Occupation of the Ruhr

Last updated
Occupation of the Ruhr
Part of the Aftermath of World War I and
Political violence in Germany (1918–1933)
Bundesarchiv Bild 183-R09876, Ruhrbesetzung.jpg
French soldiers and a German civilian in the Ruhr in 1923
DateJanuary 11, 1923 – August 25, 1925 (2 years, 7 months, and 2 weeks)
Location
The Ruhr, Germany
Result Dawes Plan
Belligerents

Flag of Germany (3-2 aspect ratio).svg Germany

German protesters
Commanders and leaders
Casualties and losses
130 civilians killed

The Occupation of the Ruhr (German: Ruhrbesetzung) was a period of military occupation of the Ruhr region of Germany by France and Belgium from 11 January 1923 to 25 August 1925.

Contents

France and Belgium occupied the heavily industrialized Ruhr Valley in response to Germany defaulting on reparation payments dictated by the victorious powers after World War I in the Treaty of Versailles. Occupation of the Ruhr worsened the economic crisis in Germany, [1] and German civilians engaged in acts of passive resistance and civil disobedience, during which 130 were killed. France and Belgium, facing economic and international pressure, accepted the Dawes Plan to restructure Germany's payment of war reparations in 1924 and withdrew their troops from the Ruhr by August 1925.

The Occupation of the Ruhr contributed to German rearmament and the growth of radical right-wing and left-wing movements in Germany. [1]

Background

Map of the occupation of the Rhineland (1923) Western Germany 1923 en.png
Map of the occupation of the Rhineland (1923)

The Ruhr region had been occupied by Allied troops in the aftermath of the First World War. Under the terms of the Treaty of Versailles (1919), which formally ended the war with the Allies as the victors, Germany was forced to accept responsibility for the damages caused in the war and was obliged to pay war reparations to the various Allies. Since the war in the west was fought predominately on French soil, these reparations were paid primarily to France. The total sum of reparations demanded from Germany—around 226 billion gold marks (US $ 1,093 billion in 2024)—was decided by the Inter-Allied Reparations Commission. In 1921, the amount was reduced to 132 billion (at that time, $31.4 billion (US $442 billion in 2024), or £6.6 billion (£284 billion in 2024). [2] Even with the reduction, the debt was huge. As some of the payments were in raw materials, which were exported, German factories were unable to function, and the German economy suffered, further damaging the country's ability to pay. [3] France was also suffering from a high deficit accrued during World War I, which resulted in a depreciation of the French franc. France increasingly looked towards the prospect of German reparations payments as a way to stabilize its economy. [4]

By late 1922, the German defaults on payments had grown so regular that a crisis engulfed the Reparations Commission; the French and Belgian delegates urged occupying the Ruhr as a way of forcing Germany to pay more, while the British delegate urged a lowering of the payments. [5] As a consequence of a German default on timber deliveries in December 1922, the Reparations Commission declared Germany in default, which led to the Franco-Belgian occupation of the Ruhr in January 1923. [6] Particularly galling to the French was that the timber quota the Germans defaulted on was based on an assessment of their capacity the Germans made themselves and subsequently lowered. [7] The Allies believed that the government of Chancellor Wilhelm Cuno had defaulted on the timber deliveries deliberately as a way of testing the will of the Allies to enforce the treaty. [7] The entire conflict was further exacerbated by a German default on coal deliveries in early January 1923, which was the thirty-fourth coal default in the previous thirty-six months. [8] [9] Frustrated at Germany not paying reparations, Raymond Poincaré, the French Prime Minister, hoped for joint Anglo-French economic sanctions against Germany in 1922 and opposed military action. However, by December 1922 he saw coal for French steel production and payments in money as laid out in the Treaty of Versailles draining away.

Occupation

French Chasseurs Alpins in Buer Bundesarchiv Bild 102-09896, Franzosische Alpenjager in den Strassen Buers.jpg
French Chasseurs Alpins in Buer
French troops in Dortmund French in Dortmund LCCN2014715868 (cropped).jpg
French troops in Dortmund

After much deliberation, Poincaré decided to occupy the Ruhr on 11 January 1923 to extract the reparations himself. The real issue during the Ruhrkampf (Ruhr campaign), as the Germans labelled the battle against the French occupation, was not the German defaults on coal and timber deliveries but the sanctity of the Versailles Treaty. [10] Poincaré often argued to the British that letting the Germans defy Versailles in regards to the reparations would create a precedent that would lead to the Germans dismantling the rest of the Versailles treaty. [11] Finally, Poincaré argued that once the chains that had bound Germany in Versailles were destroyed, it was inevitable that Germany would plunge the world into another world war.

Initiated by Poincaré, the intervention took place on 11 January 1923. General Alphonse Caron's 32nd Infantry Division, under the supervision of General Jean-Marie Degoutte, carried out the operation. [12] Since the Territory of the Saar Basin was separated from Germany, the supply of iron ore fell on the French side and coal on the German side, but the two commodities had far more value together than separately: the supply chain had grown tightly integrated during the industrialization of Germany after 1870, but the problems of currency, transportation and import/export barriers threatened to destroy the steel industry in both countries. [13] Eventually, this problem was resolved in the post-World War II European Coal and Steel community. [14]

Following France's decision to invade the Ruhr, [15] the Inter-Allied Mission for Control of Factories and Mines (MICUM) [16] was set up as a means of ensuring coal repayments from Germany. [17]

Passive resistance

Protests by gymnasts from the Ruhr at the 1923 Munich Gymnastics Festival (The sign on the left reads "German the Ruhr remains" [unusual word order in the original, for emphasis]; the sign on the right reads "We never ever want to be servants!" ) Bundesarchiv Bild 102-00121, Munchen, Turnfest, Festzug.jpg
Protests by gymnasts from the Ruhr at the 1923 Munich Gymnastics Festival (The sign on the left reads "German the Ruhr remains" [unusual word order in the original, for emphasis]; the sign on the right reads "We never ever want to be servants!" )

The Allied occupation was greeted by a campaign of both passive resistance and civil disobedience from the German inhabitants. Approximately 130 German civilians were killed by the French occupation army during the events, including during civil disobedience protests, e.g., against dismissal of German officials. [18] [19] Some theories assert that to pay for passive resistance in the Ruhr, the German government began the hyperinflation that destroyed the German economy in 1923. [10] Others state that the road to hyperinflation was well established before with the reparation payments that started on November 1921, [20] see 1920s German inflation. In the face of economic collapse, with high unemployment and hyperinflation, the strikes were eventually called off in September 1923 by the new Gustav Stresemann coalition government, which was followed by a state of emergency. Despite this, civil unrest grew into riots and coup attempts targeted at the government of the Weimar Republic, including the Beer Hall Putsch which brought Adolf Hitler and the Nazi Party into mainstream German politics for the first time. The Rhenish Republic was proclaimed at Aachen (Aix-la-Chapelle) in October 1923. [21]

Though the French succeeded in making their occupation of the Ruhr pay, the Germans, through their passive resistance in the Ruhr and the hyperinflation that wrecked their economy, won the world's sympathy, and under heavy Anglo-American financial pressure (the simultaneous decline in the value of the franc made the French very open to pressure from Wall Street and the City of London), the French were forced to agree to the Dawes Plan of April 1924, which substantially lowered German reparations payments. [22] Under the Dawes Plan, Germany paid only 1 billion marks in 1924, and then increasing amounts for the next three years, until the total rose to 2.25 billion marks by 1927.

Sympathy for Germany

Front page of Chicago Daily Tribune, 6 March 1923, announcing French troops killing four resisting Germans France Invades Ruhr Chicago Daily Tribune 6 March 1923.jpg
Front page of Chicago Daily Tribune, 6 March 1923, announcing French troops killing four resisting Germans

Internationally, the French invasion of Germany did much to boost sympathy for the German Republic, although no action was taken in the League of Nations since it was technically legal under the Treaty of Versailles. [23] France's allies Poland and Czechoslovakia opposed the occupation because of their commercial links with Germany and their concern that the action would push Germany into a closer alliance with the Soviet Union. [24] The French, with their own economic problems, eventually accepted the Dawes Plan and withdrew from the occupied areas in July and August 1925. The last French troops evacuated Düsseldorf and Duisburg along with the city's important harbour in Duisburg-Ruhrort, ending French occupation of the Ruhr region on 25 August 1925. According to Sally Marks, the occupation of the Ruhr "was profitable and caused neither the German hyperinflation, which began in 1922 and ballooned because of German responses to the Ruhr occupation, nor the franc's 1924 collapse, which arose from French financial practices and the evaporation of reparations". [25] Marks suggests the profits, after Ruhr-Rhineland occupation costs, were nearly 900 million gold marks. [26]

British perspective

When on 12 July 1922, Germany demanded a moratorium on reparation payments, tension developed between the French government of Poincaré and the coalition government of David Lloyd George. The British Labour Party demanded peace and denounced Lloyd George as a troublemaker. It saw Germany as the martyr of the postwar period and France as vengeful and the principal threat to peace in Europe. The tension between France and the United Kingdom peaked during a conference in Paris in early 1923, by which time the coalition led by Lloyd George had been replaced by the Conservatives. The Labour Party opposed the occupation of the Ruhr throughout 1923, which it rejected as French imperialism. The British Labour Party believed it had won when Poincaré accepted the Dawes Plan in 1924. [27]

French perspective

Despite his disagreements with the United Kingdom, Poincaré desired to preserve the Anglo-French entente and thus moderated his aims to a degree. His major goal was winning the extraction of reparations payments from Germany. His inflexible methods and authoritarian personality led to the failure of his diplomacy. [28] After Poincare's right-wing coalition lost the 1924 French legislative election to Édouard Herriot's Radical-led coalition, France began making concessions to Germany. [29]

Aftermath

French troops leaving Dortmund Bundesarchiv Bild 102-00769, Dortmund, Letzte Franzosen verlassen die Stadt.jpg
French troops leaving Dortmund

Dawes Plan

To deal with the implementation of the Dawes Plan, a conference took place in London in July–August 1924. [30] The British Labour Prime Minister Ramsay MacDonald, who viewed reparations as impossible to pay, successfully pressured the French Premier Édouard Herriot into a whole series of concessions to Germany. [30] The British diplomat Sir Eric Phipps commented that "The London Conference was for the French 'man in the street' one long Calvary as he saw M. Herriot abandoning one by one the cherished possessions of French preponderance on the Reparations Commission, the right of sanctions in the event of German default, the economic occupation of the Ruhr, the French-Belgian railroad Régie, and finally, the military occupation of the Ruhr within a year". [31] The Dawes Plan marked the first time that Germany had succeeded in revising an aspect of the treaty in its favour.

The Saar region remained under French control until the 1935 Saar status referendum, which handed the territory to Nazi Germany.

German politics

In German politics, the French occupation of the Ruhr accelerated the formation of right-wing parties. The ruling centre-left Weimar coalition was discredited by its inability to address the crisis, while the far-left Communist Party of Germany remained inactive for much of the crisis under the direction of the Soviet Politburo and the Comintern. [32] [ page needed ] Disoriented by the defeat in the war, conservatives in 1922 founded a consortium of nationalist associations, the "Vereinigten Vaterländischen Verbände Deutschlands" (VVVD, United Patriotic Associations of Germany). The goal was to forge a united front of the right. In the climate of national resistance against the French Ruhr invasion, the VVVD reached its peak strength. It advocated policies of uncompromising monarchism, corporatism and opposition to the Versailles settlement. However, it lacked internal unity and money and so never managed to unite the right. It had faded away by the late 1920s, as the NSDAP (Nazi party) emerged. [33]

See also

Related Research Articles

<span class="mw-page-title-main">Treaty of Versailles</span> One of the treaties that ended World War I

The Treaty of Versailles was a peace treaty signed on 28 June 1919. As the most important treaty of World War I, it ended the state of war between Germany and most of the Allied Powers. It was signed in the Palace of Versailles, exactly five years after the assassination of Archduke Franz Ferdinand, which led to the war. The other Central Powers on the German side signed separate treaties. Although the armistice of 11 November 1918 ended the actual fighting, and agreed certain principles and conditions including the payment of reparations, it took six months of Allied negotiations at the Paris Peace Conference to conclude the peace treaty. Germany was not allowed to participate in the negotiations before signing the treaty.

<span class="mw-page-title-main">World War I reparations</span> War reparations

Following their defeat in World War I, the Central Powers agreed to pay war reparations to the Allied Powers. Each defeated power was required to make payments in either cash or kind. Because of the financial situation in Austria, Hungary, and Turkey after the war, few to no reparations were paid and the requirements for reparations were cancelled. Bulgaria, having paid only a fraction of what was required, saw its reparation figure reduced and then cancelled. Historians have recognized the German requirement to pay reparations as the "chief battleground of the post-war era" and "the focus of the power struggle between France and Germany over whether the Versailles Treaty was to be enforced or revised."

<span class="mw-page-title-main">Weimar Republic</span> German state from 1918 to 1933

The Weimar Republic, officially known as the German Reich, was a historical period of Germany from 9 November 1918 to 23 March 1933, during which it was a constitutional federal republic for the first time in history; hence it is also referred to, and unofficially proclaimed itself, as the German Republic. The period's informal name is derived from the city of Weimar, which hosted the constituent assembly that established its government. In English, the republic was usually simply called "Germany", with "Weimar Republic" not commonly used until the 1930s.

<span class="mw-page-title-main">Ruhr (river)</span> River in Germany

The Ruhr is a river in western Germany, a right tributary (east-side) of the Rhine.

<span class="mw-page-title-main">Gustav Stresemann</span> German politician (1878–1929)

Gustav Ernst Stresemann was a German statesman who served as chancellor of Germany from August to November 1923, and as foreign minister from 1923 to 1929. His most notable achievement was the reconciliation between Germany and France, for which he and French Prime Minister Aristide Briand received the Nobel Peace Prize in 1926. During a period of political instability and fragile, short-lived governments, Stresemann was the most influential politician in most of the Weimar Republic's existence.

<span class="mw-page-title-main">Raymond Poincaré</span> President of France from 1913 to 1920

Raymond Nicolas Landry Poincaré was a French statesman who served as President of France from 1913 to 1920, and three times as Prime Minister of France.

<span class="mw-page-title-main">Wilhelm Cuno</span> German businessman and politician (1876–1933)

Wilhelm Carl Josef Cuno was a German businessman and politician who was the chancellor of Germany from 1922 to 1923, for a total of 264 days. His tenure included the episode known as the Occupation of the Ruhr by French and Belgian troops and the period in which inflation in Germany accelerated notably, heading towards hyperinflation. Cuno was also general director of the Hapag shipping company.

<span class="mw-page-title-main">Dawes Plan</span> 1924 plan to resolve Germanys World War I reparations

The Dawes Plan temporarily resolved the issue of the reparations that Germany owed to the Allies of World War I. Enacted in 1924, it ended the crisis in European diplomacy that occurred after French and Belgian troops occupied the Ruhr in response to Germany's failure to meet its reparations obligations.

<span class="mw-page-title-main">Young Plan</span> Program for settling Germanys World War I reparations written in August 1929

The Young Plan was a 1929 attempt to settle issues surrounding the World War I reparations obligations that Germany owed under the terms of Treaty of Versailles. Developed to replace the 1924 Dawes Plan, the Young Plan was negotiated in Paris from February to June 1929 by a committee of international financial experts under the leadership of American businessman and economist Owen D. Young. Representatives of the affected governments then finalised and approved the plan at The Hague conference of 1929/30. Reparations were set at 36 billion Reichsmarks payable through 1988. Including interest, the total came to 112 billion Reichsmarks. The average annual payment was approximately two billion Reichsmarks. The plan came into effect on 17 May 1930, retroactive to 1 September 1929.

<span class="mw-page-title-main">Rentenmark</span> German currency from 1923–1924

The Rentenmark was a currency issued on 15 November 1923 to stop the hyperinflation of 1922 and 1923 in Weimar Germany, after the previously used "paper" Mark had become almost worthless. It was subdivided into 100 Rentenpfennig and was replaced in 1924 by the Reichsmark.

<span class="mw-page-title-main">Lausanne Conference of 1932</span> 1932 conference on German WWI reparations

The Lausanne Conference of 1932, held from 16 June to 9 July 1932 in Lausanne, Switzerland, was a meeting of representatives from the United Kingdom, France, Italy, Belgium, Japan and Germany that resulted in an agreement to lower Germany's World War I reparations obligations as imposed by the Treaty of Versailles and the 1929 Young Plan. The reduction of approximately 90 per cent was made as a result of the difficult economic circumstances during the Great Depression. The Lausanne Treaty never came into effect because it was dependent on an agreement with the United States on the repayment of the loans it had made to the Allied powers during World War I, and that agreement was never reached. The Lausanne Conference marked the de facto end of Germany's reparations payments until after World War II.

<span class="mw-page-title-main">Occupation of the Rhineland</span> 1918–1930 occupation by the WWI Allies

The Occupation of the Rhineland placed the region of Germany west of the Rhine river and four bridgeheads to its east under the control of the victorious Allies of World War I from 1 December 1918 until 30 June 1930. The occupation was imposed and regulated by articles in the Armistice of 11 November 1918, the Treaty of Versailles and the parallel agreement on the Rhineland occupation signed at the same time as the Versailles Treaty. The Rhineland was demilitarised, as was an area stretching fifty kilometres east of the Rhine, and put under the control of the Inter-Allied Rhineland High Commission, which was led by a French commissioner and had one member each from Belgium, Great Britain and the United States. The purpose of the occupation was to give France and Belgium security against any future German attack and serve as a guarantee for Germany's reparations obligations. After Germany fell behind on its payments in 1922, the occupation was expanded to include the industrial Ruhr valley from 1923 to 1925.

<span class="mw-page-title-main">Hyperinflation in the Weimar Republic</span> Occurrence of hyperinflation in early 20th century Germany

Hyperinflation affected the German Papiermark, the currency of the Weimar Republic, between 1921 and 1923, primarily in 1923. The German currency had seen significant inflation during the First World War due to the way in which the German government funded its war effort through borrowing, with debts of 156 billion marks by 1918. This national debt was substantially increased by 50 billion marks of reparations payable in cash and in-kind under the May 1921 London Schedule of Payments agreed after the Versailles treaty.

The Lipetsk fighter-pilot school, also known as WIWUPAL from its German codename Wissenschaftliche Versuchs- und Personalausbildungsstation "Scientific Experimental and Personnel Training Station", was a secret training school for fighter pilots operated by the German Reichswehr at Lipetsk, Soviet Union, because Germany was prohibited by the Treaty of Versailles from operating an air force and sought alternative means to continue training and development for the future Luftwaffe. It is now the site of Lipetsk Air Base.

The Küstrin Putsch of 1 October 1923, also known as the Buchrucker Putsch after its leader, was a coup attempt against the Weimar Republic by units of the paramilitary Black Reichswehr under Bruno Ernst Buchrucker. It was launched in response to nationalist anger over the government's decision to end passive resistance against the French and Belgian occupation of the Ruhr. It failed both in Berlin and in the eastern German town of Küstrin when the colonel in charge of the Küstrin Fortress detained Buchrucker and called in the Reichswehr. Buchrucker was convicted of treason and sentenced to prison but was amnestied after serving four years of the ten-year sentence.

The Cuno strikes were nationwide strikes in Germany against the government of Chancellor Wilhelm Cuno in August 1923. The wave of strikes demanded, eventually with success, the resignation of the Cuno government, which occurred on 12 August 1923, after only nine months. The strikes also buoyed the hopes of the Communist International of an imminent revolution.

<span class="mw-page-title-main">Cuno cabinet</span> 1922–23 cabinet of Weimar Germany

The Cuno cabinet, headed by Chancellor Wilhelm Cuno, a political independent, was the seventh democratically elected government of the Weimar Republic. It took office on 22 November 1922 when it replaced the second cabinet of Joseph Wirth, which had resigned after being unable to restructure its coalition following the loss of a key vote in the Reichstag.

<span class="mw-page-title-main">Second Marx cabinet</span> 1924–25 cabinet of Weimar Germany

The second Marx cabinet, headed by Wilhelm Marx of the Centre Party, was the 11th democratically elected government during the Weimar Republic. It took office on 3 June 1924 when it replaced the first Marx cabinet, which had resigned on 26 May following the unfavourable results of the May 1924 Reichstag election. The new cabinet, made up of the Centre Party, German People's Party (DVP) and German Democratic Party (DDP), was unchanged from the previous one. The three coalition parties ranged politically from centre-left to centre-right.

<span class="mw-page-title-main">Ruhr Question</span> Political topos

The Ruhr Question was a political topos put on the agenda by the Allies of World War I and the Allies of World War II in the negotiations following each respective war, concerning how to deal with the economic and technological potential of the area where the Rhine and Ruhr intersect. France was heavily in favor of monitoring this region, due to the perception that the economic and technological potential of the region had allowed the German Reich to threaten and occupy France during the Franco-Prussian War, World War I, and World War II. The Ruhr question was intimately associated with the Saar Statute and the German Question. There was also a close relationship between the Ruhr Question and the Allied occupation of the Rhineland (1919-1930), the Occupation of the Ruhr, the founding of the state of North Rhine-Westphalia (1946), the International Authority for the Ruhr (1949-1952), the Schuman Declaration (1950), and the founding of the European Coal and Steel Community (1951). The political treatment of the Ruhr question is known as Ruhrpolitik in German. When one looks at the Rhineland as a whole or the attempted establishment of the Rhenish Republic in 1923, the terms Rhein- und Ruhrfrage or Rhein-Ruhr-Frage are used in German.

<span class="mw-page-title-main">Reparation Commission</span> Body established by the Treaty of Versailles

The Reparation Commission, also Inter-Allied Reparation Commission, was established by the Treaty of Versailles to determine the level of World War I reparations which Germany should pay the victorious Allies. Its remit was soon broadened to reparations by other central powers, namely Austria, Bulgaria, and Hungary.

References

  1. 1 2 "Hyperinflation and the invasion of the Ruhr". The Holocaust Explained. 8 February 1934. Retrieved 29 May 2020.
  2. ↑ Timothy W. Guinnane (January 2004). "Vergangenheitsbewältigung: the 1953 London Debt Agreement" (PDF). Center Discussion Paper no. 880. Economic Growth Center, Yale University. Retrieved 6 December 2008.
  3. ↑ The extent to which payment defaults were genuine or artificial is controversial, see World War I reparations.
  4. ↑ Steiner, Zara (2005). The lights that failed : European international history, 1919–1933. Oxford: Oxford University Press. ISBN   978-0-19-151881-2. OCLC   86068902.
  5. ↑ Marks, pp. 239–240.
  6. ↑ Marks, pp. 240–241.
  7. 1 2 Marks, p. 240.
  8. ↑ Marks, p. 241.
  9. ↑ Marks, p. 244.
  10. 1 2 Marks, p. 245.
  11. ↑ Marks, pp. 244–245.
  12. ↑ Mordacq, Henri. Die deutsche Mentalitat. Funf Jahre B. am Rhein. p. 165.
  13. ↑ John Maynard Keynes, The economic consequences of the Peace.
  14. ↑ "Declaration of 9 may – Robert Schuman Foundation". www.robert-schuman.eu. Retrieved 2019-01-11.
  15. ↑ Fischer, p. 28.
  16. ↑ Fischer, p. 42.
  17. ↑ Fischer, p. 51.
  18. ↑ "Anaconda Standard". 1923-02-10. Twenty Germans were said to have been killed and several French soldiers wounded when a mob at Rapoch attempted to prevent the expulsion of one hundred officials. Picture shows French guard being doubled outside the station at Bochum following a collision between German mob and the French
  19. ↑ "Hanover Evening Sun". 1923-03-15. Three Germans killed in Ruhr by French sentries
  20. ↑ Ferguson, Adam; When Money Dies: The Nightmare of Deficit Spending, Devaluation and Hyperinflation in Weimar Germany p. 38. ISBN   1-58648-994-1
  21. ↑ "WHKMLA : The French Occupation of the Rhineland, 1918–1930". www.zum.de. Retrieved 2019-01-11.
  22. ↑ Marks, pp. 245–246.
  23. ↑ Walsh, p. 142.
  24. ↑ Steiner, Zara (2005). The lights that failed : European international history, 1919–1933. Oxford: Oxford University Press. ISBN   978-0-19-151881-2. OCLC   86068902.
  25. ↑ Sally Marks, '1918 and After. The Postwar Era', in Gordon Martel (ed.), The Origins of the Second World War Reconsidered. Second Edition (London: Routledge, 1999), p. 26.
  26. ↑ Marks, p. 35, no. 57.
  27. ↑ Aude Dupré de Boulois, "Les Travaillistes, la France et la Question Allemande (1922–1924)," Revue d'Histoire Diplomatique (1999) 113 No. 1 pp. 75–100.
  28. ↑ Hines H. Hall, III, "Poincare and Interwar Foreign Policy: 'L'Oublie de la Diplomatie' in Anglo-French Relations, 1922–1924," Proceedings of the Western Society for French History (1982), Vol. 10, pp. 485–494.
  29. ↑ Steiner, Zara (2005). The lights that failed : European international history, 1919–1933. Oxford: Oxford University Press. ISBN   978-0-19-151881-2. OCLC   86068902.
  30. 1 2 Marks, p. 248.
  31. ↑ Marks, p. 249.
  32. ↑ Steiner, Zara (2005). The lights that failed : European international history, 1919–1933. Oxford: Oxford University Press. ISBN   978-0-19-151881-2. OCLC   86068902.
  33. ↑ James M. Diehl, "Von Der 'Vaterlandspartei' zur 'Nationalen Revolution': Die 'Vereinigten Vaterländischen Verbände Deutschlands (VVVD)' 1922–1932," [From "party for the fatherland" to "national revolution": the United Fatherland Associations of Germany (VVVD), 1922–32] Vierteljahrshefte für Zeitgeschichte (October 1985) 33 No. 4 pp. 617–639.

Sources

French and German

This page is based on this Wikipedia article
Text is available under the CC BY-SA 4.0 license; additional terms may apply.
Images, videos and audio are available under their respective licenses.