protest,which developed cultural understandings of social movements and reintroduced emotions as an analytic dimension;Restless Nation,which looks at the negative and positive effects of Americans’propensity to move so often;and Getting Your Way,which offers a sociological language for talking about strategic action that avoids the determinism of game theory.
In recent years Jasper has turned from empirical studies of politics and protest to theoretical work on culture and politics. His most influential contribution has been to show that emotions are a part of culture,allowing humans to adapt to the world around them,to process information,and to engage with others. He differs from many culturally oriented scholars in embracing a kind of methodological individualism,insisting that beliefs,frames,collective identities,and emotions have an effect only through individuals.
Jasper has collaborated on a number of projects with Jeff Goodwin,a sociologist at New York University,including the edited books Rethinking Social Movements,The Contexts Reader,and the four-volume Social Movements. Goodwin,Jasper,and Francesca Polletta together edited Passionate Politics.
From 2005 to 2007 Jasper and Goodwin edited Contexts magazine,bringing trademark humor to the American Sociological Association’s magazine intended to reach popular audiences. Jasper also used the pen name Harry Green to write a controversial column called “the Fool”at the back of each issue. [5]
In addition to Jeff Goodwin,Dorothy Nelkin,and Francesca Polletta,Jasper's coauthors have included former students Scott Sanders,Jane Poulsen,Cynthia Gordon,and Mary Bernstein.[ citation needed ]
With political scientist Clifford Bob,Jasper began editing a book series,the Oxford Studies in Culture and Politics,in 2010. [6]
In The Art of Moral Protest, [7] Jasper makes several important contributions to social movement theory. Some of these contributions are explained below.
Jasper draws an important distinction between citizenship and post-citizenship movements. Citizenship movements are "organized by and on behalf of categories of people excluded in some way from full human rights,political participation,or basic economic protections." [8] Almost by definition,then,citizenship movements make their claims primarily against the state,which generally serves as the original granter and primary enforcer of rights and other protections. Claims can,of course,also be made against other large bodies that grant rights or protections,e.g.,corporations. Examples of citizenship movements include "industrial workers,women,and later racial and ethnic minorities." [8]
Post-citizenship movements,on the other hand,are "composed of people already integrated into their society’s political,economic,and educational systems." [8] Since such people already possess the benefits of normal citizenship,they may “pursue protections or benefits for others," [8] additional non-citizenship benefits for themselves,or both. Note that since "others" are not necessarily categories of people,post-citizenship movements do not always make their claims against the state. Examples of post-citizenship movements include “protection of the environment,peace and disarmament,alternative healing,life-style protections,and animal rights." [8] Environmental protesters may lobby particular states for policy changes,but their target may be the wider public. For instance,protesters who encourage individual consumers to recycle their glass and plastic containers may be less concerned with making claims against the state than with disseminating an important message as widely as possible. In addition,protesters may be seeking benefits for themselves as well,e.g.,the opportunity to bond with a group of like-minded people. Such benefits are what Jasper calls the "pleasures of protest."
In Chapter 3,Jasper advances a model of social movements containing four "autonomous dimensions": [9] resources,strategy,culture,and biography. Jasper thinks that one major advantage of his model is its ability to draw on the respective strengths of prior theories—crowd theory,rational choice theory,resource mobilization,and political opportunity—while not overstretching any single dimension of protest. For example,he thinks that resource mobilization theory conflates strategy with resources. [10] By isolating these various dimensions analytically,Jasper aims to show how they interact while retaining their respective logics.
Brief definitions of each of these dimensions can be given as follows. According to Jasper,resources are understood as "physical technologies and their capacities,or the money to buy these technologies." [9] An example of a resource is a social movement organization's computers,or the funds used to purchase them. Secondly,strategy is defined as "the choices made by individuals and organizations in their interactions with other players,especially opponents." [9] For example,a social movement organization’s choice to march in the street instead of filing a lawsuit constitutes a strategic choice. Third,culture can be understood as "shared understandings (emotional,moral,and cognitive) and their embodiments." [9] For example,a group of animal rights activists might share the belief that all life is sacred. By Jasper’s definition,this belief can be considered part of the group’s culture. Lastly,biography is considered by Jasper to be the "individual constellations of cultural meanings,personalities,sense of self,derived from biographical experiences." [9] For example,one of the aforementioned animal rights activists might have seen animal cruelty at a dog pound,an individual experience which has made him or her highly sensitive to the needs and condition of animals.
Of particular interest is Jasper’s identification of a significant way in which culture and biography influence strategy:different protestors have different "tastes in tactics." Different protesters have different tastes,and these are a result of “a complex process combining rational assessments of a range of tactics,moral and affective valuations of those tactics,and the recruitment of new participants with no investment in prior tactics." [11] For example,a social movement organization may initially be composed of protesters who largely think that non-violent mass demonstrations are the best form of protest. Various cultural and biographical factors might explain this preference:perhaps these protesters are college students who place great value on the teachings of Gandhi. This organization may then give way to a new crop of protesters who are not so invested in these prior tactics;they may even consciously eschew the nonviolent ways of their predecessors in order to differentiate themselves.
A political movement is a collective attempt by a group of people to change government policy or social values. Political movements are usually in opposition to an element of the status quo, and are often associated with a certain ideology. Some theories of political movements are the political opportunity theory, which states that political movements stem from mere circumstances, and the resource mobilization theory which states that political movements result from strategic organization and relevant resources. Political movements are also related to political parties in the sense that they both aim to make an impact on the government and that several political parties have emerged from initial political movements. While political parties are engaged with a multitude of issues, political movements tend to focus on only one major issue.
A counterculture is a culture whose values and norms of behavior differ substantially from those of mainstream society, sometimes diametrically opposed to mainstream cultural mores. A countercultural movement expresses the ethos and aspirations of a specific population during a well-defined era. When oppositional forces reach critical mass, countercultures can trigger dramatic cultural changes. Prominent examples of countercultures in the Western world include the Levellers (1645–1650), Bohemianism (1850–1910), the more fragmentary counterculture of the Beat Generation (1944–1964), and the globalized counterculture of the 1960s (1965–1973).
A social movement is a loosely organized effort by a large group of people to achieve a particular goal, typically a social or political one. This may be to carry out a social change, or to resist or undo one. It is a type of group action and may involve individuals, organizations, or both. Social movements have been described as "organizational structures and strategies that may empower oppressed populations to mount effective challenges and resist the more powerful and advantaged elites". They represent a method of social change from the bottom within nations. On the other hand, some social movements do not aim to make society more egalitarian, but to maintain or amplify existing power relationships. For example, scholars have described fascism as a social movement.
The term new social movements (NSMs) is a theory of social movements that attempts to explain the plethora of new movements that have come up in various western societies roughly since the mid-1960s which are claimed to depart significantly from the conventional social movement paradigm.
Alternative media are media sources that differ from established or dominant types of media in terms of their content, production, or distribution. Sometimes the term independent media is used as a synonym, indicating independence from large media corporations, but generally independent media is used to describe a different meaning around freedom of the press and independence from government control. Alternative media does not refer to a specific format and may be inclusive of print, audio, film/video, online/digital and street art, among others. Some examples include the counter-culture zines of the 1960s, ethnic and indigenous media such as the First People's television network in Canada, and more recently online open publishing journalism sites such as Indymedia.
Contentious politics is the use of disruptive techniques to make a political point, or to change government policy. Examples of such techniques are actions that disturb the normal activities of society such as demonstrations, general strike action, direct action, riot, terrorism, civil disobedience, and even revolution or insurrection. Social movements often engage in contentious politics. The concept distinguishes these forms of contention from the everyday acts of resistance explored by James C. Scott, interstate warfare, and forms of contention employed entirely within institutional settings, such as elections or sports. Historical sociologist Charles Tilly defines contentious politics as "interactions in which actors make claims bearing on someone else's interest, in which governments appear either as targets, initiators of claims, or third parties."
The animal rights (AR) movement, sometimes called the animal liberation, animal personhood, or animal advocacy movement, is a social movement that seeks an end to the rigid moral and legal distinction drawn between human and non-human animals, an end to the status of animals as property, and an end to their use in the research, food, clothing, and entertainment industries.
Social movement theory is an interdisciplinary study within the social sciences that generally seeks to explain why social mobilization occurs, the forms under which it manifests, as well as potential social, cultural, political, and economic consequences, such as the creation and functioning of social movements.
Collective identity or group identity is a shared sense of belonging to a group. This concept appears within a few social science fields. National identity is a simple example, though myriad groups exist which share a sense of identity. Like many social concepts or phenomena, it is constructed, not empirically defined. Its discussion within these fields is often highly academic and relates to academia itself, its history beginning in the 19th century.
Resource mobilization is the process of getting resources from the resource provider, using different mechanisms, to implement an organization's predetermined goals. It is a theory that is used in the study of social movements and argues that the success of social movements depends on resources and the ability to use them.
Jeffrey Roger Goodwin is a professor of sociology at New York University. He holds a BA, MA (Sociology) and PhD (Sociology) from Harvard University.
The sociology of emotions applies sociological theorems and techniques to the study of human emotions. As sociology emerged primarily as a reaction to the negative effects of modernity, many normative theories deal in some sense with emotion without forming a part of any specific subdiscipline: Karl Marx described capitalism as detrimental to personal 'species-being', Georg Simmel wrote of the deindividualizing tendencies of 'the metropolis', and Max Weber's work dealt with the rationalizing effect of modernity in general.
A social movement organization (SMO) is an organized component of a social movement.
Total liberation, also referred to as total liberation ecology or veganarchism, is a political philosophy and movement that combines anarchism with a commitment to animal and earth liberation. Whilst more traditional approaches to anarchism have often focused primarily on opposing the state and capitalism, total liberation is additionally concerned with opposing all additional forms of human oppression as well as the oppression of other animals and ecosystems. Proponents of total liberation typically espouse a holistic and intersectional approach aimed at using direct action to dismantle all forms of domination and hierarchy, common examples of which include the state, capitalism, patriarchy, racism, heterosexism, cissexism, disablism, ageism, speciesism and ecological domination.
In sociology, moral shock is a cognitive and emotional process that encourages participation. James M. Jasper, who originally coined the term, used it to help explain why people might join a social movement in the absence of pre-existing social ties with members. It denotes a kind of visceral unease, triggered by personal or public events, that captures people’s attention. Moral shocks often force people to articulate their moral intuitions. It is an appealing concept because it brings together emotional, moral, and cognitive dynamics. According to David A. Snow and Sarah A. Soule, authors of “A Primer on Social Movements”, the moral shock argument says that some events may be so emotionally moving or morally reprehensible that individuals will feel that they must join the cause regardless of their connection or ties to members of that organization. Moral shock is similar in many ways to shock advertising which uses analogous techniques to help increase brand success and awareness. Moral shocks have been shown to help recruit people to the animal rights movement, the movement for peace in Central America, anti-abortion campaigns and anti-racist movements.
A revolutionary movement is a specific type of social movement dedicated to carrying out a revolution. Charles Tilly defines it as "a social movement advancing exclusive competing claims to control of the state, or some segment of it". Jeff Goodwin and James M. Jasper define it more simply as "a social movement that seeks, as minimum, to overthrow the government or state".
Activism consists of efforts to promote, impede, direct or intervene in social, political, economic or environmental reform with the desire to make changes in society toward a perceived greater good. Forms of activism range from mandate building in a community, petitioning elected officials, running or contributing to a political campaign, preferential patronage of businesses, and demonstrative forms of activism like rallies, street marches, strikes, sit-ins, or hunger strikes.
The Charles Tilly Award for Best Book is given by the Collective Behavior and Social Movements section of the American Sociological Association in recognition of a significant contribution to the field. Nominees of the award are regarded as being representative of the "best new books in the field of social movements." The award was established in 1986 and is named after sociologist Charles Tilly.
Helena Flam is a Polish-born sociologist and Professor of Sociology at the University of Leipzig, Germany, known for her work on social organization, emotions and social movements.
Anti-nuclear protests in the United States have occurred since the development of nuclear power plants in the United States. Examples include Clamshell Alliance protests at Seabrook Station Nuclear Power Plant, Abalone Alliance protests at Diablo Canyon Power Plant, and those following the Three Mile Island accident in 1979.