Polish question

Last updated September 22, 2022

The Polish question (Polish : kwestia polska or sprawa polska) was the issue, in international politics, of the existence of Poland as an independent state.^[2] Raised soon after the partitions of Poland in the late 18th century, it became a question current in European and American diplomacy throughout the 19th and parts of the 20th centuries. Historian Norman Davies notes that the Polish question is the primary lens through which most histories of Europe discuss the history of Poland, and was one of the most common topics of European politics for close to two centuries.^[3] The Polish question was a major topic at all major European peace conferences: at the Congress of Vienna in 1815, at the Versailles Conference in 1919, and at the Yalta Conference and the Potsdam Conference in 1945.^[3] As Piotr Wandycz writes, "What to the Poles was the Polish cause, to the outside world was the Polish question."^[4]

History

After late-18th-century partitions of Poland, the Polish–Lithuanian Commonwealth ceased to exist, divided between the Austrian Empire, the Prussian Kingdom and the Russian Empire.^[2] Poland’s erasure from Europe became a key to maintaining the European balance of power over the next century.^[5]^[6] The term "Polish question" came into use shortly afterwards, as some Great Powers took interest in upsetting this status quo , hoping to benefit from the recreation of the Polish state, starting with France under Napoleon Bonaparte, who considered the Poles useful recruits in his wars with Poland's occupying powers.^[7] The term "Polish question" was heard again after the failed November Uprising of 1831,^[8] during the "Spring of Nations" in 1848–49,^[9] and again after the unsuccessful January Uprising of 1863, in which Poles and Lithuanians rebelled against the Russian Empire, trying to restore their country's independence.^[10] In the era of rising nationalism, the question of whether an independent Poland should be restored, and also what it meant to be a Pole, gained increasing notoriety.^[10] In the decades that followed, the term became less used, as no new major uprisings occurred in Poland to draw the world's attention.^[11]^[12] The issue was further assuaged by the fact that the three partitioning powers were common allies for over a century (cf. League of the Three Emperors), and their diplomacy successfully kept the issue suppressed so that no serious solution appeared in sight.^[13] Out of the three partitioning powers, for Prussia the Polish question was one of fundamental importance, as Prussia's existence was connected to the Polish state being vanquished.^[14]

The Polish question resurfaced with force during World War I, when the partitioning powers fought one another, leading them to attempts to court their respective Polish citizens.^[12]^[15] In his memorandum of 20 January 1914, Russian Foreign Minister Sazonov proposed the restoration of an autonomous Kingdom of Poland with the Polish language used in schools and local administration, to which eastern Silesia, Western Galicia and eastern Poznan would be attached after the war,^[16]^[17]^[18] and on 16 August 1914 he persuaded the Tsar that Russia should seek reintegration of a unified Polish state as one of its war aims.^[19]

In 1916, Germany, with the Act of 5th November, publicly promised to create the Regency Kingdom of Poland, while secretly planning to annex up to 35,000 square kilometres of its territory and ethnically cleanse up to 3 million Poles and Jews to make room for German settlers after the war.^[20]^[21]^[22]^[23]^[24]^[25] This caused the French parliament to comment that the manifesto "stamped the Polish question with an international character". Russia protested the move, as it saw its own rump Polish state, the Congress Kingdom (or Vistula Land) as the only "Poland" that mattered.^[26] Soon, however, the Russians followed the German move, and promised the Poles increased autonomy.^[27] This offer was mentioned in the United States in Woodrow Wilson's "Peace Without Victory" speech of 1917.^[28] The Polish question was temporarily solved with the restoration of Polish independence after World War I.^[29]

The term became once again relevant during World War II, as after the German invasion of Poland the future of occupied Poland became once again an issue of debate between the Great Powers of the time, namely the United Kingdom, the United States and the Soviet Union.^[30]

The term was also used later in the 20th century, in the 1980s during the Solidarność period, when opposition activists struggled to free the People's Republic of Poland from the domination of the Soviet Bloc.^[31]

Related Research Articles

The Partitions of Poland were three partitions of the Polish–Lithuanian Commonwealth that took place toward the end of the 18th century and ended the existence of the state, resulting in the elimination of sovereign Poland and Lithuania for 123 years. The partitions were conducted by the Habsburg monarchy, the Kingdom of Prussia, and the Russian Empire, which divided up the Commonwealth lands among themselves progressively in the process of territorial seizures and annexations.

The Curzon Line was a proposed demarcation line between the Second Polish Republic and the Soviet Union, two new states emerging after World War I. It was first proposed by The 1st Earl Curzon of Kedleston, the British Foreign Secretary, to the Supreme War Council in 1919 as a diplomatic basis for a future border agreement.

The Poles come from different West Slavic tribes living on territories belonging later to Poland in the early Middle Ages.

<span class="mw-page-title-main">Polish–Russian War of 1792</span> War between the Commonwealth of Poland and the Russian Empire

The Polish–Russian War of 1792 was fought between the Polish–Lithuanian Commonwealth on one side, and the Targowica Confederation and the Russian Empire under Catherine the Great on the other.

<span class="mw-page-title-main">Territorial changes of Poland immediately after World War II</span>

At the end of World War II, Poland underwent major changes to the location of its international border. In 1945, after the defeat of Nazi Germany, the Oder–Neisse line became its western border, resulting in gaining the Recovered Territories from Germany. The Curzon Line became its eastern border, resulting in the loss of the Eastern Borderlands to the Soviet Union.

The liberum veto was a parliamentary device in the Polish–Lithuanian Commonwealth. It was a form of unanimity voting rule that allowed any member of the Sejm (legislature) to force an immediate end to the current session and to nullify any legislation that had already been passed at the session by shouting either Sisto activitatem! or Nie pozwalam!. The rule was in place from the mid-17th century to the late 18th century in the Sejm's parliamentary deliberations. It was based on the premise that since all Polish noblemen were equal, every measure that came before the Sejm had to be passed unanimously. The liberum veto was a key part of the political system of the Commonwealth, strengthening democratic elements and checking royal power and went against the European-wide trend of having a strong executive.

The 1793 Second Partition of Poland was the second of three partitions that ended the existence of the Polish–Lithuanian Commonwealth by 1795. The second partition occurred in the aftermath of the Polish–Russian War of 1792 and the Targowica Confederation of 1792, and was approved by its territorial beneficiaries, the Russian Empire and the Kingdom of Prussia. The division was ratified by the coerced Polish parliament (Sejm) in 1793 in a short-lived attempt to prevent the inevitable complete annexation of Poland, the Third Partition.

The 1794 Greater Poland uprising was a military insurrection by Poles in Wielkopolska against Kingdom of Prussia which had taken possession of this territory after the 1793 Second Partition of the Polish–Lithuanian Commonwealth.

The Patriotic Party, also known as the Patriot Party or, in English, as the Reform Party, was a political movement in the Polish–Lithuanian Commonwealth in the period of the Four-Year Sejm of 1788–1792, whose chief achievement was the Constitution of 3 May 1791. The reformers aimed to strengthen the ailing political machinery of the Commonwealth, to bolster its military, and to reduce foreign political influence, particularly that of the Russian Empire. It has been called the first Polish political party, though it had no formal organizational structure. The Party was inspired by the ideals of the French Revolution, and its name, proudly used by themselves, was a tribute to the Dutch Patriots.

The Polish Legions in the Napoleonic period, were several Polish military units that served with the French Army, mainly from 1797 to 1803, although some units continued to serve until 1815.

Poland is one of the most religious countries in Europe. Though varied religious communities exist in Poland, most Poles adhere to Christianity. Within this, the largest grouping is the Roman Catholic Church: 91.9% of the population identified themselves with that denomination in 2018 and, according to the Institute for Catholic Church Statistics, 36.7% of Polish Catholic believers attended Sunday Mass in 2015. Poland is one of the most Catholic countries in the world; Neal Pease describes Poland as "Rome's Most Faithful Daughter."

Polish nationalism is a form of nationalism which asserts that the Poles are a nation and promotes the cultural unity of Poles. Norman Davies, in the context of Polish nationalism, generally defined nationalism as "a doctrine ... to create a nation by arousing people's awareness of their nationality, and to mobilize their feelings into a vehicle for political action".

The Polish-Lithuanian and Prussian Alliance was a mutual defense alliance signed on 29 March 1790 in Warsaw between representatives of the Polish–Lithuanian Commonwealth and the Kingdom of Prussia. It was signed in the brief period when Prussia was seeking an ally against either Austria or Russia, and the Commonwealth was seeking guarantees that it would be able to carry out significant governmental reforms without foreign intervention.

The Austrian Partition comprise the former territories of the Polish–Lithuanian Commonwealth acquired by the Habsburg monarchy during the Partitions of Poland in the late 18th century. The three partitions were conducted jointly by the Russian Empire, the Kingdom of Prussia and Habsburg Austria, resulting in the complete elimination of the Polish Crown. Austria acquired Polish lands during the First Partition of 1772, and Third Partition of Poland in 1795. In the end, the Austrian sector encompassed the second-largest share of the Commonwealth's population after Russia; over 2.65 million people living on 128,900 km² of land constituting formerly south-central part of the Republic.

The Prussian Partition, or Prussian Poland, is the former territories of the Polish–Lithuanian Commonwealth acquired during the Partitions of Poland, in the late 18th century by the Kingdom of Prussia. The Prussian acquisition amounted to 141,400 km² of land constituting formerly western territory of the Commonwealth. The first partitioning led by imperial Russia with Prussian participation took place in 1772; the second in 1793, and the third in 1795, resulting in Poland's elimination as a state for the next 123 years.

The Russian Partition, sometimes called Russian Poland, constituted the former territories of the Polish–Lithuanian Commonwealth that were annexed by the Russian Empire in the course of late-18th-century Partitions of Poland. The Russian acquisition encompassed the largest share of Poland's population, living on 463,200 km² of land constituting the eastern and central territory of the previous commonwealth. The first partitioning led by imperial Russia took place in 1772; the next one in 1793, and the final one in 1795, resulting in Poland's loss of sovereignty and the reconstitution of the Kingdom of Poland within the Russian Empire in 1815.

The Polish-Lithuanian identity describes individuals and groups with histories in the Polish–Lithuanian Commonwealth or with close connections to its culture. This federation, formally established by the 1569 Union of Lublin between the Kingdom of Poland and Grand Duchy of Lithuania, created a multi-ethnic and multi-confessional state founded on the binding powers of national identity and shared culture rather than ethnicity or religious affiliation. The term Polish-Lithuanian has been used to describe various groups residing in the Commonwealth, including those that did not share the Polish or Lithuanian ethnicity nor their predominant Roman Catholic faith.

Stefan Bobrowski was a Polish politician and activist for Polish independence. He participated in the January 1863 Uprising as one of the leaders of its "Red" faction and as a member of that faction's Central National Committee, and of the Provisional National Government.

The Polish–Czechoslovak confederation, or federation, was a political concept from the time of World War II, supported by the Polish government-in-exile and, to a lesser extent, the United Kingdom and the United States. It was a revitalisation of the Międzymorze concept, proposing the creation of a federation based on Poland and Czechoslovakia. The project had less support in the Czechoslovak government-in-exile, which believed it did not need Polish support against the Soviet Union, and was eventually sunk by the growing Soviet dominance, as Joseph Stalin did not want a strong and independent federation in Europe that could threaten his designs for Eastern Europe.

Army of the Duchy of Warsaw refers to the military forces of the Duchy of Warsaw. The Army was significantly based on the Polish Legions; it numbered about 30,000 and was expanded during wartime to almost 100,000. It was composed of infantry with a strong cavalry force supported by artillery. The Napoleonic customs and traditions resulted in some social tensions, but are generally credited with helpful modernization and useful reforms.

References

↑ Sprawa polska w roku 1861: List z kraju. Listopad 1861. Columbia University, 18 Feb 2009. Retrieved August 3, 2013.
1 2 Mieczysław B. Biskupski (2000). The History of Poland . Greenwood Publishing Group. p. 22. ISBN 978-0-313-30571-9 . Retrieved 4 August 2013.
1 2 Norman Davies (24 February 2005). God's Playground A History of Poland: Volume II: 1795 to the Present. Oxford University Press. p. 11. ISBN 978-0-19-925340-1 . Retrieved 4 August 2013.
↑ Piotr Stefan Wandycz (1980). The United States and Poland. Harvard University Press. p. 60. ISBN 978-0-674-92685-1 . Retrieved 4 August 2013.
↑ Dieter Dowe (2001). Europe in 1848: Revolution and Reform. Berghahn Books. pp. 174–175. ISBN 978-1-57181-164-6 . Retrieved 4 August 2013.
↑ Manfred F. Boemeke; Gerald D. Feldman; Roger Chickering; Stig Förster; Elisabeth Gläser (13 September 1998). The Treaty of Versailles: A Reassessment After 75 Years. Cambridge University Press. pp. 313–. ISBN 978-0-521-62132-8 . Retrieved 4 August 2013.
↑ Norman Davies (24 February 2005). God's Playground A History of Poland: Volume II: 1795 to the Present. Oxford University Press. p. 216. ISBN 978-0-19-925340-1 . Retrieved 4 August 2013.
↑ Piotr Stefan Wandycz (1980). The United States and Poland. Harvard University Press. pp. 58–61. ISBN 978-0-674-92685-1 . Retrieved 4 August 2013.
↑ William Fiddian Reddaway (1971). The Cambridge History of Poland. CUP Archive. pp. 336–337. GGKEY:2G7C1LPZ3RN. Retrieved 4 August 2013.
1 2 Andrzej Walicki (2005). "The Slavophile Thinkers and the Polish Question in 1863". In David L. Ransel; Bożena Shallcross (eds.). Polish Encounters, Russian Identity. Indiana University Press. pp. 89–93. ISBN 978-0-253-21771-4 . Retrieved 4 August 2013.
↑ Piotr Stefan Wandycz (1980). The United States and Poland. Harvard University Press. pp. 84–85. ISBN 978-0-674-92685-1 . Retrieved 4 August 2013.
1 2 William Fiddian Reddaway (1971). The Cambridge History of Poland. CUP Archive. p. 481. GGKEY:2G7C1LPZ3RN. Retrieved 4 August 2013.
↑ Norman Davies (24 February 2005). God's Playground A History of Poland: Volume II: 1795 to the Present. Oxford University Press. p. 79. ISBN 978-0-19-925340-1 . Retrieved 4 August 2013.
↑ Poland and the Poles Alexander Bruce Boswell Dodd, Mead, 1919pp. 78-9. Poland and the Poles
↑ Piotr Stefan Wandycz (1980). The United States and Poland. Harvard University Press. pp. 104–105. ISBN 978-0-674-92685-1 . Retrieved 4 August 2013.
↑ The History of Poland Since 1863, R. F. Leslie page 98
↑ Companion to International History 1900-2001 – Page 126
↑ Gordon Martel – 2008, Sazonov claimed the lower Niemen basin from Germany and eastern Galicia from Austria-Hungary. Poland would receive eastern Posen and southern Silesia from Germany and western Galicia from the Habsburg Empire.
↑ Russia's International Relations in the Twentieth Century. Alastair Kocho-Williams, p. 18
↑ Truth or conjecture?: German civilian war losses in the East, page 366 Stanisław Schimitzek Zachodnia Agencia Prasowa, 1966
↑ To the Threshold of Power, 1922/33: Origins and Dynamics of the Fascist and Nationalist Socialist Dictatorships, page 151-152
↑ Shatterzone of Empires: Coexistence and Violence in the German, Habsburg, Russian, and Ottoman Borderlands by Omer Bartov and Eric D. Weitz page 55 Indiana University Press 2013
↑ Immanuel Geiss "Tzw. polski pas graniczny 1914-1918". Warszawa 1964
↑ The Red Prince: The Secret Lives of a Habsburg Archduke By Timothy Snyder "On the annexations and ethnic cleansing, see Geiss, Der Polnische Grenzstreifen"
↑ Absolute Destruction: Military Culture And The Practices Of War In Imperial Germany Isabel V. Hull page 233 Cornell University Press, 2005
↑ Piotr Stefan Wandycz (1980). The United States and Poland. Harvard University Press. p. 107. ISBN 978-0-674-92685-1 . Retrieved 4 August 2013.
↑ Mieczysław B. Biskupski (2000). The History of Poland . Greenwood Publishing Group. p. 45. ISBN 978-0-313-30571-9 . Retrieved 4 August 2013.
↑ Piotr Stefan Wandycz (1980). The United States and Poland. Harvard University Press. p. 112. ISBN 978-0-674-92685-1 . Retrieved 4 August 2013.
↑ William Fiddian Reddaway (1971). The Cambridge History of Poland. CUP Archive. p. 489. GGKEY:2G7C1LPZ3RN. Retrieved 4 August 2013.
↑ Piotr Stefan Wandycz (1980). The United States and Poland. Harvard University Press. pp. 272–275. ISBN 978-0-674-92685-1 . Retrieved 4 August 2013.
↑ Michael Bernhard; Henryk Szlajfer (1 November 2010). From the Polish Underground: Selections from Krytyka, 1978-1993. Penn State Press. p. 91. ISBN 978-0-271-04427-9 . Retrieved 4 August 2013.

Polish question

Contents

History

See also

Related Research Articles

References

Further reading