The Dictator's Handbook

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The Dictator's Handbook
The Dictator's Handbook cover.png
Author
Cover artistBrent Wilcox
CountryUnited States
LanguageEnglish
Subject Political science, Social theory
Publisher PublicAffairs
Publication date
September 1, 2011
Media typePrint (Hardcover)
Pages319
ISBN 978-1-61039-044-6
978-1-61039-045-3 (eBook)
303.3/4
LC Class JC330.3 .B84 2011

The Dictator's Handbook: Why Bad Behavior is Almost Always Good Politics is a 2011 non-fiction book by Bruce Bueno de Mesquita and Alastair Smith, published by the company PublicAffairs. It discusses how politicians gain and retain political power.

Contents

Bueno de Mesquita is a fellow at the Hoover Institution. [1] His co-writer is also an academic, [2] and both are political scientists. [3]

Michael Moynihan of The Wall Street Journal stated that the writing style is similar to that of Freakonomics . [3] Moynihan added that the conclusions the book makes originate from the fields of economics, history, and political science, leading him to call the authors "polymathic". [3]

Mesquita and Smith, with other authors, previously wrote about the "selectorate" theory in the academic book The Logic of Political Survival . [4] :1095

The Netflix series How to Become a Tyrant is partly based on this book. [5]

Contents

Bueno de Mesquita and Smith argue that politicians, regardless of whether they are in authoritarian dictatorships or in democracies, must stay in power by pleasing a core inner circle of power brokers, and that politicians must engage in self-interested behavior in order to stay in power. [2] They argued that the motives of politicians are "To come to power, to stay in power and, to the extent that they can, to keep control over money." [3] The main difference between the scenarios of democratic and authoritarian politicians is that democratic politicians have to please a large number of power brokers and/or the public at large while authoritarian ones please relatively small circles. These are referred to as large coalition governments and small coalition governments. These differences are illustrated in the infrastructure developed in authoritarian and democratic societies. In addition, authoritarian rulers, due to their smaller circles of power brokers, tend to have longer periods of power. [3] The authors also stated that politicians usually do beneficial acts when these acts benefit them or when they must do the acts. [2] The book also argues that aid to third-world countries benefits authoritarian governments, though it can be reformed to help those who need it. [6]

Occasionally terminologies differ in sections of the book. Samuel Brittan of the Financial Times argued that this is sometimes confusing. [6]

Reception

Martin Patriquin of Maclean's wrote that the authors "make a frightfully good argument by turning an old cliché on its ear. Power doesn’t corrupt. Rather, power inevitably attracts the corrupted." [2]

Ed Howker of The Guardian stated that the book assumes all politicians act rationally, and that its attitude was so cynical "that it made me flinch on more than one occasion." [1] He added that "it's good to read the evidence" of how authoritarian governments and systems operate. [1]

Moynihan wrote that the book "contains many points that are common-sensical". [3] Moynihan added that there are some minor errors in fact in the book due to its large scope. [3]

Brittan wrote that it is "most illuminating in the cases of dictatorships in the developing world or highly imperfect democracies such as Russia or Iran." [6]

Theodore McLauchlin of the University of Montreal concluded that it is a "serviceable introduction" and "bracing book that does indeed connect the dots across a wide array of political phenomena." [4] :1099 McLauchlin criticized what he perceived were the book's failure to define what a "winning coalition" and "selectorate" are and other issues in the analysis. [4] :1098 CGP Grey, a highly successful YouTuber, used this book as an inspiration and a guide when making his video "The Rules for rulers" in which he explained keys to holding political power by minimising key supporters, controlling the treasury and keeping key supporters on your side by using, among other things, treasury proceeds to buy loyalty. [7]

Related Research Articles

<span class="mw-page-title-main">Dictator</span> Political leader who possesses absolute power

A dictator is a political leader who possesses absolute power. A dictatorship is a state ruled by one dictator or by a small clique. The word originated as the title of a Roman dictator elected by the Roman Senate to rule the republic in times of emergency.

<span class="mw-page-title-main">Dictatorship</span> Form of government

A dictatorship is an autocratic form of government which is characterized by a leader, or a group of leaders, who hold governmental powers with few to no limitations. Politics in a dictatorship are controlled by a dictator, and they are facilitated through an inner circle of elites that includes advisers, generals, and other high-ranking officials. The dictator maintains control by influencing and appeasing the inner circle and repressing any opposition, which may include rival political parties, armed resistance, or disloyal members of the dictator's inner circle. Dictatorships can be formed by a military coup that overthrows the previous government through force or they can be formed by a self-coup in which elected leaders make their rule permanent. Dictatorships are authoritarian or totalitarian, and they can be classified as military dictatorships, one-party dictatorships, personalist dictatorships, or absolute monarchies.

<span class="mw-page-title-main">Government</span> System or group of people governing an organized community, often a state

A government is the system or group of people governing an organized community, generally a state.

William Harrison Riker was an American political scientist who is prominent for applying game theory and mathematics to political science. He helped to establish University of Rochester as a center of behavioral revolution in political science.

Autocracy is a system of government in which absolute power is held by the ruler, known as an autocrat. It includes most forms of monarchy and dictatorship, while it is contrasted with democracy and feudalism. Various definitions of autocracy exist. They may restrict autocracy to cases where power is held by a single individual, or they may define autocracy in a way that includes a group of rulers who wield absolute power. The autocrat has total control over the exercise of civil liberties within the autocracy, choosing under what circumstances they may be exercised, if at all. Governments may also blend elements of autocracy and democracy, forming an anocracy. The concept of autocracy has been recognized in political philosophy since ancient times.

Accountability, in terms of ethics and governance, is equated with answerability, culpability, liability, and the expectation of account-giving.

<span class="mw-page-title-main">Tyrant</span> Absolute ruler unrestrained by law or constitution

A tyrant, in the modern English usage of the word, is an absolute ruler who is unrestrained by law, or one who has usurped a legitimate ruler's sovereignty. Often portrayed as cruel, tyrants may defend their positions by resorting to repressive means. The original Greek term meant an absolute sovereign who came to power without constitutional right, yet the word had a neutral connotation during the Archaic and early Classical periods. However, Greek philosopher Plato saw tyrannos as a negative word, and on account of the decisive influence of philosophy on politics, deemed tyranny the "fourth and worst disorder of a state."

Tyrants lack "the very faculty that is the instrument of judgment"—reason. The tyrannical man is enslaved because the best part of him (reason) is enslaved, and likewise, the tyrannical state is enslaved, because it too lacks reason and order.

In political science, a political system means the type of political organization that can be recognized, observed or otherwise declared by a state.

Political psychology is an interdisciplinary academic field, dedicated to understanding politics, politicians and political behavior from a psychological perspective, and psychological processes using socio-political perspectives. The relationship between politics and psychology is considered bidirectional, with psychology being used as a lens for understanding politics and politics being used as a lens for understanding psychology. As an interdisciplinary field, political psychology borrows from a wide range of disciplines, including: anthropology, economics, history, international relations, journalism, media, philosophy, political science, psychology, and sociology.

Positive political theory (PPT), explanatory political theory, or formal theory is the study of politics using formal methods such as social choice theory, game theory, and statistical analysis. In particular, social choice theoretic methods are often used to describe and (axiomatically) analyze the performance of rules or institutions. The outcomes of the rules or institutions described are then analyzed by game theory, where the individuals/parties/nations involved in a given interaction are modeled as rational agents playing a game, guided by self-interest. Based on this assumption, the outcome of the interactions can be predicted as an equilibrium of the game.

<span class="mw-page-title-main">Bruce Bueno de Mesquita</span> Political scientist

Bruce Bueno de Mesquita is a political scientist, professor at New York University, and senior fellow at Stanford University's Hoover Institution.

<span class="mw-page-title-main">Dictator novel</span> Latin American literary genre

The dictator novel is a genre of Latin American literature that challenges the role of the dictator in Latin American society. The theme of caudillismo—the régime of a charismatic caudillo, a political strongman—is addressed by examining the relationships between power, dictatorship, and writing. Moreover, a dictator novel often is an allegory for the role of the writer in a Latin American society. Although mostly associated with the Latin American Boom of the 1960s and 1970s, the dictator-novel genre has its roots in the nineteenth-century non-fiction work Facundo (1845), by Domingo Faustino Sarmiento.

Authoritarianism is a political system characterized by the rejection of democracy and political plurality. It involves the use of strong central power to preserve the political status quo, and reductions in the rule of law, separation of powers, and democratic voting. Political scientists have created many typologies describing variations of authoritarian forms of government. Authoritarian regimes may be either autocratic or oligarchic and may be based upon the rule of a party or the military. States that have a blurred boundary between democracy and authoritarianism have some times been characterized as "hybrid democracies", "hybrid regimes" or "competitive authoritarian" states.

Clientelism or client politics is the exchange of goods and services for political support, often involving an implicit or explicit quid-pro-quo. It is closely related to patronage politics and vote buying. Clientelism involves an asymmetric relationship between groups of political actors described as patrons, brokers, and clients. In client politics, an organized interest group benefits at the expense of the public. Client politics may have a strong interaction with the dynamics of identity politics. This is particularly common in an elite pluralist or rigidly duopolistic system, such as in the United States, where lobbying can have considerable power shaping public policy. The opposite of client politics is 'entrepreneurial' politics, or conviction politics.

<span class="mw-page-title-main">Manuel Torres Bueno</span> Mexican politician and lawyer (born 1913)

Manuel Torres Bueno was a Mexican politician, lawyer, and jefe (leader) of the National Synarchist Union. Bueno would lead the organization during the height of its membership and activity. His tenure as leader of the National Synarchist Union was a period of ideological instability which would ultimately lead to the fracture of the organization.

The selectorate theory is a theory of government that studies the interactive relationships between political survival strategies and economic realities. It is first detailed in The Logic of Political Survival, authored by Bruce Bueno de Mesquita of New York University (NYU), Alastair Smith of NYU, Randolph M. Siverson of UC Davis, and James D. Morrow of the University of Michigan. In subsequent years the authors, especially Bueno de Mesquita and Smith, have extended the selectorate theory in various other policy areas through subsequent academic publishings and books. The theory is applicable to all types of organizations with leadership, including private corporations and non-state actors.

James D. Morrow is the A.F.K. Organski Collegiate Professor of World Politics at the University of Michigan and a member of the American Academy of Arts and Sciences, best known for his pioneering work in noncooperative game theory and selectorate theory.

Philip N. Howard is a sociologist and communication researcher who studies the impact of information technologies on democracy and social inequality. He studies how new information technologies are used in both civic engagement and social control in countries around the world. He is Professor of Internet Studies at the Oxford Internet Institute and Balliol College at the University of Oxford. He was Director of the Oxford Internet Institute from March 2018 to March 26, 2021. He is the author of ten books, including New Media Campaigns and The Managed Citizen, The Digital Origins of Dictatorship and Democracy, and Pax Technica: How the Internet of Things May Set Us Free or Lock Us Up. His latest book is Lie Machines: How to Save Democracy from Troll Armies, Deceitful Robots, Junk News Operations, and Political Operatives.

<i>The Logic of Political Survival</i> 2003 political science book

The Logic of Political Survival is a 2003 non-fiction book co-written by Bruce Bueno de Mesquita, Alastair Smith, Randolph M. Siverson, and James D. Morrow, published by MIT Press. It formally introduces and develops the selectorate theory of politics.

How to Become a Tyrant is a Netflix docu-series narrated by Peter Dinklage. It is partly based on the 2011 non-fiction book The Dictator’s Handbook: Why Bad Behavior is Almost Always Good Politics.

References

  1. 1 2 3 Howker, Ed (August 12, 2012). "The Dictator's Handbook by Bruce Bueno de Mesquita and Alastair Smith – review". The Guardian . Retrieved November 20, 2017.
  2. 1 2 3 4 Patriquin, Martin (December 16, 2011). "REVIEW: The Dictator's Handbook: Why Bad Behavior is Almost Always Good Politics". Maclean's . Retrieved November 20, 2017.
  3. 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 Moynihan, Michael (September 24, 2011). "Book Review: Dictator's Handbook". The Wall Street Journal . Retrieved November 20, 2017.
  4. 1 2 3 McLauchlin, Theodore (Autumn 2012). "Reviewed Work: THE DICTATOR'S HANDBOOK: Why Bad Behavior is Almost Always Good Politics by Bruce Bueno de Mesquita, Alistair Smith". International Journal . 67 (4): 1095–1099. doi:10.1177/002070201206700414. JSTOR   42704949. S2CID   155713009.
  5. "Stream It Or Skip It: 'How To Become A Tyrant' On Netflix, A Snarky Docuseries That Provides A "Handbook" On Becoming A Dictator". Decider.com. July 13, 2021. Retrieved July 14, 2021. [...]How To Become A Tyrant, based on The Dictator's Handbook,[...]
  6. 1 2 3 Brittan, Samuel (November 20, 2011). "The Dictator's Handbook". Financial Times . Retrieved November 20, 2017.
  7. https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=rStL7niR7gs&pp=ygUNY2dwIGdyZXkgc3R2IA%3D%3D