Lillian Guerra is a Professor of Cuban and Caribbean history and the Director of the Cuba Program at the University of Florida. She is widely published as an author and researcher.
Guerra is the daughter of Cuban exile parents, who fled Cuba [1] and immigrated to the United States in 1965. [2] She was born in New York City, [2] and as a young child was raised in Marion, Kansas. [3] Her family subsequently moved to Miami, Florida when Guerra was fourteen years old. [4] She has described herself in a New York Times article as "a Cuban born in New York and raised in Kansas and Miami." [5]
Guerra attended Ransom Everglades School in Coconut Grove, Florida [6] and subsequently received her B.A. from Dartmouth College (1992), [7] and her Ph. D in History from the University of Wisconsin-Madison (Latin American Studies 2000). [8] [7] Guerra never graduated from High School, as she left it in her junior year to start attending Dartmouth. [9] [6]
Guerra is a widely published history researcher and author, whose work has a focus on Cuban history. [10] [11] [12] [13] [14] [15] Guerra has taught Cuban, Caribbean, and Latin American history at Bates College (2000-2004), Yale University (2004-2010) and currently since 2010 at the University of Florida. [11] [16] As a public lecturer, she has given many public lectures and keynote speeches, most notably at Harvard University, Stanford University, Duke University, University of Pennsylvania, Yale University Law School, Georgetown University, the J. Paul Getty Museum, the Universidad Diego Portales in Santiago de Chile, the Biblioteca Nacional de Chile, the Wilberforce Institute for the Study of Slavery and Emancipation in Hull, England, and many others. [10] [17] [18] [19] [20]
Guerra has served as advisor and lead scholar for films and documentaries such as American Comandante: Cuba’s Most Unlikely Revolutionary (PBS), Cuba: The Forgotten Revolution (American Public Television), and others. [4] [26] [27] Cuba: The Forgotten Revolution was awarded an Emmy in 2016 for best documentary. [28] [29] She also often appears in television and magazine or newspaper stories requiring expert opinions on Cuban and Cuban-American issues. [30] [31] [32] [33] [34] [5] [35]
The island of Cuba was inhabited by various Native American cultures prior to the arrival of the explorer Christopher Columbus in 1492. After his arrival, Spain conquered Cuba and appointed Spanish governors to rule in Havana. The administrators in Cuba were subject to the Viceroy of New Spain and the local authorities in Hispaniola. In 1762–63, Havana was briefly occupied by Britain, before being returned to Spain in exchange for Florida. A series of rebellions between 1868 and 1898, led by General Máximo Gómez, failed to end Spanish rule and claimed the lives of 49,000 Cuban guerrillas and 126,000 Spanish soldiers. However, the Spanish–American War resulted in a Spanish withdrawal from the island in 1898, and following three and a half years of subsequent US military rule, Cuba gained formal independence in 1902.
Cuba has had a socialist political system since 1961 based on the "one state – one party" principle. Cuba is constitutionally defined as a single party Marxist–Leninist socialist republic with semi-presidential powers. The present Constitution of Cuba, which was passed in a 2019 referendum, also describes the role of the Communist Party of Cuba to be the "leading force of society and of the state" and as having the capability of setting national policy, and First Secretary of the Communist Party is the most powerful position in Cuba. The 2019 Constitution of Cuba identifies the ideals represented by Cuban independence hero José Martí and revolutionary leader Fidel Castro as the primary foundation of Cuba's political system, while also stressing the importance of the influence of the ideas of Marx, Engels, and Lenin.
José Julián Martí Pérez was a Cuban nationalist, poet, philosopher, essayist, journalist, translator, professor, and publisher, who is considered a Cuban national hero because of his role in the liberation of his country from Spain. He was also an important figure in Latin American literature. He was very politically active and is considered an important philosopher and political theorist. Through his writings and political activity, he became a symbol of Cuba's bid for independence from the Spanish Empire in the 19th century, and is referred to as the "Apostle of Cuban Independence". From adolescence on, he dedicated his life to the promotion of liberty, political independence for Cuba, and intellectual independence for all Spanish Americans; his death was used as a cry for Cuban independence from Spain by both the Cuban revolutionaries and those Cubans previously reluctant to start a revolt.
Santiago de Cuba is the second-largest city in Cuba and the capital city of Santiago de Cuba Province. It lies in the southeastern area of the island, some 870 km (540 mi) southeast of the Cuban capital of Havana.
The 26 July Movement was a Cuban vanguard revolutionary organization and later a political party led by Fidel Castro. The movement's name commemorates the failed 1953 attack on the Moncada Barracks in Santiago de Cuba, part of an attempt to overthrow the dictator Fulgencio Batista.
The Escambray rebellion was an armed conflict from 1959 to 1965 in the Escambray Mountains during which several insurgent groups fought against the Cuban government led by Fidel Castro. The military operation against the rebellion was called the Struggle Against Bandits by the Cuban government.
Armando Enrique Hart Dávalos was a Cuban politician and a Communist leader. His grandfather was born in the American state of Georgia and emigrated to Cuba as a child.
Relations between Cuba and Venezuela were established in 1902. The relationship deteriorated in the 1960s and Venezuela broke relations in late 1961 following the Betancourt Doctrine policy of not having ties with governments that had come to power by non-electoral means. A destabilizing factor was the Cuban support for the antigovernment guerrilla force that operates in remote rural areas. Relations were reestablished in 1974.
Wendy Guerra, formally Wendy Guerra Torres, is a Cuban poet and novelist, based in Miami.
The Manifesto of Montecristi is the official document of the Revolutionary Party in Cuba; it was written by José Martí and signed by himself and Máximo Gómez on March 25, 1895 in Monte Cristi, Dominican Republic. In this document, José Martí exposed the causes that lead Cuba to fight against Spain to become an independent nation, free from economic or military control by any outside source. The "Manifesto of Montecristi" also clarifies that the war of liberation was not against Spain itself, but against the colonial regime that existed on the island for more than three centuries.
Fidelismo, otherwise known as Castroism, consists of the personal beliefs of Fidel Castro, which were often anti-imperialist, Cuban nationalist, supportive of Hispanidad, and later Marxism–Leninist. Castro described two historical figures as being particular influences on his political viewpoints: the Cuban anti-imperialist revolutionary José Martí, and the German sociologist and theorist Karl Marx. The thought of Che Guevara and Jules Régis Debray have also been important influences on Fidel Castro.
The Communist Party of Cuba is the sole ruling party of Cuba. It was founded on 3 October 1965 as the successor to the United Party of the Cuban Socialist Revolution, which was in turn made up of the 26th of July Movement and Popular Socialist Party that seized power in Cuba after the 1959 Cuban Revolution. The party governs Cuba as an authoritarian one-party state where dissidence and political opposition are prohibited and repressed. The Cuban constitution ascribes the role of the party to be the "leading force of society and of the state".
Ideological diversionism:, term first used by Raúl Castro, then Commander in Chief of the Armed Forces and later President of the Council of State of Cuba, delivered as a speech to the Ministry of the Interior (MININT) on June 6 of 1972 to celebrate its eleventh anniversary, and published in its entirety in the Cuban magazine Bohemia under the title "El diversionismo Ideologico, arma sutil que esgrimen los enemigos contra la Revolución" [1]. "Ideological Diversionism", as used by Castro defined the discursive practice of subjects who appropriated Marxist and communist rhetoric without the "true revolutionary commitment". The "diversionist" thus was a camouflaged subject that spoke as it were from inside the lines of the Revolutionary cadres, but in reality subscribing the vices and habits of bourgeoisie values. Ideological Diversionism redefined the political culture of the Cuban social landscape during the decades of the seventies and eighties, functioning even as a legal and moral category to proscribe and demoralize dissent, and as revolutionary citizens that adopted norms that the State sought as deviant from standard social conducts.
The consolidation of the Cuban Revolution is a period in Cuban history typically defined as starting in the aftermath of the revolution in 1959 and ending in 1962, after the total political consolidation of Fidel Castro as the maximum leader of Cuba. The period encompasses early domestic reforms, human rights violations, and the ousting of various political groups. This period of political consolidation climaxed with the resolution of the Cuban missile crisis in 1962, which then cooled much of the international contestation that arose alongside Castro's bolstering of power.
The grey years were a loosely defined period in Cuban history, generally agreed to have started with the Padilla affair in 1971. It is often associated with the tenure of Luis Pavón Tamayo as the head of Cuba's National Cultural Council from 1971 to 1976. The period is also sometimes called the quinquenio gris, the trinquenio amargo, or the decada negra.
The slogan "revolution first, elections later" was coined by Fidel Castro in a speech given on April 9, 1959. The speech famously announced the postponement of the elections promised by Fidel Castro, which were scheduled to occur after the overthrow of Fulgencio Batista. The announcement was the beginning of an electoral delay that culminated in the solidification of Fidel Castro's rule over Cuba. On May Day, 1960, Fidel Castro would outright condemn elections as corrupt, and cancel all future elections.
The betrayal thesis is an interpretation of the Cuban Revolution that supposes that the revolution was the culmination of a democratic resistance to the dictatorship of Fulgencio Batista. After the success of the revolution in 1959, the rebel leader Fidel Castro began to consolidate political power, and associate with communist officials. This political turn is considered a "betrayal" of the original ethos of the revolution, according to proponents of the betrayal thesis.
The Sovietization of Cuba is a historiographical model proposed by scholars like political scientist Piero Gleijeses, and economist Carmelo Mesa-Lago. The sovietization thesis defines Cuba's political developments, and military actions, in the 1970s, completely in relation to the Soviet Union. The thesis proposes that Cuba's economic dependence on the Soviet Union, encouraged the Cuban government to model itself after the Soviet Union, and for the Cuban military to follow Soviet whims. According to Mesa-Lago, the sovietization of Cuba, reduced Cuba to a state subordinate to the Soviet Union, akin to how Batista's Cuba was subordinate to the United States.
The institutionalization process, sometimes more formally referred to as the "process of institutionalization", or the "institutionalization of the Cuban Revolution", was a series of political reforms, typically identified by historians as to have taken place between 1976 and 1985, although sometimes identified as having begun in 1970. This process was proceeded by a period of government that was directly managed by Fidel Castro without much input from other officials, which had been status-quo since the conclusion of the Cuban Revolution. The institutionalization process was also proceeded by a deepening of Cuba-Soviet relations in the early 1970s, which had soured before in the 1960s.
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