Sean F. Reardon | |
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Occupation | American sociologist |
Website | https://cepa.stanford.edu/sean-reardon |
Sean F. Reardon is an American sociologist who currently serves as the Endowed Professor of Poverty and Inequality in Education at the Stanford Graduate School of Education, [1] where he also is a member of the Steering Committee of the Center for Education Policy Analysis (CEPA). [2] Reardon is an Elected Fellow to the American Academy of Arts & Sciences. [3]
Sean Reardon earned a B.A. in liberal arts from the University of Notre Dame in 1986, after which he taught for four years at Red Cloud Indian School (South Dakota) and Moorestown Friends School (New Jersey) before returning to Notre Dame and obtaining a M.A. in peace studies in 1991. After his M.A., Reardon pursued his education at the Harvard Graduate School of Education, from which he obtained an M.Ed. and an Ed.D. in educational administration, planning and social from in 1992 and 1997. Following his graduation, Reardon first briefly worked as a postdoctoral researcher at Harvard's Children Initiative on the evaluation of programmes for children (1998–99) and then became an assistant professor of education and sociology at Pennsylvania State University, before moving to Stanford University in 2004. At Stanford, Reardon was promoted from associate professor to full professor in 2012 and has been the Endowed Professor of Poverty and Inequality in Education since 2014. Additionally, he serves at Stanford as Director of the Stanford Interdisciplinary Doctoral Training Program in Quantitative Education Policy Analysis and as a senior fellow of the Stanford Institute for Economic Policy Research. Reardon was elected to the National Academy of Education in 2014 and sits on the Board of Directors of the Society for Research on Educational Effectiveness. Reardon performs or has performed editorial duties for many academic reviews in education, including Sociology of Education , Educational Evaluation and Policy Analysis , Journal of Economic Inequality , American Educational Research Journal , Journal of Research on Educational Effectiveness , and Educational Researcher . [4]
His research has been awarded the Palmer O. Johnson Memorial Award by the American Educational Research Association in 2013 [5] as well as the William T. Grant Foundation's Scholar Award in 2007 for research on the transition from adolescence to adulthood in Chicago neighbourhoods. [6]
Sean Reardon's research focuses on the economics and sociology of education, educational policy, and educational inequality. [7] In particular, Reardon has conducted extensive research on segregation in the United States, e.g. between ethnic groups, socioeconomic groups, and in terms of school locations. For example, together with Gary Orfield , Sara Schley and Diane Glass, Reardon observes that Afro-American and Hispanic students are much more likely than White students to find themselves in schools of concentrated poverty. [8] He further finds that segregation between non-Hispanic white students and all other students has increased, on average, while segregation among black, Hispanic and Asian student groups has decreased, with the overall change being mostly attributable to growth in between-district segregation as segregation within districts has decreased. [9] Studying the trajectory of racial school segregation in the wake of Brown vs. Board of Education, Reardon finds that segregation gradually increased following release from court order, relative to the trends in segregation in districts remaining under court order, with the increases being more pronounced in the South, in elementary grades, and in districts where prereleease school segregation levels were low; this suggests that court-ordered desegregation plans are effective in reducing racial school segregation but see their effects fade over time without continued court oversight. [10] Methodologically, Reardon (with Glenn Firebaugh) has argued that information theory indices are better measures of multigroup segregation than indices of dissimilarity, Gini, squared coefficient of variation, relative diversity or normalized exposure, as they alone accord with the principle of transfers and can be decomposed into inter- and intra-group effects. [11]
Another major topic in Reardon's research concerns spatial segregation between ethnic and socioeconomic groups. In terms of methodology, Reardon and O'Sullivan have argued that spatial information theory indices - i.e. measures of the variation in the diversity of the local spatial environments of each individual - and spatial exposure/isolation indices - i.e. measures of the average composition of individuals' local spatial environments - are better measures of spatial segregation than indices of spatial relative diversity and spatial dissimilarity. [12] Moreover, Reardon's research on spatial segregation has repeatedly emphasized the issue of geographic scale, i.e. while some groups are segregated over regions, other groups are mainly segregated across neighbourhoods or even within neighbourhoods. [13] With regard to racial segregation in the United States, Reardon, Barnett Lee and others find that segregation between Blacks and Whites is mainly due to segregation between metropolitan districts rather than to segregation within neighbourhoods, though the latter is the main driver of Hispanic-White and Asian-White segregation. [14] Concerning segregation by income groups, Reardon and Kendra Bischoff observe that - especially for Afro-American families - income inequality increases income segregation, as inequality spurs the large-scale segregation of rich people rather than it segregates poor people or affects small-scale patterns of income segregation. [15]
Finally, Reardon has also studied educational inequality in the United States. For example, he finds (with Galindo) that Hispanic children in general and Mexican and Central American children in particular enter kindergarten with an - on average - much lower reading and math aptitude than their non-Hispanic white children, though the gaps in both subjects narrow by about a third within the two first years of elementary school but remain stable afterwards. [16] Moreover, in research on the historical trajectory of educational inequality, Reardon finds that the gap between the educational achievements of children from families in the 10th richest percentile of the income distribution and those from the 10th poorest percentile increased by 30-40% between 1976 and 2001, is now twice as large as the black-white achievement gap, is already large when children enter kindergarten, is driven mainly by a closer correlation between family income and children's academic achievement in families with incomes over the median and not by growing income inequality or a stronger influence of parents' education. [17] [18]
Geographical segregation exists whenever the proportions of population rates of two or more populations are not homogeneous throughout a defined space. Populations can be considered any plant or animal species, human genders, followers of a certain religion, people of different nationalities, ethnic groups, etc.
Gloria Jean Ladson-Billings FBA is an American pedagogical theorist and teacher educator known for her work in the fields of culturally relevant pedagogy and critical race theory, and the pernicious effects of systemic racism and economic inequality on educational opportunities. Her book The Dreamkeepers: Successful Teachers of African-American Children is a significant text in the field of education. Ladson-Billings is Professor Emerita and formerly the Kellner Family Distinguished Professor of Urban Education in the Department of Curriculum and Instruction at the University of Wisconsin–Madison.
The educational attainment of the U.S. population refers to the highest level of education completed. The educational attainment of the U.S. population is similar to that of many other industrialized countries with the vast majority of the population having completed secondary education and a rising number of college graduates that outnumber high school dropouts. As a whole, the population of the United States is spending more years in formal educational programs. As with income, levels differ by race, age, household configuration, and geography.
The African-American middle class consists of African-Americans who have middle-class status within the American class structure. It is a societal level within the African-American community that primarily began to develop in the early 1960s, when the ongoing Civil Rights Movement led to the outlawing of de jure racial segregation. The African American middle class exists throughout the United States, particularly in the Northeast and in the South, with the largest contiguous majority black middle-class neighborhoods being in the Washington, DC suburbs in Maryland. The African American middle class is also prevalent in the Atlanta, Charlotte, Houston, Dallas, Los Angeles, New Orleans, New York, San Antonio and Chicago areas.
Oppositional culture, also known as the "blocked opportunities framework" or the "caste theory of education", is a term most commonly used in studying the sociology of education to explain racial disparities in educational achievement, particularly between white and black Americans. However, the term refers to any subculture's rejection of conformity to prevailing norms and values, not just nonconformity within the educational system. Thus many criminal gangs and religious cults could also be considered oppositional cultures.
Income segregation is the separation of various classes of people based on their income. For example, certain people cannot get into country clubs because of insufficient funds. Another example of income segregation in a neighborhood would be the schools, facilities and the characteristics of a population. Income segregation can be illustrated in countries such as the United States, where racial segregation is a major cause of income inequality.
Negotiations to end apartheid began in 1990 and continued until President Nelson Mandela's electoral victory as South Africa's first Black president in the first democratic all-races general election of 1994. This signified the legislative end of apartheid in South Africa, a system of widespread racially-based segregation to enforce almost complete separation of white and Black races in South Africa. Before the legislative end of apartheid, whites had held almost complete control over all political and socioeconomic power in South Africa during apartheid, only allowing acquiescent Black traditional leaders to participate in facades of political power. Repercussions from the decades of apartheid continue to resonate through every facet of South African life, despite copious amounts of legislation meant to alleviate inequalities.
Occupational segregation is the distribution of workers across and within occupations, based upon demographic characteristics, most often gender. Other types of occupational segregation include racial and ethnicity segregation, and sexual orientation segregation. These demographic characteristics often intersect. While a job refers to an actual position in a firm or industry, an occupation represents a group of similar jobs that require similar skill requirements and duties. Many occupations are segregated within themselves because of the differing jobs, but this is difficult to detect in terms of occupational data. Occupational segregation compares different groups and their occupations within the context of the entire labor force. The value or prestige of the jobs are typically not factored into the measurements.
Residential segregation is the physical separation of two or more groups into different neighborhoods—a form of segregation that "sorts population groups into various neighborhood contexts and shapes the living environment at the neighborhood level". While it has traditionally been associated with racial segregation, it generally refers to the separation of populations based on some criteria.
In the United States, housing segregation is the practice of denying African Americans and other minority groups equal access to housing through the process of misinformation, denial of realty and financing services, and racial steering. Housing policy in the United States has influenced housing segregation trends throughout history. Key legislation include the National Housing Act of 1934, the G.I. Bill, and the Fair Housing Act. Factors such as socioeconomic status, spatial assimilation, and immigration contribute to perpetuating housing segregation. The effects of housing segregation include relocation, unequal living standards, and poverty. However, there have been initiatives to combat housing segregation, such as the Section 8 housing program.
Educational inequality is the unequal distribution of academic resources, including but not limited to school funding, qualified and experienced teachers, books, and technologies, to socially excluded communities. These communities tend to be historically disadvantaged and oppressed. Individuals belonging to these marginalized groups are often denied access to schools with adequate resources. Inequality leads to major differences in the educational success or efficiency of these individuals and ultimately suppresses social and economic mobility. Inequality in education is broken down into different types: regional inequality, inequality by sex, inequality by social stratification, inequality by parental income, inequality by parent occupation, and many more.
Housing discrimination in the United States refers to the historical and current barriers, policies, and biases that prevent equitable access to housing. Housing discrimination became more pronounced after the abolition of slavery in 1865, typically as part of Jim Crow laws that enforced racial segregation. The federal government didn't begin to take action against these laws until 1917, when the Supreme Court struck down ordinances prohibiting blacks from occupying or owning buildings in majority-white neighborhoods in Buchanan v. Warley. However, the federal government as well as local governments continued to be directly responsible for housing discrimination through redlining and race-restricted covenants until the Civil Rights Act of 1968.
In the United States, despite the efforts of equality proponents, income inequality persists among races and ethnicities. Asian Americans have the highest median income, followed by White Americans, Hispanic Americans, African Americans, and Native Americans. A variety of explanations for these differences have been proposed—such as differing access to education, two parent home family structure, high school dropout rates and experience of discrimination and deep-seated and systemic anti-Black racism—and the topic is highly controversial.
The racial achievement gap in the United States refers to disparities in educational achievement between differing ethnic/racial groups. It manifests itself in a variety of ways: African-American and Hispanic students are more likely to earn lower grades, score lower on standardized tests, drop out of high school, and they are less likely to enter and complete college than whites, while whites score lower than Asian Americans.
In the United States, racial inequality refers to the social inequality and advantages and disparities that affect different races. These can also be seen as a result of historic oppression, inequality of inheritance, or racism and prejudice, especially against minority groups.
Structural inequality occurs when the fabric of organizations, institutions, governments or social networks contains an embedded cultural, linguistic, economic, religious/belief, physical or identity based bias which provides advantages for some members and marginalizes or produces disadvantages for other members. This can involve, personal agency, freedom of expression, property rights, freedom of association, religious freedom,social status, or unequal access to health care, housing, education, physical, cultural, social, religious or political belief, financial resources or other social opportunities. Structural inequality is believed to be an embedded part of all known cultural groups. The global history of slavery, serfdom, indentured servitude and other forms of coerced cultural or government mandated labour or economic exploitation that marginalizes individuals and the subsequent suppression of human rights are key factors defining structural inequality.
School segregation in the United States was the segregation of students based on their ethnicity. While not prohibited from having schools, various minorities were barred from most schools, schools for whites. Segregation was enforced by formal legal systems in U.S. states primarily in the Southern United States, although elsewhere segregation could be informal or customary. Segregation laws were dismantled in 1954 by the U.S. Supreme Court because of the successes being attained during the Civil Rights Movement. Segregation continued longstanding exclusionary policies in much of the Southern United States after the Civil War. School integration in the United States took place at different times in different areas and often met resistance. Jim Crow laws codified segregation. These laws were influenced by the history of slavery and discrimination in the US. Secondary schools for African Americans in the South were called training schools instead of high schools in order to appease racist whites and focused on vocational education. After the ruling of Brown v. Board of Education, which banned segregated school laws, school segregation took de facto form. School segregation declined rapidly during the late 1960s and early 1970s as the government became strict on schools' plans to combat segregation more effectively as a result of Green v. County School Board of New Kent County. Voluntary segregation by income appears to have increased since 1990. Racial segregation has either increased or stayed constant since 1990, depending on which definition of segregation is used. In general, definitions based on the amount of interaction between black and white students show increased racial segregation, while definitions based on the proportion of black and white students in different schools show racial segregation remaining approximately constant.
The Center for Education Policy Analysis (CEPA) is a research center at the Stanford Graduate School of Education dedicated to action-oriented research on education policies. CEPA's research focuses on the impact of poverty and inequality on educational achievement, the evaluation of federal and state education policy, teaching and leadership effectiveness, and technological innovations in education. CEPA was established in 2009 as part of the Stanford Challenge, a multidisciplinary initiative at Stanford University aimed at improving K-12 education. It is ranked as the 10th most influential education policy think tank worldwide by the Think Tanks and Civil Societies Program.
Unequal access to education in the United States results in unequal outcomes for students. Disparities in academic access among students in the United States are the result of several factors including: government policies, school choice, family wealth, parenting style, implicit bias towards the race or ethnicity of the student, and the resources available to the student and their school. Educational inequality contributes to a number of broader problems in the United States, including income inequality and increasing prison populations. Educational inequalities in the United States are wide-ranging, and many potential solutions have been proposed to mitigate their impacts on students.
Susanna Loeb is an American education economist and director of the Annenberg Institute at Brown University. She was previously the Barnett Family Professor of Education at the Stanford Graduate School of Education, where she also served as founding director of the Center for Education Policy Analysis (CEPA). Moreover, she directs Policy Analysis for California Education (PACE). Her research interests include the economics of education and the relationship between schools and educational policies, in particular school finance and teacher labor markets.