Mellet v Ireland is a finding from the United Nations Human Rights Committee in 2016 that the Republic of Ireland's abortion laws violated human rights and the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights by banning abortion in cases of fatal foetal abnormality and by forcing her to travel to the United Kingdom for an abortion. [1] [2] [3] [4] [5] [6]
Amanda Mellet became pregnant in 2011. In November 2011, in the 21st week of pregnancy, a routine scans in the Rotunda Hospital showed the foetus was suffering Edwards syndrome, a fatal condition. Staff at the hospital told her that she could not have an abortion in that juristicion but would have to "travel". With the help of a family planning clinic, she, and her husband, travelled to Liverpool Women's Hospital for a termination. They had to return to Ireland only 12 hours after the termination because they could not afford to stay later. The procedure cost €2,000, as there is no financial assistance from the State or private health insurers for women who terminate pregnancies abroad. The Rotunda did not provide bereavement counselling to parents who terminate the pregnancy for fatal foetal abnormalities, but it will provide such counselling to women who do not terminate. The hospital did not provide any options regarding the foetus's remains, so they left them behind. The ashes were unexpectedly delivered three weeks later by courier. [7] : 3.1–3.4
In February 2012, Mellet and her husband spoke about their case to The Irish Times , which used the pseudonyms "Rachel and Tim". [8] [9] After the case, she was involved with the advocacy group Termination for Medical Reasons. [1]
The Center for Reproductive Rights filed the complaint on Mellet's behalf. [10] [11] [12] This was the first time that an international body found that criminalising abortion in cases of fatal foetal abnormality violated the right to be free from torture, inhuman and degrading treatment or punishment. [13]
Abortion was banned in nearly all cases in the Republic of Ireland until 2018. There was a constitutional protection for the unborn after the 1983 Eighth Amendment. The 2013 law, the Protection of Life During Pregnancy Act 2013 [7] allowed for abortion in case of danger to the life of the mother. In June 2017 the Citizens Assembly recommended holding a referendum to repeal the 8th Amendment. A referendum was held on May 25, 2018, to repeal the 8th Amendment, which passed with a large majority (66.4%) of the vote.
In 2016, the United Nations Human Rights Committee found that Ireland's abortion law violated the United Nations International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights and called for the government to offer her compensation and counselling and for it to change its laws to allow for abortion in cases of fatal foetal abnormality. [14]
The committee found that she had been subjected to discrimination and cruel, inhuman or degrading treatment as a result of Ireland's legal prohibition of abortion. The committee said that in addition to the shame and stigma associated with the criminalization of abortion of a fatally-ill foetus, Mellet's suffering was aggravated by the obstacles that she faced in getting information about the appropriate medical options. [15]
Ms Mellet welcomed the ruling, and called on abortion to be decriminalised. [16] [17]
The Human Rights Committee has made it clear that to redress the violations that I suffered, the Irish Government must ensure that other women do not live through similar violations of their rights. This cannot happen until Article 40.3.3 is repealed, until abortion is decriminalised and legislation is adopted to enable women to access services in Ireland.
— Amanda Mellet
The formal response to the finding from the Irish Government (delivered on 1 December 2016) was to explain the Citizens' Assembly process, which would report to the Oireachtas by mid 2017. [18] [19]
The Abortion Rights Campaign welcomed the ruling, and called it a milestone. [20]
The Human Rights Committee has called on Ireland to award Ms Mellet compensation and to revise its laws and Constitution to ensure no other woman or girl is forced to endure a similar ordeal. ... It is vital to note that this decision does not relate only to cases of fatal foetal impairment. This decision has much wider implications as it highlights the direct and indirect harm and discrimination resulting from prohibiting abortion in the state, including through criminalisation
— Linda Kavanagh, Abortion Rights Campaign spokesperson
Terminations for Medical Reasons welcomed the decision of the committee saying "The Committee has determined that Ireland, by refusing access to safe and legal abortion services, is abusing women by treating them in a cruel, inhuman and degrading manner." [3]
The Irish Council for Civil Liberties said the report "cranks up the pressure" on the Government to reform Ireland's "antediluvian" abortion laws. [3]
Amnesty International in Ireland welcomed the ruling, calling it "ground breaking". [10] [21]
Youth Defence strongly condemned the ruling, calling it "deplorable". [22]
The UN should be protecting these sick babies... instead they are attacking Ireland’s proud pro-life tradition of caring for mothers and babies and trying to bully a sovereign nation into legalising the cruel and barbaric practice of abortion
— Rebecca Roughneen, Youth Defence spokeswoman
The Pro Life Campaign condemned the judgement, and accused the UN of being a "de facto lobby group for abortion", [23] and criticised the offer of compensation. [24]
The UN Human Rights Committee is now one hundred percent partisan in favour of abortion and never takes account of the hugely damaging effects of abortion on both mother and baby. I have the utmost sympathy for the woman at the centre of today's story but I honestly don't believe abortion is ever the answer.
— Cora Sherlock, Pro Life Campaign
The Catholic Archbishop of Armagh, Eamon Martin opposed the finding, saying abortion was a matter for the Irish people, and reaffirmed the Catholic view that abortion should not be allowed in this case. [3]
In November 2016, the government paid her €30,000 for the suffering caused by having to travel to another country. Minister for Health Simon Harris (Fine Gael), Labour's Alan Kelly and Fianna Fáil's Billy Kelleher met Mellet and her family to offer the compensation and counselling just one week before the deadline to reply from the UN. [19] This was the first time the Irish government had agreed to compensate someone in such a case. [25] Some legal sources do not think this will set a precedent for the Irish courts, [19] whereas a member of the UN committee said that if another woman took a similar case before the committee, Ireland would have to pay compensation. [18]
In 2017, there was a similar case, Whelan v Ireland [26] in which the government paid the woman €30,000 in compensation. [27]
Abortion in the United Kingdom is de facto available under the terms of the Abortion Act 1967 in Great Britain and the Abortion (No.2) Regulations 2020 in Northern Ireland. The procurement of an abortion remains a criminal offence in Great Britain under the Offences Against the Person Act 1861, although the Abortion Act provides a legal defence for both the pregnant woman and her doctor in certain cases. Although a number of abortions did take place before the 1967 Act, there have been around 10 million abortions in the United Kingdom. Around 200,000 abortions are carried out in England and Wales each year and just under 14,000 in Scotland; the most common reason cited under the ICD-10 classification system for around 98% of all abortions is "risk to woman's mental health."
Abortion in Ireland is regulated by the Health Act 2018. Abortion is permitted in Ireland during the first twelve weeks of pregnancy, and later in cases where the pregnant woman's life or health is at risk, or in the cases of a fatal foetal abnormality. Abortion services commenced on 1 January 2019, following its legalisation by the aforementioned Act, which became law on 20 December 2018. Previously, the 8th Constitutional Amendment had given the life of the unborn foetus the same value as that of its mother, but the 36th constitutional amendment, approved by referendum in May 2018, replaced this with a clause permitting the Oireachtas (parliament) to legislate for the termination of pregnancies.
The Eighth Amendment of the Constitution Act 1983 was an amendment to the Constitution of Ireland which inserted a subsection recognising "the equal right to life of the pregnant woman and the unborn". Abortion had been subject to criminal penalty in Ireland since at least 1861; the amendment ensured that legislation or judicial interpretation would be restricted to allowing abortion in circumstances where the life of a pregnant woman was at risk. It was approved by referendum on 7 September 1983 and signed into law on 7 October 1983. In 2018, it was repealed by referendum.
Abortion laws vary widely among countries and territories, and have changed over time. Such laws range from abortion being freely available on request, to regulation or restrictions of various kinds, to outright prohibition in all circumstances. Many countries and territories that allow abortion have gestational limits for the procedure depending on the reason; with the majority being up to 12 weeks for abortion on request, up to 24 weeks for rape, incest, or socioeconomic reasons, and more for fetal impairment or risk to the woman's health or life. As of 2022, countries that legally allow abortion on request or for socioeconomic reasons comprise about 60% of the world's population. In 2024, France became the first country to explicitly protect abortion rights in its constitution.
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The timeline of women's legal rights (other than voting) represents formal changes and reforms regarding women's rights. The changes include actual law reforms, as well as other formal changes (e.g. reforms through new interpretations of laws by precedents). The right to vote is exempted from the timeline: for that right, see Timeline of women's suffrage. The timeline excludes ideological changes and events within feminism and antifeminism; for that, see Timeline of feminism.
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Abortion in Poland is illegal except in cases where the pregnancy is a result of a criminal act or when the woman's life or health is in danger. The last change in the Act on Pregnancy Planning of the Republic of Poland took place on 27 January 2021, when publication of the judgment of the Polish Constitutional Tribunal in the Dziennik Ustaw RP took place.
Miss D refers to an abortion case in Ireland, Amy Dunne was a girl who wanted to travel to the United Kingdom for an abortion. Her identity was kept private at the time, and she was referred to only as Miss D.
A, B and C v Ireland is a landmark 2010 case of the European Court of Human Rights on the right to privacy under Article 8. The court rejected the argument that article 8 conferred a right to abortion, but found that Ireland had violated the European Convention on Human Rights by failing to provide an accessible and effective procedure by which a woman can have established whether she qualifies for a legal abortion under current Irish law.
The Choice on Termination of Pregnancy Act, 1996 is the law governing abortion in South Africa. It allows abortion on demand up to the twelfth week of pregnancy, under broadly specified circumstances from the thirteenth to the twentieth week, and only for serious medical reasons after the twentieth week. The Act has been described by the Guttmacher Institute as "one of the most liberal abortion laws in the world".
Abortion-rights movements, also self-styled as pro-choice movements, advocate for the right to have legal access to induced abortion services including elective abortion. They seek to represent and support women who wish to terminate their pregnancy without fear of legal or social backlash. These movements are in direct opposition to anti-abortion movements.
The Protection of Life During Pregnancy Act 2013 was an Act of the Oireachtas which, until 2018, defined the circumstances and processes within which abortion in Ireland could be legally performed. The act gave effect in statutory law to the terms of the Constitution as interpreted by the Supreme Court in the 1992 judgment Attorney General v. X. That judgment allowed for abortion where pregnancy endangers a woman's life, including through a risk of suicide. The provisions relating to suicide had been the most contentious part of the bill. Having passed both Houses of the Oireachtas in July 2013, it was signed into law on 30 July by Michael D. Higgins, the President of Ireland, and commenced on 1 January 2014. The 2013 Act was repealed by the Health Act 2018, which commenced on 1 January 2019.
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D v Ireland is a case of the European Court of Human Rights concerning abortion in Ireland. It refers to the court case itself, and the circumstances surrounding abortion for fatal foetal abnormalities in Ireland. In 2002 Deirdre Conroy discovered her pregnancy was non-viable and had a termination in Northern Ireland. A public letter, written using a pseudonym, asking for it to be legal was credited with influencing the 2002 abortion referendum. She lost a court case in the ECHR in 2006 because she had not exhausted all domestic remedies. In 2013 after the death of Savita Halappanavar, she came forward, revealed her identity and again asked for this sort of termination to be legal.
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Termination for Medical Reasons (TFMR) is a campaign and support group seeking to change the law in Ireland to allow terminations in cases of fatal foetal abnormalities. Amanda Mellet is a founding member. They campaign for better services for people who experience fatal foetal abnormalities. In 2016 they welcomed the Irish government's new guidelines on bereavement counselling for grieving parents.