Author | Karen Dawisha |
---|---|
Language | English |
Subject | Vladimir Putin, corruption in Russia |
Publisher | Simon & Schuster |
Publication date | 2014 |
Pages | 445 pp. |
ISBN | 978-1-4767-9519-5 |
OCLC | 896792256 |
Putin's Kleptocracy: Who Owns Russia? is a 2014 book by Karen Dawisha. Published by Simon & Schuster, it chronicles the rise of Vladimir Putin during his time in Saint Petersburg in the 1990s. In the book, Dawisha exposes how Putin's friends and coworkers from his formative years have accumulated mass amounts of wealth and power. Although Putin was elected with promises to rein in the oligarchs who had emerged in the 1990s, Dawisha writes that Putin transformed "an oligarchy independent of, and more powerful than, the state into a corporatist structure in which oligarchs served at the pleasure of state officials, who themselves gained and exercised economic control... both for the state and for themselves." [1] As a result, 110 individuals control 35% of Russia's wealth, according to Dawisha. Whereas scholars have traditionally viewed Putin's Russia as a democracy in the process of failing, Dawisha argues that "from the beginning Putin and his circle sought to create an authoritarian regime ruled by a close-knit cabal... who used democracy for decoration rather than direction." [2]
Dawisha sought to publish Putin's Kleptocracy with Cambridge University Press (CUP), with which she had previously published five books and which had initially accepted the book for publication. However, her 500-page manuscript, a quarter of which was evidentiary footnotes, was rejected by CUP. Editor John Haslam cited the legal risk of publishing the manuscript in an email of March 20, later published by Edward Lucas in The Economist . Haslam wrote that "Given the controversial subject matter of the book, and its basic premise that Putin's power is founded on his links to organised crime, we are not convinced that there is a way to rewrite the book that would give us the necessary comfort." [3] Dawisha responded that "one of the world's most important and reputable publishers declines to proceed with a book not because of its scholarly quality... but because the subject matter itself is too hot to handle." [3] Dawisha clarified that her indignation was not directed at CUP, but at the climate in Britain that allows "pre-emptive bookburning". [3] Similarly, the Financial Times pointed to "fear of the UK's claimant-friendly libel laws". [4] Dawisha later found a publisher in the US, where the libel laws are less restrictive. [5]
Putin's Kleptocracy has been called an "unblinking scholarly exposé" [6] animated by "admirable relentlessness", [5] in which "the power of her argument is amplified by the coolness of her prose". [3] Although some have argued that Dawisha's book unleashes a "torrent of detail" which might "drown readers who are untutored in Soviet and Russian politics", [7] it is nonetheless regarded as "the most persuasive account we have of corruption in contemporary Russia", [7] and the copious detail is celebrated as a strength by others. [8]
Anne Applebaum commended the book's intense "focus on the financial story of Putin's rise to power: page after page contains the gritty details of criminal operation after criminal operation, including names, dates, and figures," and lauded its courage: "Many of these details had never been put together before — and for good reason." [5]
In an article for The Times Literary Supplement by Richard Sakwa commented that the book is "an extraordinary dossier of malfeasance and political corruption on an epic scale" in which the accusation that "Putin and his close colleagues have enriched themselves is now effectively proven" and "a courageous and scrupulously judicious investigation into the sinews of wealth and power in Vladimir Putin's Russia". [9] Sakwa, however, took issue with the term "kleptocracy" as "the evidence is often circumstantial, conjectural and partial. It would not stand questioning in court", while the connection with alleged kleptocracy in the "formulation of policy is far from clear. The much-vaunted stability of the Putin regime has, after all, delivered significant public goods." [9] Dawisha responded to Sakwa's position in a number of public forums. At a London event in 2015, Dawisha fielded a question referencing Sakwa's review, responding:
"When a president talks about his business elite as chickens sitting on eggs... what is the nature of the understanding that they have? … Where is the rule of law in Russia? … the rule of law for Russia is in London. Why is it that $150 billion left the country last year? Because they believe that their wealth can only be secured in the long term outside their own country. So if you don't have the ability to secure your rights, then I don't think there's any political theory that would say that you have a social contract; not even Russian political theory." [10]
Vladimir Vladimirovich Putin is a Russian politician and former intelligence officer, serving as the current president of Russia. Putin has served continuously as president or prime minister since 1999: as prime minister from 1999 to 2000 and from 2008 to 2012, and as president from 2000 to 2008 and since 2012.
Kleptocracy is a government whose corrupt leaders (kleptocrats) use political power to expropriate the wealth of the people and land they rule, typically by embezzling or misappropriating government funds at the expense of the wider population. Thievocracy means literally the rule by thievery and is a term used synonymously to kleptocracy. One feature of political-based socioeconomic thievery is that there is often no public announcement explaining or apologizing for misappropriations, nor any legal charges or punishment levied against the offenders.
Boris Abramovich Berezovsky, also known as Platon Elenin, was a Russian business oligarch, government official, engineer and mathematician and a member of the Russian Academy of Sciences. He had the federal state civilian service rank of 1st class Active State Councillor of the Russian Federation.
Anne Elizabeth Applebaum is a Polish-American journalist and historian. She has written extensively about the history of Communism and the development of civil society in Central and Eastern Europe.
Russian oligarchs are business oligarchs of the former Soviet republics who rapidly accumulated wealth in the 1990s via the Russian privatisation that followed the dissolution of the Soviet Union. The failing Soviet state left the ownership of state assets contested, which allowed for informal deals with former USSR officials as a means to acquire state property. Historian Edward L. Keenan has compared these oligarchs to the system of powerful boyars that emerged in late-medieval Muscovy.
Dmitry Nikolayevich Kozak is a Russian politician who has served as the Deputy Kremlin Chief of Staff since 24 January 2020. He previously served as the Deputy Prime Minister of Russia from 2008 to 2020. He has the federal state civilian service rank of 1st class Active State Councillor of the Russian Federation.
Richard Sakwa is a British political scientist and a former professor of Russian and European politics at the University of Kent, a senior research fellow at the National Research University-Higher School of Economics in Moscow, and an honorary professor in the Faculty of Political Science at Moscow State University. He has written books about Russian, Central and Eastern European communist and post-communist politics.
Matthias Warnig is a former East German Stasi officer and a Russia-based businessman who has worked closely with Vladimir Putin. He joined the Stasi, the secret police of communist East Germany, in 1974. During the Cold War he engaged in financial crimes by attempting to infiltrate and spy against banks in the Federal Republic of Germany. After the Stasi was disbanded as a criminal organization as a result of the fall of Communism, he was left unemployed and moved to Russia, where he took part in business ventures in cooperation with Putin, whom he had already known as a Stasi officer. He is managing director (CEO) of Nord Stream AG, a company that is majority-owned by the Russian government and that is responsible for the construction and operation of the Nord Stream undersea gas pipeline from Russia to Germany. Warnig is under personal sanctions in the United States over his ties to the Russian government and Putin, and what the US government considers to be a Russian geopolitical project. As of 2023 he is also under personal sanctions in the United Kingdom as a collaborator with the Putin regime who is "involved in destabilising Ukraine or undermining or threatening the territorial integrity, sovereignty or independence of Ukraine, or obtaining a benefit from or supporting the Government of Russia."
Roman Igorevich Tsepov was a Russian businessman and confidant to Vladimir Putin during Putin's work at the Saint Petersburg City Administration. Tsepov was suspected of criminal and corruption activity.
The Rossiya Bank is a Russian joint stock bank founded on June 27, 1990. The company's headquarters are in Saint Petersburg.
Viktor Vasilyevich Zolotov is the current Director of the National Guard of Russia (Rosgvardiya) and a member of the Security Council of Russia.
Sergey Viktorovich Chemezov is the CEO of Rostec Corporation, a state-owned defense conglomorate. A former KGB agent and high-ranking general, Chemezov befriended Vladimir Putin when both were stationed in East Germany in the 1980s. Chemezov enriched himself when Putin became President of Russia. In 2007, Putin appointed him as CEO of Rostec.
A diverse variety of informal political groups emerged during the presidency of Vladimir Putin. They include remnants of the Yeltsin family, Saint Petersburg lawyers and economists, and security-intelligence elements called the siloviki.
The Oligarchs: Wealth and Power in the New Russia is a 2001 non-fiction book written by Pulitzer Prize-winning author and Washington Post contributing editor David E. Hoffman. The book chronicles events of the transitional period in Russia, from the dissolution of the Soviet Union in the early 1990s, and the subsequent privatization in Russia, to the 1996 presidential election, the 1998 Russian financial crisis, and Vladimir Putin's rise to power in the late 1990s.
Karen Dawisha was an American political scientist and writer. She was a professor in the Department of Political Science at Miami University in Oxford, Ohio, and the director of The Havighurst Center for Russian and Post-Soviet Studies.
Nikolai Terent'yevich Shamalov, Nikolai Terent'evich Shamalov or Nikolai Terentievich Shamalov is a Belarusian-born Russian dentist, businessman, and a founding member of Ozero. He is a close confidante of Russian leader Vladimir Putin. Shamalov grew rich after obtaining a stake in Bank Rossiya.
Igor Rotenberg is a Russian billionaire businessman, and the oldest son and heir to Arkady Rotenberg, Russian billionaire businessman and co-owner with brother Boris Rotenberg, of the SGM (Stroygazmontazh) group. The Rotenbergs are closely associated with Vladimir Putin. In October 2018, Igor Rotenberg's wealth was estimated to be $1.1 billion. Igor Rotenberg has been under United States sanctions since 6 April 2018.
Maria Vorontsova, also referred to as Maria Faassen, is a Russian pediatric endocrinologist. She is the eldest child of Russian president Vladimir Putin.
Catherine Elizabeth Belton is a journalist and writer. From 2007 to 2013, she was the Moscow correspondent for the Financial Times. In Putin's People: How the KGB Took Back Russia and Then Took On the West, published in 2020, Belton explored the rise of Russian president Vladimir Putin. It was named book of the year by The Economist, the Financial Times, the New Statesman and The Telegraph. It is also the subject of five separate lawsuits brought by Russian billionaires and Rosneft.