Chinese nationalism

This article is about nationalism that asserts all Chinese, including ethnic minorities, are a nation. For Chinese nationalism applied exclusively to the Han Chinese ethnicity, see Han nationalism. For the diplomatic system and ideology that emphasized China's centrality in the world, see Sinocentrism. For the political party commonly known as the Chinese Nationalist Party, see Kuomintang.

At the beginning of the 20th century, the sentiment of nationalism in China rose sharply, represented by the May Fourth Movement in 1919

Chinese nationalism
Traditional Chinese	中國民族主義
Simplified Chinese	中国民族主义
Transcriptions Standard Mandarin Hanyu Pinyin Zhōngguó mínzú zhǔyì Bopomofo ㄓㄨㄥ ㄍㄨㄛˊ ㄇㄧㄣˊ ㄗㄨˊ ㄓㄨˇ ㄧˋ

After the 1911 Revolution, Sun Yat-sen established the Republic of China, the national flag of which contained five colors with each symbolizing a major racial ethnicity of China. This marked a shift from the earlier discourse of radical racism and assimilation of the non-Han groups to the political autonomy of the five races. ^[19] The rhetorical move, as China historian Joseph Esherick points out, was based on the practical concerns of both imperial threats from the international environment and conflicts on the Chinese frontiers. ^[20] While both Japan and Russia were encroaching China, the newly born republic also faced ethnic movements in Mongolia and Tibet which claimed themselves to be part of the Qing Empire rather than the Republic of China. Pressured by both domestic and international problems, the fragile Republican regime decided to maintain the borders of the Qing Empire to keep its territories intact. ^[20] With the increasing threat from the imperialist powers in the 1910s, anti-imperialist sentiments started to grow and spread in China. An ideal of "a morally just universe," anti-imperialism made racism appear shameful and thus took over its dominant role in the conceptualization of Chinese nationalism. ^[21] Yet racism never perished. Instead, it was embedded by other social realms, including the discourse of eugenics and racial hygiene. ^[22]

The Blue Shirts Society, a fascist paramilitary organization within the Kuomintang that modelled itself after Mussolini's blackshirts of the National Fascist Party, was anti-foreign and anti-communist, and it stated that its agenda was to expel foreign (Japanese and Western) imperialists from China, crush Communism, and eliminate feudalism. ^[23] In addition to being anticommunist, some KMT members, like Chiang Kai-shek's right-hand man Dai Li were anti-American, and wanted to expel American influence. ^[24] In addition, the close Sino-German relations at the time promoted close ties between the Nationalist Government and Nazi Germany. The New Life Movement was a government-led civic movement in 1930s China initiated by Chiang Kai-shek to promote cultural reform and Neo-Confucian social morality and to ultimately unite China under a centralized ideology following the emergence of ideological challenges to the status quo. The Movement attempted to counter threats of Western and Japanese imperialism through a resurrection of traditional Chinese morality, which it held to be superior to modern Western values. As such the Movement was based upon Confucianism, mixed with Christianity, nationalism and authoritarianism that have some similarities to fascism. ^[25] It rejected individualism and liberalism, while also opposing socialism and communism. Some historians regard this movement as imitating Nazism and being a neo-nationalistic movement used to elevate Chiang's control of everyday lives. Frederic Wakeman suggested that the New Life Movement was "Confucian fascism". ^[26]

In response to the Cultural Revolution, Chiang Kai-shek launched a Chinese Cultural Renaissance movement which followed in the steps of the New Life Movement, the movement promoted Confucian values. ^[27]

In addition to anti-Manchurism and anti-imperialism, political scientist Chalmers Johnson has argued that the rise of power of the CCP through its alliance with the peasantry should also be understood as "a species of nationalism." ^[28] Johnson observes that social mobilization, a force that unites people to form a political community together, is the "primary tool" for conceptualizing nationalism. ^[29] In the context of social mobilization, Chinese nationalism only fully emerged during the Second Sino-Japanese War (1937–1945), when the CCP mobilized the peasantry to fight against the Japanese invaders. Johnson contends that early nationalism of the Kuomintang was quite similar to the late nineteenth-century nationalism in Europe, as both referred to the search for their national identities and positions in the modern world by the intelligentsia. ^[30] He argues that nationalism constructed by the intellectuals is not identical to nationalism based on mass mobilization, as the nationalist movements led by the Kuomintang, as well as the May Fourth Movement in 1919, were not mass movements because their participants were only a small proportion of the society where the peasants were simply absent. When the Second Sino-Japanese War broke out in 1937, the CCP began to mobilize the Chinese peasantry through mass propaganda of national salvation (Chinese :救國; pinyin :Jiùguó) Johnson observed that the primary shift of the CCP's post-1937 propaganda was its focus on the discourse of national salvation and the temporary retreat of its Communist agenda on class struggle and land redistribution. ^[31] The wartime alliance of the Chinese peasantry and the CCP manifests how the nationalist ideology of the CCP, or the peasant nationalism, reinforced the desire of the Chinese to save and build a strong nation. ^[32]

A map of the 1945 de jure borders of the Republic of China, used by Chinese nationalists as a map of "Greater China".

Irredentism and expansionism have also played a role in Chinese nationalism, declaring that China should regain its "lost territories" and form a Greater China. ^{[33] [34]} To this day, the Republic of China maintains its territorial claims since its inception in 1912. Its territorial claims were inherited from the Great Qing government as part of the Imperial Edict of the Abdication of the Qing Emperor.

Ethnicity

See also: List of ethnic groups in China, Han chauvinism, Hua–Yi distinction, and Racism in China

Chinese nationalist leaders Chiang Kai-shek (left) and Sun Yat-sen (right)

The Great Wall, a national symbol of China

A drawing of Hong Xiuquan, leader of Taiping Rebellion against Qing dynasty

Defining the relationship between ethnicity and the Chinese identity has been a very complex issue throughout Chinese history. In the 17th century, with the help of Ming Chinese rebels, the Manchus conquered China proper and set up the Qing dynasty. Over the next centuries, they would incorporate groups such as the Tibetans, the Mongols, and the Uyghurs into territories which they controlled. The Manchus were faced with the simultaneous task of maintaining loyalty among the people who they ruled and maintaining their distinct identity. The main method by which they accomplished control of the Chinese heartland was by portraying themselves as enlightened Confucian sages part of whose goal was to preserve and advance Chinese civilization. Over the course of centuries, the Manchus were gradually assimilated into Chinese culture and eventually, many Manchus identified themselves as a people of China.^{[ citation needed ]}

The Chinese nation has also been referred to as the descendants of Yandi and Huangdi, legendary rulers who are considered the historical ancestors of the Huaxia people, an ethnic group whose members were the ancestors of the Han Chinese. ^{[35] [36]}

The complexity of the relationship between ethnicity and Chinese identity was best exemplified during the Taiping Rebellion in which the rebels fiercely fought against the Manchus on the ground that they were barbarians and foreigners while at the same time, others fought just as fiercely on behalf of the Manchus on the ground that they were the preservers of traditional Chinese values.

Soldiers of the Yihetuan.

The Yihetuan, also known as the Boxers, were a Chinese nationalist and pro-Qing monarchist secret society which instigated and led the Boxer Rebellion from 1899 to 1901. Their motivations were Anti-Christianism and resistance to Westernisation. At their peak, the Boxers were supported by some members of the Imperial Army. Their slogan was "Support the Qing, destroy the foreigners!". ^[37]

In 1909, the Law of Nationality of Great Qing (Chinese :大清國際條例; pinyin :Dà qīng guójì tiáolì) was published by the Manchu government, which defined Chinese with the following rules: 1) born in China while his/her father is a Chinese; 2) born after his/her father's death while his/her father is a Chinese at his death; 3) his/her mother is a Chinese while his/her father's nationality is unclear or stateless. ^[38]

In 1919, the May Fourth Movement grew out of student protests against the Treaty of Versailles, especially its terms allowing Japan to keep territories surrendered by Germany after the Siege of Tsingtao, and spurned upsurges of Chinese nationalism amongst the protests.^{[ citation needed ]}

In the 1920s and 1930s, the official Chinese nationalistic view was heavily influenced by modernism and Social Darwinism, and it included advocacy of the cultural assimilation of ethnic groups in the western and central provinces into the "culturally advanced" Han state, a policy which would enable them to become members of the Chinese nation in name as well as in fact. Furthermore, it was also influenced by the fate of multi-ethnic states such as Austria-Hungary and the Ottoman Empire. It also became a very powerful force during the Japanese occupation of Coastal China during the 1930s and 1940s and the atrocities committed then.^{[ citation needed ]}

With the 1911 Revolution and the appearance of modern nationalist theories, "Zhonghua minzu" in the early Republic of China, referred to the Five Races Under One Union concept. This principle held that the five major ethnicities in China, the Han Chinese, Manchus, Mongols, Hui, and Tibetans, all belonged to a single Chinese identity. ^{[13] : 19} The government promoted Chinese nationalism for these five ethnic groups but with the Han Chinese are main ethnic group of "Zhonghua minzu" or China, this continued by Nationalist rule under Chiang Kai-shek and his Kuomintang in all China until the proclamation of the People's Republic of China in Chinese Mainland and the Republic of China retreated to Taiwan.

While it was initially rejected by Mao Zedong and his Chinese Communist Party, it later became accepted, the concept of "Chinese" created in Mao's period was "huge Chinese family" or a political union including the Han Chinese and 55 other ethnic groups. ^[39] Following the establishment of the People's Republic of China, the government extended the number of ethnicities comprising the Chinese nation to these 56. ^{[13] : 19}

Before Xi Jinping took power in 2012, Chinese nationalism of the People's Republic of China was influenced strongly by the Soviet Korenizatsiya policy. The Chinese Communist Party also criticized that the Kuomintang-led Republic of China for supporting Han chauvinism. The official ideology of the People's Republic of China asserts that China is a multi-ethnic state, with the majority Han as one of many ethnic groups of China, each of whose culture and language should be respected (akin to Soviet patriotism ^[40] ). The government also instituted policies of affirmative action, in general, the ethnic policy of the People's Republic of China at the time was strongly influenced by the nature of its Marxist-Leninist state. Despite this official view, assimilationist attitudes remain deeply entrenched, and popular views and actual power relationships create a situation in which Chinese nationalism has in practice meant Han dominance of minority areas and peoples and assimilation of those groups. ^[41] Since Xi Jinping took power, assimilation of non-Han ethnic groups has been overt and intensified while preferential policies for ethnic minorities have shrunk. ^[41]

During the 1960s and 1970s, Chinese nationalism within mainland China became mixed with the rhetoric of Marxism, and as a result, nationalistic rhetoric was largely subsumed into internationalist rhetoric. On the other hand, the primary focus of Chinese nationalism in Taiwan was the preservation of the ideals and lineage of Sun Yat-sen, the party which he founded, the Kuomintang (KMT), and anti-Communism. While the definition of Chinese nationalism differed in the Republic of China (ROC) and the PRC, the KMT and the CCP were both adamant in their claims on Chinese territories such as Senkaku (Diaoyutai) Islands.^{[ citation needed ]}

In the 1990s, the dissolution of the Soviet Union, rising economic standards and the lack of any other legitimizing ideology, has led to what most observers see as a resurgence of nationalism within mainland China. ^[42]

Ethnic minorities

The 56 official ethnicities of the People's Republic of China

Chinese Muslims and Uyghurs

Hu Songshan, a Chinese Muslim Imam who was a Chinese nationalist.

Chinese Muslims have played an important role in Chinese nationalism. Chinese Muslims, known as Hui people, are a mixture of the descendants of foreign Muslims like Arabs and Persians, mixed with Han Chinese who converted to Islam. Chinese Muslims are sinophones, speaking Chinese and practicing Confucianism.^{[ citation needed ]}

Hu Songshan, a Muslim Imam from Ningxia, was a Chinese nationalist and preached Chinese nationalism and unity of all Chinese people, and also against foreign imperialism and other threats to China's sovereignty. ^[43] He even ordered the Chinese Flag to be saluted during prayer, and that all Imams in Ningxia preach Chinese nationalism. Hu Songshan led the Ikhwan, the Chinese Muslim Brotherhood, which became a Chinese nationalist, patriotic organization, stressing education and independence of the individual. ^{[43] [44] [45]} Hu Songhan also wrote a prayer in Arabic and Chinese, praying for Allah to support the Chinese Kuomintang government and defeat Japan. ^[46] Hu Songshan also cited a Hadith (聖訓), a saying of the prophet Muhammad, which says "Loving the Motherland is equivalent to loving the Faith" (“愛護祖國是屬於信仰的一部份”). Hu Songshan harshly criticized those who were non-patriotic and those who taught anti-nationalist thinking, saying that they were fake Muslims.^{[ citation needed ]}

Ma Qixi was a Muslim reformer, leader of the Xidaotang, and he taught that Islam could only be understood by using Chinese culture such as Confucianism. He read classic Chinese texts and even took his cue from Laozi when he decided to go on Hajj to Mecca.^{[ citation needed ]}

Ma Fuxiang, a Chinese Muslim general and Kuomintang member, was another Chinese nationalist. Ma Fuxiang preached unity of all Chinese people, and even non-Han Chinese people such as Tibetans and Mongols to stay in China. He proclaimed that Mongolia and Tibet were part of the Republic of China, and not independent countries. ^[47] Ma Fuxiang was loyal to the Chinese government, and crushed Muslim rebels when ordered to. Ma Fuxiang believed that modern education would help Hui Chinese build a better society and help China resist foreign imperialism and help build the nation. He was praised for his "guojia yizhi"(national consciousness) by non-Muslims. Ma Fuxiang also published many books, and wrote on Confucianism and Islam, having studied both the Quran and the Spring and Autumn Annals.^{[ citation needed ]}

Ma Fuxiang had served under the Chinese Muslim general Dong Fuxiang, and fought against the foreigners during the Boxer Rebellion. ^{[48] [49]} The Muslim unit he served in was noted for being anti-foreign, being involved in shooting a Westerner and a Japanese to death before the Boxer Rebellion broke out. ^[50] It was reported that the Muslim troops were going to wipe out the foreigners to return a golden age for China, and the Muslims repeatedly attacked foreign churches, railways, and legations, before hostilities even started. ^[51] The Muslim troops were armed with modern repeater rifles and artillery, and reportedly enthusiastic about going on the offensive and killing foreigners. Ma Fuxiang led an ambush against the foreigners at Langfang and inflicted many casualties, using a train to escape. Dong Fuxiang was a xenophobe and hated foreigners, wanting to drive them out of China.^{[ citation needed ]}

Various Muslim organizations in China like the Islamic Association of China and the Chinese Muslim Association were sponsored by the Kuomintang and the Chinese Communist Party.^{[ citation needed ]}

Chinese Muslim imams had synthesized Islam and Confucianism in the Han Kitab. They asserted that there was no contradiction between Confucianism and Islam, and no contradiction between being a Chinese national and a Muslim. Chinese Muslim students returning from study abroad, from places such as Al-Azhar University in Egypt, learned about nationalism and advocated Chinese nationalism at home. One Imam, Wang Jingzhai, who studied at Mecca, translated a Hadith, or saying of Muhammad, "Aiguo Aijiao"- loving the country is equivalent to loving the faith. Chinese Muslims believed that their "Watan" Arabic : وطن, lit.  'country; homeland' was the whole of the Republic of China, non-Muslims included. ^[52]

General Bai Chongxi, the warlord of Guangxi, and a member of the Kuomintang, presented himself as the protector of Islam in China and harbored Muslim intellectuals fleeing from the Japanese invasion in Guangxi. General Bai preached Chinese nationalism and anti-imperialism. Chinese Muslims were sent to Saudi Arabia and Egypt to denounce the Japanese. Translations from Egyptian writings and the Quran were used to support propaganda in favour of a Jihad against Japan. ^[52]

Ma Bufang, a Chinese Muslim general

Ma Bufang, a Chinese Muslim general who was part of the Kuomintang, supported Chinese nationalism and tolerance between the different Chinese ethnic groups. The Japanese attempted to approach him however, their attempts at gaining his support were unsuccessful. Ma Bufang presented himself as a Chinese nationalist who fought against Western imperialism to the people of China in order to deflect criticism by opponents that his government was feudal and oppressed minorities like Tibetans and Buddhist Mongols. He presented himself as a Chinese nationalist to his advantage to keep himself in power as noted by the author Erden. ^{[53] [54]}

In Xinjiang, the Chinese Muslim general Ma Hushan supported Chinese nationalism. He was chief of the 36th Division of the National Revolutionary Army. He spread anti-Soviet, and anti-Japanese propaganda, and instituted a colonial regime over the Uyghurs. Uyghur street names and signs were changed to Chinese, and the Chinese Muslim troops imported Chinese cooks and baths, rather than using Uyghur ones. ^[55] The Chinese Muslims even forced the Uyghur carpet industry at Khotan to change its design to Chinese versions. ^[56] Ma Hushan proclaimed his loyalty to Nanjing, denounced Sheng Shicai as a Soviet puppet, and fought against him in 1937. ^[55]

The Tungans (Chinese Muslims, Hui people) had anti-Japanese sentiment. ^[55]

General Ma Hushan's brother Ma Zhongying denounced separatism in a speech at Id Kah Mosque and told the Uyghurs to be loyal to the Chinese government at Nanjing. ^{[57] [58] [59]} The 36th division had crushed the Turkish Islamic Republic of East Turkestan, and the Chinese Muslim general Ma Zhancang beheaded the Uyghur emirs Abdullah Bughra and Nur Ahmad Jan Bughra. ^{[60] [59]} Ma Zhancang abolished the Islamic Sharia law which was set up by the Uyghurs, and set up military rule instead, retaining the former Chinese officials and keeping them in power. ^[59] The Uyghurs had been promoting Islamism in their separatist government, but Ma Hushan eliminated religion from politics. Islam was barely mentioned or used in politics or life except as a vague spiritual focus for unified opposition against the Soviet Union. ^[55]

The Uyghur warlord Yulbars Khan was pro-China and supported the Republic of China. ^[61] The Uyghur politician Masud Sabri served as the governor of Xinjiang Province from 1947 to 1949. ^[62]

Tibetans

The People's Republic of China took over the capital Lhasa during its annexation by China in 1951

Pandatsang Rapga, a Tibetan politician, founded the Tibet Improvement Party with the goal of modernisation and integration of Tibet into the Republic of China. ^{[63] [64]}

The 9th Panchen Lama, Thubten Choekyi Nyima, was considered extremely "pro-Chinese", according to official Chinese sources. ^{[65] [66] [67]}

Mongols

Many of the Chinese troops used to occupy Mongolia in 1919 were Chahar Mongols, which has been a major cause for animosity between Khalkhas and Inner Mongols. ^[68]

Manchus

In the late Qing Dynasty, revolutionaries incited anti-Manchuism to overthrow the Qing dynasty, especially Zou Rong. ^[69]

In Taiwan

See also: Taiwanese people

Rally organized by the Chinese Unification Promotion Party in Taiwan.

One common goal of current Chinese government is the unification of mainland China and Taiwan. While this was the commonly stated goal of both the People's Republic of China and the Republic of China (Taiwan) before 1992, both sides differed sharply in the form of unification due to differences in political ideology.^{[ citation needed ]}

In Taiwan, there is a general consensus to support the status quo of Taiwan's de facto independence as a separate nation. Despite this, the relationship between Chinese nationalism and Taiwan remains controversial, involving symbolic issues such as the use of the "Republic of China" as the official name of the government on Taiwan and the use of the word "China" in the name of government-owned corporations. There is little support in Taiwan for immediate unification. Overt support for formal independence is also muted due to the PRC's insistence on military action should Taiwan make such a formal declaration. The argument against unification is partly over culture and whether democratic Taiwanese should see themselves as Chinese or Taiwanese; and partly over mistrust of the authoritarian Chinese Communist Party (CCP), its human rights record, and its de-democratizing actions in Hong Kong (e.g. 2014–2015 Hong Kong electoral reform, which sparked the Umbrella Movement).^{[ citation needed ]}

These misgivings are particularly prevalent among younger generations of Taiwanese, who generally consider themselves to have little or no connection to China. ^[70]

More radical Chinese nationalist groups in Taiwan include the Patriot Alliance Association founded in 1993 ^{[71] [72]} and the Chinese Unification Promotion Party founded by Taiwanese mafia leader Chang An-lo. The latter has been accused of violence against Hong Kong opposition figures such as Denise Ho and Lam Wing-kee. ^[73]

Nationalist symbology

A Chinese dragon on the Nine-Dragon Wall at the Forbidden City in Beijing. The dragon has been a prominent symbol of China for centuries.

In addition to the national symbols of China, the national symbols of the Republic of China, and the flags of China, there are many symbols opted for use by Chinese nationalists. Some of these include Chinese legendary or ancient figures such as the Yellow Emperor ^{[13] : 19} and the Fire Emperor, Yu the Great, Qin Shi Huang, or more modern figures such as Sun Yat-sen, Chiang Kai-shek, or Mao Zedong. Another symbol often used is the Chinese dragon as a personification for the Chinese nation.

The plum blossom symbol in the Republic of China

Similar to the use of the chrysanthemum (which also has cultural significance in China) in Japan as the Imperial Seal of Japan, the plum blossom is also a national symbol of China, designated by the Legislative Yuan in the Republic of China on 21 July 1964. ^[74] It was also proposed to be the national flower of the People's Republic of China. ^[75] The Republic of China patriotic song The Plum Blossom revolves around its symbolism for China.

In the Republic of China, as the National Flower, the plum blossom symbolises:

• Three buds and five petals – symbolises Three Principles of the People and the five branches of the Government in accordance with the Constitution
• The plum blossom withstands the cold winter (it blossoms more in colder temperatures) – it symbolises the faithful, the resolute and the holy; it represents the national spirit of Republic of China nationals.
• The five petals of the flower – symbolises Five Races Under One Union; it also symbolises Five Cardinal Relationships (Wǔlún), Five Constants (Wǔcháng) and Five Ethics (Wǔjiào) according to Confucian philosophy (national philosophy of imperial China for two millennia until 1912, when the Qing Dynasty was overthrown and the Republic of China was established)
• The branches (枝橫), shadow (影斜), flexibility (曳疏), and cold resistance (傲霜) of the plum blossom also represent the four kinds of noble virtues, "originating and penetrating, advantageous and firm" mentioned in the I Ching (Book of Changes). ^[76]

Opposition

There are movements for regional secession from China and independence for Taiwan.

The Milk Tea Alliance formed by netizens from Hong Kong, Taiwan, and Thailand began as a reaction against Chinese nationalist commentators online. ^{[77] [78]}

Elements of Japanese nationalism are hostile to China. In World War II, the Empire of Japan conquered large swathes of Chinese territory, and many contemporary nationalists in Japan deny the events of the Nanking Massacre. ^[79]

Types of Chinese nationalism

Populist nationalism

Populist nationalism or popular nationalism (Chinese :民粹民族主義 or simply "民族主義") ^{[80] [81]} is a comparatively late development in Chinese nationalism of the 1990s. It began to take recognizable shape after 1996, as a joint result of the evolving nationalist thinking of the early 1990s and the ongoing debates on modernity, postmodernism, postcolonialism, and their political implications-debates that have engaged many Chinese intellectuals since early 1995. ^[82]

State nationalism

See also: Kuomintang § Chinese nationalism, Dang Guo, and Neoauthoritarianism (China)

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Notes

1. There are various notation for "Nationalism" in China:
   • 民族主义 or 民族主義 (pinyin: mínzú zhǔyì )
   • 国族主义 or 國族主義 (pinyin: guózú zhǔyì )
   • 国民主义 or 國民主義 (pinyin: guómín zhǔyì )
   • 国粹主义 or 國粹主義 (pinyin: guócuì zhǔyì )
2. Chinese notation: “中国人民从来没有欺负、压迫、奴役过其他国家人民，过去没有，现在没有，将来也不会有。同时，中国人民也绝不允许任何外来势力欺负、压迫、奴役我们，谁妄想这样干，必将在14亿多中国人民用血肉筑成的钢铁长城面前碰得头破血流！” ^[118]

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Further reading

• Befu, Harumi. Cultural Nationalism in East Asia: Representation and Identity (1993). Berkeley, Calif.: Institute of East Asian Studies, University of California.
• Cabestan, Jean-Pierre. "The many facets of Chinese nationalism." China perspectives (2005) 2005.59 online.
• Chang, Maria Hsia. Return of the Dragon: China's Wounded Nationalism, (Westview Press, 2001), 256 pp, ISBN   0-8133-3856-5
• Chow, Kai-Wing. "Narrating Nation, Race and National Culture: Imagining the Hanzu Identity in Modern China," in Chow Kai-Wing, Kevin M. Doak, and Poshek Fu, eds., Constructing nationhood in modern East Asia (2001). Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press, pp. 47–84.
• Gries, Peter Hays. China's New Nationalism: Pride, Politics, and Diplomacy, University of California Press (January 2004), hardcover, 224 pages, ISBN   0-520-23297-6
• Duara, Prasenjit, "De-constructing the Chinese Nation," in Australian Journal of Chinese Affairs (July 1993, No. 30, pp. 1–26).
• Duara, Prasenjit. Rescuing History from the Nation Chicago and London: University of Chicago Press, 1995.
• Fitzgerald, John. Awakening China – Politics, Culture and Class in the Nationalist Revolution (1996). Stanford University Press.
• He, Baogang. Nationalism, national identity and democratization in China (Routledge, 2018).
• Hoston, Germaine A. The State, Identity, and the National Question in China and Japan (1994). Princeton UP.
• Huang, Grace C. Chiang Kai-shek's Politics of Shame: Leadership, Legacy, and National Identity in China. Cambridge: Harvard University Asia Center, 2021.
• Hughes, Christopher. Chinese Nationalism in the Global Era (2006).
• Judge, Joan. "Talent, Virtue and Nation: Chinese Nationalism and Female Subjectivities in the Early Twentieth Century," American Historical Review 106#3 (2001) pp. 765–803. online
• Karl, Rebecca E. Staging the World - Chinese Nationalism at the Turn of the Twentieth Century (Duke UP, 2002) excerpt
• Leibold, James. Reconfiguring Chinese nationalism: How the Qing frontier and its indigenes became Chinese (Palgrave MacMillan, 2007). ^{[ ISBN missing ]}
• Lust, John. "The Su-pao Case: An Episode in the Early Chinese Nationalist Movement," Bulletin of the School of Oriental and African Studies 27#2 (1964) pp. 408–429. online
• Motyl, Alexander J. (2001). Encyclopedia of Nationalism, Volume II. Academic Press. ISBN   0-12-227230-7.
• Nyíri, Pál, and Joana Breidenbach, eds. China Inside Out: Contemporary Chinese Nationalism and Transnationalism (2005) online Archived 19 June 2020 at the Wayback Machine
• Pye, Lucian W. "How China's nationalism was Shanghaied." Australian Journal of Chinese Affairs 29 (1993): 107–133.
• Tan, Alexander C. and Boyu Chen."China's Competing and Co-opting Nationalisms: Implications to Sino-Japanese Relations." Pacific Focus (2013) 28#3 pp. 365–383). abstract
• Tønnesson, Stein. "Will nationalism drive conflict in Asia?." Nations and Nationalism 22#2 (2016) online.
• Unger, Jonathan, ed. Chinese nationalism (M, E. Sharpe, 1996). ^{[ ISBN missing ]}
• Wang, Gungwu. The revival of Chinese nationalism (IIAS, International Institute for Asian Studies, 1996).
• Wei, C.X. George and Xiaoyuan Liu, eds. Chinese Nationalism in Perspective: Historical and Recent Cases (2001) online Archived 24 September 2019 at the Wayback Machine
• Zhang, Huijie, Fan Hong, and Fuhua Huang. "Cultural Imperialism, Nationalism, and the Modernization of Physical Education and Sport in China, 1840–1949." International Journal of the History of Sport 35.1 (2018): 43–60.
• Zhao Suisheng. A Nation-State by Construction. Dynamics of Modern Chinese Nationalism (Stanford UP, 2004) ^{[ ISBN missing ]}
• Harvard Asia Pacific Review, 2010. "Nations and Nationalism." Available at Issuu Harvard Asia Pacific Review 11.1 ISSN   1522-1113
• Chinese Nationalism and Its Future Prospects, Interview with Yingjie Guo (27 June 2012)

External links

• Media related to Chinese nationalism at Wikimedia Commons

State nationalism
Traditional Chinese	國家主義
Simplified Chinese	国家主义
Literal meaning	Statism [83]
Transcriptions Standard Mandarin Hanyu Pinyin guójiā zhǔyì Bopomofo ㄍㄨㄛˊ ㄐㄧㄚ ㄓㄨˇ ㄧˋ

v t e Ethnic nationalism
Nationalisms in	Africa North Africa Arab Berber Coptic Egyptian Pharaonism Kabyle Sahrawi East Africa Acholi Amhara Somali Tigrayan Nigeria Igbo Ogoni Southern Africa Afrikaner Americas North America Chicano Choctaw Greenlandic Indigenous Canadian Iroquois Québécois Caribbean Haitian Puerto Rican South America Argentine Criollo Mapuche Peruvian Asia Middle East Arab Assyrian Iranian Iraqi Jewish Diaspora Zionism Jordanian Kurdish Lebanese Palestinian Syrian Turkish in Cyprus Zaza Eastern Asia Cantonese Chinese Han chauvinist Hongkonger Japanese Korean Manchu Okinawan Ryukyu Taiwanese Tibetan Southern Asia Assamese Bengali in Bangladesh Bodo Dravidian Hazara Meitei Naga Punjabi Sindhi Sinhalese Tamil in Sri Lanka Tripuri South-eastern Asia Bamar Filipino Khmer Malay Mon Shan Thai Vietnamese Northern & Middle Asia Baloch Mongolian South Mongolia Pan-Turkism Pashtun Siberian Uyghur South Caucasus Armenian Azerbaijani Georgian Laz Europe Southeastern Europe Albanian in Albania in Kosovo in North Macedonia Aromanian Bosniak Croatian Greek in Cyprus Macedonian Moldovan Montenegrin Romani (Gypsy) Romanian Serbian Central Europe Austrian Bavarian Czech Frisian German in Austria Völkisch Hungarian Polish Silesian Slovak Slovenian Eastern Europe Belarusian Poleshuk Russian Ukrainian Yiddish North Caucasus Balkar and Karachay Circassian Lezgin Chechen Ingush Ossetian Volga Region Chuvash Tatar Western Europe Arpitan Breton Flemish French Irish Occitan Walloon United Kingdom British Cornish English Scottish Ulster Welsh Southern Europe Basque Corsican Italy Italian Lombard Padanian Sardinian Sicilian Venetian Spain Spanish Andalusian Aragonese Asturian Basque Canarian Castilian Catalan Galician Navarrese Valencian Northern Europe Estonian Faroese Finnish Icelandic Lithuanian Norwegian Oceania Australian Hawaiian Indigenous Australian Māori
Pan-nationalism	African Arab Asian Bangladeshi Celtic Chinese Congolese European Finnic Germanic Hispanic Iberian Indian Iranian Iraqi Korean Latin Libyan Mongolian Native American Nigerian Nordic Oceanian Pakistani Russian Scandinavian Slavic South Slavic Tunisian Turanian Turkic Ugandan
Movements	Alsace independence movement Assam separatist movements Assyrian independence movement Catalan independence movement Champa independence movement East Turkestan independence movement Faroese independence movement Flemish Movement Free Aceh Movement Free Papua Movement Future of Åland Galician independence movement (Spain) Greenlandic independence Guangdong Independence Movement Hawaiian sovereignty movement Inner Mongolian independence movement Kashubian Association Māori protest movement Mapuche separatist movement Muslim Independence Movement (Philippines) National Liberation Front of Corsica Patani United Liberation Organisation Ryukyu independence movement Scottish independence Siberian regionalism Silesian Autonomy Movement Székely autonomy movement Taiwan independence movement Tibetan independence movement Vojvodina Autonomist Movement Wallmapuwen Walloon Movement Welsh independence
Projects	Arakan Assyria Azawad Balawaristan Balochistan Bangsamoro Basque Country (greater region) Catalan Countries Chameria Champa Chechen Republic of Ichkeria Circassia Crimea Hatay State Hazarajat Danzig Donetsk East Turkestan Herzeg-Bosnia Hutu Power Ilirida Karakalpakstan Karelia Katarism Ketuanan Melayu Kurdistan Lezgistan Luhansk Manchukuo Marathi Abhimaangeet Northern Epirus Occitania Ossetia Pashtunistan Republika Srpska Santa Cruz Sápmi Saraikistan Silesia Sindhudesh Székely Land Tamil Eelam Tibet
Other	Local (China) Racial American Indigenous Black German Indigenous White
Note: Forms of nationalism based primarily on ethnic groups are listed above. This does not imply that all nationalists with a given ethnicity subscribe to that form of ethnic nationalism .

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