Locarno Treaties

Last updated

Locarno Treaties
Bundesarchiv Bild 183-R03618, Locarno, Gustav Stresemann, Chamberlain, Briand.jpg
From left to right, Gustav Stresemann, Austen Chamberlain and Aristide Briand during the Locarno negotiations
Type Multilateral treaty
Signed1 December 1925 (1925-12-01)
Location London, England, UK
Effective14 September 1926 (1926-09-14)
Condition Germany's entry into the League of Nations

The Locarno Treaties were seven post-World War I agreements negotiated amongst Germany, France, Great Britain, Belgium, Italy, Poland and Czechoslovakia in late 1925. In the main treaty, the five western European nations pledged to guarantee the inviolability of the borders between Germany and France and Germany and Belgium as defined in the Treaty of Versailles. They also promised to observe the demilitarized zone of the German Rhineland and to resolve differences peacefully under the auspices of the League of Nations. In the additional arbitration treaties with Poland and Czechoslovakia, Germany agreed to the peaceful settlement of disputes, but there was notably no guarantee of its eastern border, leaving the path open for Germany to attempt to revise the Versailles Treaty and regain territory it had lost in the east under its terms.

Contents

The Locarno Treaties significantly improved the political climate of western Europe from 1925 to 1930 and fostered expectations for continued peaceful settlements which were often referred to as the "spirit of Locarno". The most notable result of the treaties was Germany's acceptance into the League of Nations in 1926.

The treaties effectively went out of force on 7 March 1936 when troops of Nazi Germany entered the demilitarized Rhineland and the other treaty signatories failed to respond.

Background

German territorial losses under the Treaty of Versailles (in pale yelllow) German losses after WWI.svg
German territorial losses under the Treaty of Versailles (in pale yelllow)

Under the terms of the Treaty of Versailles, Germany lost 13% of its European territory and 12% of its population, [1] primarily to France (Alsace–Lorraine) and a restored Poland. In order to make sure that Germany could no longer threaten France militarily, its territory west of the Rhine was occupied by Allied troops and all German military activity in the region prohibited; an area fifty kilometres east of the Rhine was also demilitarized. Germany had not been allowed to participate in the treaty negotiations and deeply resented what it considered to be the humiliating terms. [2] Revising the Versailles Treaty became the main goal of German foreign policy during the Weimar Republic. [3]

Foreign policy goals

Germany thought that only by revising the Treaty of Versailles could it restore the full internal and diplomatic independence it had lost under the treaty's restrictions. Gustav Stresemann, who had been chancellor and foreign minister of Germany in late 1923 and then stayed on as foreign minister in the following cabinets, had hoped that by attempting to fulfil the terms of the treaty he could gain the goodwill of the Allies and restore some freedom of diplomatic movement. [4] He wanted to secure the peace, especially with France, recover the land lost to Poland, end reparations payments and the occupation of the Rhineland, and by so doing gradually make Germany a great power again. [5]

For its part, France was concerned primarily with security against further German aggression. It had signed treaties with Poland, Czechoslovakia, Romania and Yugoslavia, creating a cordon sanitaire ringing Germany on the east. [6] In the west, France had occupied the Ruhr in order to force the reparations payments, which Germany had defaulted on several times. France was also seeking additional security guarantees from Britain. [7]

British foreign policy during the interwar years was radically different from France's. It sought to restore Germany as a peaceful, prosperous nation. [8] Foreign Secretary Austen Chamberlain hoped that if Franco-German relations improved, France would gradually abandon its cordon sanitaire. Once France had ended its alliances in Eastern Europe as the price of better relations with Germany, Poland and Czechoslovakia would have no great power ally to protect them and would be forced to adjust to German demands. Chamberlain believed that the chances for a lasting peace in Europe would improve after they handed over the territories claimed by Germany such as the Sudetenland, the Polish Corridor and the Free City of Danzig. [9]

Initiation of the treaties

The push for the Locarno Treaties came as an indirect result of the Allies' refusal to withdraw their troops from the Cologne region and areas of the occupied Rhineland to the north of it. The Treaty of Versailles stipulated the withdrawal five years after the signing of the treaty if Germany had faithfully fulfilled its terms. [10] An Allied inspection of Germany's military installations had found significant violations of Versailles' disarmament provisions, most notably its failure to adhere to the 100,000-man limit on its army. As a result, the planned withdrawal was postponed. [11] [12] On 5 January 1925, the Allies justified their decision in a note with vague references to German "breaches of the disarmament clauses of the Treaty of Versailles". [13]

The German delegation at Locarno. Gustav Stresemann is fifth from the left; Hans Luther is standing slightly behind him, to his left. Locarno F1 (2).jpg
The German delegation at Locarno. Gustav Stresemann is fifth from the left; Hans Luther is standing slightly behind him, to his left.

In order to resolve the issue, German foreign minister Stresemann sent secret memorandums to Great Britain (January 1925) and France (in February) suggesting a treaty which would require all parties interested in the Rhine borders to solve their issues peacefully. Germany, he stated, was ready to guarantee the current border status and to conclude an arbitration pact with France. [14] Privately, Stresemann hoped that settling border issues with France would make it possible for Germany to adjust its eastern border with Poland to Germany's advantage. [15]

Following Great Britain's muted expression of openness to the German proposal, France cautiously followed suit. [16] It wanted Belgium to be included in the treaty and assumed that it would not go into effect until Germany joined the League of Nations. A French condition that particularly concerned Germany asked that the signers of the treaty on Germany's western border be guarantors of the arbitration treaties Germany would sign with Poland and Czechoslovakia. [17] Germany agreed to accept France's conditions with the important reservation that it would not make guarantees about its eastern borders. Great Britain also did not support France on the issue. Stresemann's diplomatic feelers faced strong opposition at home, especially regarding the renunciation of Germany's claim to Alsace–Lorraine, which was west of the Rhine. The objections came from Chancellor Hans Luther, Defence Secretary Otto Gessler, the political parties of the Right and the leadership of the Reichswehr . [18]

Following discussions in London in early September between representatives of Great Britain, France, Germany, Belgium and Italy, the parties agreed to meet in Locarno, Switzerland in October to finalize the treaty. [17]

Parties and agreement

Attendees

Group photograph of the Locarno conference attendees Vertrage von Locarno, 1925.jpg
Group photograph of the Locarno conference attendees

The key attendees at the Locarno meeting between 5 and 16 October 1925 were: [17]

Signatories of the main treaty (the "high contracting parties" referred to in the text of the treaty):

Signatories of the four separate treaties (in addition to Germany and France)::

Treaties and agreements

The seven treaties and agreements were: [19]

Main terms of the treaty of mutual guarantee

Arbitration agreements and treaties

Germany–France and Germany–Belgium

Autochrome of the Belgian delegation. Left to right: Henri Rolin, Joseph de Ruelle, Emile Vandervelde, Pierre van Zuylen and Ferdinand du Chastel 1925 Belgian Delegation Locarno.jpg
Autochrome of the Belgian delegation. Left to right: Henri Rolin, Joseph de Ruelle, Emile Vandervelde, Pierre van Zuylen and Ferdinand du Chastel

The terms of the two arbitration agreements were identical and were intended to peacefully handle "all disputes of every kind between Germany and France / Belgium with regard to which the parties are in conflict as to their respective rights, and which it may not be possible to settle amicably by the normal methods of diplomacy." Each arbitration agreement set up a five-member Permanent Conciliation Commission with one member named by Germany, one by France or Belgium and three others by common agreement from three different countries. If the Permanent Conciliation Commission(s) were not able to reach an agreement, the matter was to be passed to either the Permanent Court of International Justice or an arbitral tribunal as established by the Hague Convention of 1907. If the two parties had not been able to reach an agreement within a month after the Permanent Conciliation Commission finished its work, either party could request that the question be brought before the Council of the League of Nations.

The parties could choose to bypass the Permanent Conciliation Commissions and go directly to the Permanent Court of International Justice or an arbitral tribunal.

Germany–Poland and Germany–Czechoslovakia

The arbitration treaties between Germany and Poland and Germany and Czechoslovakia were in their major points nearly identical to Germany's arbitration agreements with France and Belgium. [7] The independent treaties with Poland and Czechoslovakia were, however, non-binding, [20] and there was no guarantee of Germany's eastern borders that mirrored the statements in the main treaty that fixed its western borders where they had been set by the Treaty of Versailles. [21] Stresemann did not want an "Eastern Locarno". His goal was to use economic means to push Poland into border negotiations. [5]

Poland especially was unhappy about the addendum to the Locarno Treaties titled "Collective Note to Germany Regarding Article 16 of the Covenant of the League of Nations". [22] Article 16 required member nations to participate in sanctions or military action against a country that attacked a member state of the League. The Collective Note stated that the League would take into consideration a country's military capability when invoking Article 16. Germany interpreted the note to mean that after it joined the League of Nations, it would be free to make its own decision on how to respond if the League invoked Article 16 against the Soviet Union (e.g. for attacking Poland). [21] [7]

France–Poland and France–Czechoslovakia

The treaties between France and Poland and France and Czechoslovakia guaranteed mutual assistance under Article 16 of the Covenant of the League of Nations if either party was attacked without provocation due to a failure of the terms of the Locarno Treaties to be observed. [23] [24]

Effects and evaluations

The former court house in Locarno where the treaties were negotiated Locarno Kantonspolizei.jpg
The former court house in Locarno where the treaties were negotiated

In November 1925 the German Reichstag approved the Locarno Treaties by a vote of 291 to 174 with 3 abstentions; [25] [26] in the British House of Commons, the vote to pass was 375 to 13. [27] The treaties were formally signed in London on 1 December. [28] In Germany the approval led to the collapse of the Luther government. The parties of the Right were angry over the loss of Alsace–Lorraine, while those on the Left feared that Germany could be drawn into a "capitalist war" against the Soviet Union. [5]

Locarno contributed to the worsening of the atmosphere between Poland and France and weakened the Franco-Polish alliance. Since Germany did not commit to guarantees on its eastern borders, the Locarno Treaties were a defeat for Poland [20] and one of the contributing factors to the fall of the Grabski cabinet on 14 November 1925. Józef Beck, at the time Poland's military attaché to France, ridiculed the treaties, saying that "Germany was officially asked to attack the east in return for peace in the west." [29] Józef Piłsudski said that "every honest Pole spits when he hears the word [Locarno]". [30] Proposals in 1934 (after Adolf Hitler had become German chancellor) for an "eastern Locarno" pact securing Germany's eastern frontiers foundered on German opposition [31] and on Poland's insistence that its eastern borders should be covered by a western guarantee.

Overall the Locarno Treaties marked a dramatic improvement in the political climate of western Europe from 1925 to 1930. They promoted expectations for continued peaceful settlements, often called the "spirit of Locarno". [32] As a result of the treaties, the delayed withdrawal of British troops from the Cologne region took place in January 1926, and Germany was accepted into the League of Nations with a permanent seat on the Council on 10 September 1926. [5] In additional signs of the improved relations between Germany and the Allied powers, the Inter-Allied Commission overseeing Germany's disarmament was disbanded in 1927, the Young Plan for settling reparations issues was signed in 1929, and the last of the occupying troops left the Rhineland in 1930, five years earlier than set by the Treaty of Versailles. [33]

The Nobel Peace Prize was awarded to the lead negotiators of the treaty: Austen Chamberlain in 1925 [34] and Aristide Briand and Gustav Stresemann jointly in 1926. [35]

Historian Sally Marks wrote in her 1976 book "The Illusion of Peace": [36]

Henceforth the spirit of Locarno would reign, substituting conciliation for enforcement as the basis for peace. Yet for some peace remained a desperate hope rather than an actuality. A few men knew that the spirit of Locarno was a fragile foundation on which to build a lasting peace.

Hans Mommsen, in "The Rise and Fall of Weimar Democracy", summed up the Locarno Treaties in the following words: [37]

The "Spirit of Locarno" as a symbol for a new era of international understanding and commitment to avoid European military conflict, however, concealed a tenacious struggle over the interests of national states in which Stresemann, unlike Aristide Briand, showed no inclination whatsoever to make generous concessions. The memorable words of the French premier that Locarno marked "the beginning of an era of trust" never became reality. … In Stresemann's verdict, Locarno represented no more than a first step on the road to the "gradual reacquisition of German sovereignty through a network of European treaties."

End of the treaties

The Nazi regime under Adolf Hitler repudiated the Locarno Treaties when it sent troops across the Rhine on 7 March 1936. Hitler justified the remilitarization of the Rhineland and the breaking of both the Treaty of Versailles and of Locarno by citing Germany's right to self-determination and the Franco-Soviet Treaty of Mutual Assistance of 2 May 1935, which he called a breach of the Locarno Treaties. There was no reaction from the signatories of the Locarno Treaties other than verbal condemnation. Italy had already promised not to act, and France did not have the support of Great Britain. [38] Although the Locarno Treaties remained technically in force, the German remilitarization of the Rhineland and the lack of response to it marked their practical end.

See also

Related Research Articles

<span class="mw-page-title-main">Treaty of Versailles</span> One of the treaties that ended World War I

The Treaty of Versailles was a peace treaty signed on 28 June 1919. As the most important treaty of World War I, it ended the state of war between Germany and most of the Allied Powers. It was signed in the Palace of Versailles, exactly five years after the assassination of Archduke Franz Ferdinand, which led to the war. The other Central Powers on the German side signed separate treaties. Although the armistice of 11 November 1918 ended the actual fighting, and agreed certain principles and conditions including the payment of reparations, it took six months of Allied negotiations at the Paris Peace Conference to conclude the peace treaty. Germany was not allowed to participate in the negotiations before signing the treaty.

<span class="mw-page-title-main">Gustav Stresemann</span> German politician (1878–1929)

Gustav Ernst Stresemann was a German statesman during the Weimar Republic who served as chancellor of Germany from August to November 1923 and as foreign minister from 1923 to 1929. His most notable achievement was the reconciliation between Germany and France, for which he and French Prime Minister Aristide Briand received the Nobel Peace Prize in 1926. During a period of political instability and fragile, short-lived governments, Stresemann was seen at his death as "the person who maintained the precarious balance of the political system."

<span class="mw-page-title-main">Fourteen Points</span> 1918 U.S. peace proposals after World War I

The Fourteen Points was a statement of principles for peace that was to be used for peace negotiations in order to end World War I. The principles were outlined in a January 8, 1918 speech on war aims and peace terms to the United States Congress by President Woodrow Wilson. However, his main Allied colleagues were skeptical of the applicability of Wilsonian idealism.

The events preceding World War II in Europe are closely tied to the bellicosity of Fascist Italy, Nazi Germany, Francoist Spain, Imperial Japan, and the Soviet Union, as well as the Great Depression. The peace movement led to appeasement and disarmament.

<span class="mw-page-title-main">France–Germany relations</span> Bilateral relations

France–Germany relations or the Franco-German relations form a part of the wider politics of the European Union. The two countries have a long – and often contentious – relationship stretching back to the Middle Ages. After World War II, the two nations have largely reconciled. Since the signing of the Treaty of Rome in 1958, they have been among the founders and leading members of the European Communities and later the European Union.

<span class="mw-page-title-main">Causes of World War II</span>

The causes of World War II have been given considerable attention by historians. The immediate precipitating event was the invasion of Poland by Nazi Germany on September 1, 1939, and the subsequent declarations of war on Germany made by Britain and France, but many other prior events have been suggested as ultimate causes. Primary themes in historical analysis of the war's origins include the political takeover of Germany in 1933 by Adolf Hitler and the Nazi Party; Japanese militarism against China, which led to the Japanese invasion of Manchuria and the Second Sino-Japanese War; Italian aggression against Ethiopia, which led to the Second Italo-Ethiopian War; or military uprising in Spain, which led to the Spanish Civil War.

<span class="mw-page-title-main">Occupation of the Ruhr</span> 1923–1925 French and Belgian occupation of Germanys Ruhr district

The occupation of the Ruhr was the period from 11 January 1923 to 25 August 1925 when French and Belgian troops occupied the Ruhr region of Weimar Republic Germany.

The Franco-Polish Alliance was the military alliance between Poland and France that was active between the early 1920s and the outbreak of the Second World War. The initial agreements were signed in February 1921 and formally took effect in 1923. During the interwar period the alliance with Poland was one of the cornerstones of French foreign policy.

<span class="mw-page-title-main">German–Polish declaration of non-aggression</span> 1934 international declaration

The German–Polish declaration of non-aggression, also known as the German–Polish non-aggression pact, was an agreement between Nazi Germany and the Second Polish Republic that was signed on 26 January 1934 in Berlin. Both countries pledged to resolve their problems by bilateral negotiations and to forgo armed conflict for a period of 10 years. The agreement effectively normalised relations between Poland and Germany, which had been strained by border disputes arising from the territorial settlement in the Treaty of Versailles. The declaration marked an end to an economically damaging customs war between the two countries that had taken place over the previous decade.

The Polish–Romanian alliance was a series of treaties signed in the interwar period by the Second Polish Republic and the Kingdom of Romania. The first of them was signed in 1921 and, together, the treaties formed a basis for good foreign relations between the two countries that lasted until World War II began in 1939.

<span class="mw-page-title-main">Remilitarisation of the Rhineland</span> 1936 treaty violation by Adolf Hitler

The remilitarisation of the Rhineland began on 7 March 1936, when military forces of Nazi Germany entered the Rhineland, which directly contravened the Treaty of Versailles and the Locarno Treaties. Neither France nor Britain was prepared for a military response, so they did not act. After 1939, commentators often said that a strong military move in 1936 might have ruined the expansionist plans of Adolf Hitler, the dictator of Germany. However, recent historiography agrees that both public and elite opinion in Britain and France strongly opposed a military intervention, and neither had an army prepared to move in.

<span class="mw-page-title-main">Conference of Ambassadors</span> Post-war organization of WWI Allies (1920–1931)

The Conference of Ambassadors of the Principal Allied and Associated Powers was an inter-allied organization of the Entente in the period following the end of World War I. Formed in Paris in January 1920 it became a successor of the Supreme War Council and was later on de facto incorporated into the League of Nations as one of its governing bodies. It became less active after the Locarno Treaties of 1925 and formally ceased to exist in 1931 or 1935.

<span class="mw-page-title-main">Territorial evolution of Germany</span>

The territorial evolution of Germany in this article include all changes in the modern territory of Germany from its unification making it a country on 1 January 1871 to the present although the history of "Germany" as a territorial polity concept and the history of the ethnic Germans are much longer and much more complex. Modern Germany was formed when the Kingdom of Prussia unified most of the German states, with the exception of multi-ethnic Austria, into the German Empire. After the First World War, on 10 January 1920, Germany lost about 13% of its territory to its neighbours, and the Weimar Republic was formed two days before this war was over. This republic included territories to the east of today's German borders.

<span class="mw-page-title-main">René Massigli</span> French diplomat (1888–1988)

René Massigli was a French diplomat who played a leading role as a senior official at the Quai d'Orsay and was regarded as one of the leading French experts on Germany, which he greatly distrusted.

<span class="mw-page-title-main">German–Polish customs war</span> Economic war of early 20th century

The German–Polish customs war was a political and economic conflict between the Second Polish Republic and the Weimar Republic, which began in June 1925 and ended officially in March 1934. The conflict began when Poland's status expired as one of the Entente's most favoured nations in trade with Germany. Berlin then decided to raise customs duty, which primarily affected the Polish coal industry, Poland's main export to Germany. In return, Warsaw also raised duty on German goods. Germany's purpose in the war was to cause a breakdown of Poland's economy and gain political concessions. They included revanchist claims to Polish territories.

<span class="mw-page-title-main">United Kingdom declaration of war on Germany (1939)</span> Declaration of war that entered the United Kingdom into World War II

On 3 September 1939, the United Kingdom declared war on Germany—two days after the German invasion of Poland. France also declared war on Germany later the same day.

<span class="mw-page-title-main">First Luther cabinet</span> 1925–26 cabinet of Weimar Germany

The first Luther cabinet, headed by the political independent Hans Luther, was the 12th democratically elected government of the Weimar Republic. It took office on 15 January 1925, replacing the second cabinet of Wilhelm Marx, which had resigned when Marx was unable to form a new coalition following the December 1924 Reichstag election. Luther's cabinet was made up of a loose coalition of five parties ranging from the German Democratic Party (DDP) on the left to the German National People's Party (DNVP) on the right.

International relations (1919–1939) covers the main interactions shaping world history in this era, known as the interwar period, with emphasis on diplomacy and economic relations. The coverage here follows the diplomatic history of World War I and precedes the diplomatic history of World War II. The important stages of interwar diplomacy and international relations included resolutions of wartime issues, such as reparations owed by Germany and boundaries; American involvement in European finances and disarmament projects; the expectations and failures of the League of Nations; the relationships of the new countries to the old; the distrustful relations between the Soviet Union and the capitalist world; peace and disarmament efforts; responses to the Great Depression starting in 1929; the collapse of world trade; the collapse of democratic regimes one by one; the growth of economic autarky; Japanese aggressiveness toward China; fascist diplomacy, including the aggressive moves by Fascist Italy and Nazi Germany; the Spanish Civil War; the appeasement of Germany's expansionist moves toward the Rhineland, Austria, and Czechoslovakia, and the last, desperate stages of rearmament as another world war increasingly loomed.

The history of German foreign policy covers diplomatic developments and international history since 1871.

France and the League of Nations was a major theme of French foreign policy in the 1920s and 1930s. France and the United Kingdom were the two dominant players in world affairs and in League affairs, and usually were in agreement. The League proved ineffective in resolving major problems. In 1945 it was replaced with the United Nations, where France played a major role despite its much weaker status. However in the 1920s and 1930s the main themes of French foreign policy focused on defense against Germany, and took place outside of League jurisdiction.

References

  1. ↑ "Approximate German territorial losses, and related loss of resources, following the Treaty of Versailles, June 28, 1919". Statista. Retrieved 12 September 2024.
  2. ↑ "Treaty of Versailles". Encyclopedia Britannica. 9 September 2024. Retrieved 12 September 2024.
  3. ↑ Scriba, Arnulf (2 September 2014). "Weimarer Republik: Außenpolitik" [Weimar Republic: Foreign Policy]. Deutsches Historisches Museum (in German). Retrieved 12 September 2024.
  4. ↑ FCO Historians (2000). "Locarno 1925: The Treaty, the Spirit and the Suite". History Notes (3). Foreign & Commonwealth Office: 14.
  5. 1 2 3 4 "Verträge von Locarno" [Locarno Treaties]. Deutsche Geschichten (in German). Bundeszentrale für politische Bildung. Retrieved 7 September 2024.
  6. ↑ Stephen Schuker, “The End of Versailles”, pp. 38–56 in Gordon Martel, ed. The Origins of the Second World War Reconsidered (1999), pp. 48–49.
  7. 1 2 3 Krüger, Peter. "Der Vertrag von Locarno, 16. Oktober 1925: Einführung" [The Treaty of Locarno, 16 October 1925: Introduction]. 100(0) Schlüsseldokumente zur deutschen Geschichte im 20. Jahrhundert (in German). Retrieved 4 September 2024.
  8. ↑ Magee, Frank (1995). "'Limited Liability'?: Britain and the Treaty of Locarno". Twentieth Century British History. 6 (1): 1–22. doi:10.1093/tcbh/6.1.1.
  9. ↑ Stephen Schuker, "The End of Versailles" in The Origins of the Second World War Reconsidered: A.J.P. Taylor and the Historians edited by Gordon Martel (Routledge: 1999) pp. 48–49.
  10. ↑ Treaty of Versailles/Part_14  – via Wikisource.
  11. ↑ Mommsen, Hans (1996). The Rise and Fall of Weimar Democracy. Translated by Forster, Elborg; Jones, Larry Eugene. Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press. p. 197. ISBN   978-0-807-82249-4.
  12. ↑ Winkler, Heinrich August (1993). Weimar 1918–1933. Die Geschichte der ersten deutschen Demokratie [Weimar 1918–1933. The History of the FIrst German Democracy] (in German). Munich: C.H. Beck. p. 134. ISBN   3-406-37646-0.
  13. ↑ "Außenpolitik 1925" [Foreign Policy 1925]. Das Bundesarchiv (in German). Retrieved 8 September 2024.
  14. ↑ Winkler 1993, p. 306.
  15. ↑ Weiss, Norman (2006). "Vor achtzig Jahren: Konferenz und Vertragswerk von Locarno" [Eighty Years Ago: The Conference and Treaty of Locarno](PDF). Die Friedens-Warte (in German). 81: 105.
  16. ↑ Mommsen 1996, p. 199.
  17. 1 2 3 Weiss 2006, p. 107.
  18. ↑ Mommsen 1996, pp. 200–201.
  19. ↑ FCO Historians 2000, p. 28.
  20. 1 2 Mommsen 1996, p. 205.
  21. 1 2 Manig, Bert-Oliver (5 October 2015). "Konferenz von Locarno. Wenig Anerkennung für erste Friedensordnung in Europa" [Conference of Locarno. Little Recognition for the First Peace Accord in Europe]. Deutschlandfunk (in German). Retrieved 31 August 2024.
  22. ↑ "League of Nations – Treaty Series" (PDF). United Nations Treaty Collection. p. 301. Retrieved 7 September 2024.
  23. ↑ "Appendix I : Franco-Polish Treaties of 1921 and 1925". Avalon Project. 2008. Retrieved 13 September 2024.
  24. ↑ "Franco-Czechoslovak Treaty of Mutual Assistance (October 16, 1925)" (PDF). forost.ungarisches-institut.de. Retrieved 13 September 2024.
  25. ↑ Winkler 1993, p. 310.
  26. ↑ "Gesetz über die Verträge von Locarno und den Eintritt Deutschlands in den Völkerbund" [Law on the Treaties of Locarno and Germany's Entry into the League of Nations]. documentArchiv.de (in German). Retrieved 11 September 2024.
  27. ↑ Steele, John (19 November 1925). "Locarno Pacts Given Britain's O.K. by 375 to 13". Chicago Daily Tribune . p. 6.
  28. ↑ "Chronology 1925". indiana.edu. 2002. Archived from the original on 2 April 2020. Retrieved 11 September 2024.
  29. ↑ Michael Brecher (2016). The World of Protracted Conflicts. Lexington Books. p. 204. ISBN   9781498531887.
  30. ↑ Piotr Wandycz, France and Her Eastern Allies 1919–1925: French-Czechoslovak-Polish Relations from the Paris Peace Conference to Locarno (1962).
  31. ↑ "The Eastern Pact". The Spectator . 14 September 1934. p. 1. Retrieved 11 September 2024.
  32. ↑ Stråth, Bo (2016). Europe's Utopias of Peace: 1815, 1919, 1951. London: Bloomsbury. p. 276. ISBN   978-1-474-23774-1.
  33. ↑ FCO Historians 2000, p. 26.
  34. ↑ FCO Historians 2000, p. 29.
  35. ↑ Asmuss, Burkhard; Scriba, Arnulf (2 September 2014). "Die Konferenz von Locarno 1925" [The Locarno Conference]. Deutsches Historisches Museum (in German). Retrieved 11 September 2024.
  36. ↑ Marks, Sally (1976). The Illusion of Peace: International Relations in Europe 1918–1933. London and New York: Palgrave Macmillan. p. 89.
  37. ↑ Mommsen 1996, p. 206.
  38. ↑ Prinz, Claudia (14 October 2015). "Der Einmarsch ins Rheinland 1936" [The March into the Rhineland]. Deutsches Historisches Museum (in German). Retrieved 12 September 2024.

Further reading

Primary sources

This page is based on this Wikipedia article
Text is available under the CC BY-SA 4.0 license; additional terms may apply.
Images, videos and audio are available under their respective licenses.