1933 Dublin riot | |||
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Date | 27 March to 30 March 1933 | ||
Location | 67 Great Strand Street, Dublin, Ireland 53°20′48″N6°16′1″W / 53.34667°N 6.26694°W | ||
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The 1933 Dublin riot, also known as the Siege of Connolly House, was a multi-night anti-communist riot that occurred in Dublin, Ireland between 27 and 30 March 1933. The riot took place during a time of heavy political unrest in Ireland, occurring after the tense 1932 and 1933 Irish general elections. The riot was also spurred on by Anti-Communist rhetoric preached by clerics in the Catholic Church in Ireland. The primary target of the riot was "Connolly House", located on Great Strand Street near Bachelors Walk, which served as the headquarters of the Revolutionary Workers' Groups (RWG), a communist political party. A crowd reportedly as large as 6,000 people gathered outside the building and attempted to gain access. They eventually succeeded, and several buildings were set alight during the riot and reportedly over 20 people were injured. Other locations in Dublin associated with left-wing politics were also attacked over four nights. The riot has been described as the most intense political violence the Irish Free State had experienced to that point since the Irish civil war of the early 1920s.
Following the 1932 Irish general election, the Irish Free State experienced its first-ever peaceful transition of power between two opposing political parties, when Fianna Fáil defeated the sitting Cumann na nGaedhael. Broadly, Cumann na nGaedhael represented those who had fought on the "Pro-Treaty" side of the Irish civil war, while Fianna Fáil represented those who opposed it. The division between the two sides was stark and bitter. Although Cumann na nGaedhael respected the result of the 1932 election and willingly stood aside, the party soon thereafter began heavily mingling with the Army Comrades Association (better known as "the Blueshirts), a far-right paramilitary organisation. In parallel, although not officially aligned, Fianna Fáil was heavily associated with the Irish Republican Army paramilitary organisation. Through these paramilitary organisations, both sides engaged in low levels of political violence across Ireland, with political meetings being frequent targets. [3] [4] [5]
The existence of the RWG was a source of political tension itself: the RWG was banned by the Cosgrave government in 1931, under the Coercion Act, along with 11 other organisations. The ban was lifted by the de Valera government following the victory of Fianna Fáil at the 1932 general election. [6]
In October 1931, the Catholic Church in Ireland issued a pastoral letter condemning the Irish Republican Army, Saor Éire and other left-wing groups in Ireland, which they accused of being communist and atheist in nature. The letter stated that Saor Éire was a "frankly communistic organisation trying to impose upon the Catholic soil of Ireland the same materialistic regime, with its fanatic hatred of God, as now dominates Russia and threatens to dominate Spain". [7] Another section of the letter stated: "You cannot be a Catholic and a Communist. One stands for Christ, the other for Anti-Christ". [8]
In 1932, Dublin hosted the 1932 Eucharistic Congress. The event was of major significance to the emerging Irish state and was an outward show of the power of the Catholic Church in Ireland. Historians have suggested the Eucharistic Congress emboldened the clergy to use their influence over secular society in Ireland. [1]
In 1933, the Bishop of Kildare and Leighlin Matthew Cullen issued another pastoral letter which condemned left-wing groups in Ireland, in which he stated:
Be prepared to fight…There is no reason why anyone who undertakes to propagate Communism should be allowed do so [8]
On St. Patrick's Day, 17 March 1933 Cardinal Joseph MacRory, Primate of Ireland, issued a sermon condemning communism and called for a united front "to oppose those enemies of God who pose as friends of men". [1]
Many historians have directly attributed the impetuous of the 1933 Dublin riot to these inflammatory statements made by members of the clergy. [1] [9]
In 1933 an explicitly pro-Catholic, anti-Communist organisation was formed in Ireland called the St Patrick's Anti-Communism League (SPACL). Although only it is infancy by the time of the riot in late March 1933, the Gardai did suspect that they were involved in the rioting. [7]
In late 1932 Irish republican and communist James Gralton returned from the United States to his native County Leitrim, where he soon set up a branch of the Revolutionary Workers' Groups as well as a meeting hall. Gralton quickly became a lighting rod for controversy in the area and a campaign to oppose his political activism quickly mounted. Gralton's hall was condemned as a place of sin by local clergy and was burnt to the ground in December 1932. In February 1933 an Irish court ruled that Gralton (who had been born in Ireland) was an illegal alien and was to be deported to the United States. Gralton went on the lamb while political supporters who came from outside the area to help him were assaulted. Gralton was eventually captured and deported in August 1933.
The 1933 Dublin Riot occurred simultaneously with the anti-Gralton campaign. [8]
A number of sources claim that the first of the rioting took place on Monday 27 October 1933, following a particularly vitriolic sermon at St Mary's Pro-Cathedral on Marlborough Street. [10] Anti-communists walked from the Pro-Cathedral to Connolly House on Great Strand Street and attempted to gain access to the building. However, they were repealed. Oral history suggests the number of anti-communists was a few hundred people. [1]
In his 2006 autobiography, Bob Doyle admits to having attended the Pro-Cathedral the night of 27 October and to have heard the anti-communist sermon. Doyle, 17 years old at the time, was inspired by the sermon to riot later that night. When Doyle saw newspaper reports the following day describing the rioters as "Hooligans", Doyle felt ashamed of himself. [7] He later sought out Sean Murray at a bookstore and asked about his politics. This conversation would lead to Doyle entering left-wing and anti-fascist politics for the rest of his life. [11]
The Irish Times reported that two men had to be rescued by Gardai after a mob on Aston Quay beat them and attempted to throw them into the River Liffey. [8]
A mob returned again to Connolly House the evening of Tuesday, 28 October. The mob's numbers had swelled greatly from the previous night and was now in the thousands, boosted by newspaper reports of the previous night. [1] Likewise, many left-wing activists had come also upon learning of the events of the previous night, including Hanna Sheehy-Skeffington and Lile O'Donel [note 1] . [1] Once again the mob was repelled from the building.
The mob returned a third time on the evening of Wednesday 29 October. Inside Connolly House that night were Seán Murray and Donie O’Neill of the RWG, but also other left-wing activists such as Bill Gannon, Jack Nalty and Charlie Gilmore. [8] During renewed fighting Charlie Gilmore began firing from a handgun, but this did not disperse the crowd. [8] This time the mob was able to ransack and destroy Connolly House after a building next door was set on fire, forcing the occupants of Connolly House to escape by rooftop. [1] [12] According to one of Connolly House's defenders Eugene Dowling, it was 10:30 pm when the mob broke through an iron gate into a furniture store adjacent to Connolly House and were then able to access the back of Connolly House. In Dowling's account, several people inside Connolly House were armed and began shooting once the mob entered the building. [13]
Dowling's account of the night suggests many of Connolly House's defenders were able to escape by calmly entering a next-door Italian fish and chip shop through an adjoining upstairs door. Amidst the chaos, Dowling claims the defenders were able to sit down at tables and eat a meal, and were not suspected by the frenzied crowd who were focused on next door. [13]
On the same night a mob targeted the residence of Charlotte Despard at 63 Eccles Street, which also served as the location for the Irish Workers' College and the Friends of Soviet Russia. [14] However, a prepared defence comprising a substantial group of workers prevented extensive damage, though windows were broken in the incident. Additionally, the mob attacked the offices of the Workers' Union of Ireland on Marlborough Street and the Irish Unemployed Workers' Movement on North Great George's Street.
29 October saw 5 arrests, 4 from the mob and 1, Charlie Gilmore, from Connolly House. Gilmore was arrested as he fled the burning Connolly House via rooftop, although he was later acquitted of all charges. [8] Among those arrested, three individuals were from Dublin's inner city, while one, Joseph Lynskey of Rathmines, worked as a clerk in the office of the Garda Superintendent for ‘C’ Division, which included the Great Strand Street area. Superintendent Hurley reported to his superiors that he had "admonished" Lynskey, deeming further disciplinary action unnecessary. Lynskey was subsequently fined £50 and ordered to maintain peace for twelve months. In contrast, Michael Meehan, a labourer from Lower Gloucester Street, received a fourteen-day jail sentence. [8]
A contingent of sixty Gardai had been assembled at Store Street early in the evening, prepared to move to Connolly House if necessary. [8] However, Gardai resources were significantly strained by a major fire at a furniture store and auction rooms on Bachelors Walk. The fire attracted large crowds, many of whom subsequently joined the processions moving toward Great Strand Street, located just minutes away. Garda reports indicate that even a substantial force would have struggled to contain the gathering, noting "It is clear that this movement against Communism is very strong in Dublin and elaborate police arrangements will require to be made to prevent the destruction of premises used by the Communist Party". By the end of Wednesday 29 October the Gardai has lost faith in their ability to protect Connolly House and instead focused on protecting the next-in-line targets such as the Irish Workers' College. [8]
Crowds again tried to attack the Irish Workers' College and what was left of Connolly House on 30 October, but were repelled by Baton charges by members of Garda Siochana. [14]
Neither the leaders of the Labour nor Republican movements in Ireland condemned the riot, each seeking to avoid being linked to communism. [14] Only a handful of notable political firebrands spoke out against the riot, such as Maud Gonne and Hanna Sheehy-Skeffington. [8] An Phoblacht , the official newspaper of the Irish Republican Army, branded the riot the work of "Hitlerists" in Ireland; "Hitlerism is a disease, which until now appeared to be confined to the European Continent. But it now appears to be developing into a plague, and likely to sweep all over the world. It has manifested itself in Dublin in the last few days. Like witch-hunting of old, it is likely to become a sport, unless rudely checked". [7] An Phoblacht also alleged that Cumann na nGaedheal supporters and members of the Army Comrades Association participated in the riot: "The smaller organised element was mainly directed by Cumann na nGaedheal supporters and members of the A.C.A, ably assisted by a few religiously minded fanatics who had been fanned into the belief that if they lynched a Communist and sang hymns they were serving God.". Historian Dónal Ó Drisceoil has supported this viewpoint. [7]
The Irish Press , a newspaper closely aligned to Fianna Fáil, did put out opinion pieces on the riot, but focused on condemning the violence rather than defending the activists. [1]
The riot forced Communists in Ireland underground. In June 1933 the newly-formed Communist Party of Ireland, which succeeded the Revolutionary Workers' Groups, held meetings at a location on Leinster Street owned by the Franciscans and was held under the guise that they were the "Dublin Total Abstinence Association". [7] [14] Historian Emmet O'Connor estimated that by 1934 the Communist Party in Ireland was nearing extinction, with membership in Dublin reduced to approximately seventy-five individuals, of whom only slightly more than twenty maintained regular active participation. [7]
Historian RM Douglas has described the 1933 Dublin riot as the worst violence to take place in Dublin to that point since the Civil War. [10]
Historian Donal Fallon has noted that a number of socialists in their recollection of events decade attributed much of the violence to members of "Animal gangs". [10] "Animal gangs" were street gangs of lumpenproletariat active in Dublin between the late 1930s and 1950s. Fallon has stated he believes that these recollections cannot be correct as the "Animal Gangs" did not emerge until later in the decade and that no contemporary reports from 1933 notes Animal gangs as being involved in the riot. In fact, contemporary reports contradict the later recollections, as they note the presence of "well-dressed young men and women" at the riot. [15] Fallon has suggested that a large number of middle-class people took part in the riot and that mistaken recollections about lumpenproletariat [13] animal gangs by socialists is result of them not be willing to engage with how unpopular communism was in Ireland in the period. [10] A 1976 radio documentary created by RTÉ Radio 1 also noted the presence of "respectably dressed" individuals and suggested the mob contained members of the Irish civil service. [1]
Historian Brian Hanely has stated "The violence of March 1933 must be seen in the context of an atmosphere of anti-Communist hysteria, whipped up by the Catholic Church. In the Ireland of the 1930s, the label of Communist was not merely a smear, but a potentially violent threat." [9]
The Army Comrades Association (ACA), later the National Guard, then Young Ireland and finally League of Youth, but best known by the nickname the Blueshirts, was a paramilitary organisation in the Irish Free State, founded as the Army Comrades Association in Dublin on 9 February 1932. The group provided physical protection for political groups such as Cumann na nGaedheal from intimidation and attacks by the IRA. Some former members went on to fight for the Nationalists in the Spanish Civil War after the group had been dissolved.
Patrick Joseph McGilligan was an Irish Fine Gael politician who served as the 14th Attorney General of Ireland from 1954 to 1957, Minister for Finance from 1948 to 1951, Minister for External Affairs from 1927 to 1932 and Minister for Industry and Commerce from 1924 to 1932. He served as a Teachta Dála (TD) from 1923 to 1965.
Thomas Francis O'Higgins was an Irish Fine Gael politician and medical practitioner who served as Minister for Defence from 1948 to 1951, Minister for Industry and Commerce from March 1951 to June 1951 and Leader of the Opposition from January 1944 to June 1944. He served as a Teachta Dála (TD) from 1929 to 1932 and 1937 to 1953.
James Geoghegan was an Irish Fianna Fáil politician, barrister and judge who served as a Judge of the Supreme Court from 1936 to 1950, Attorney General of Ireland from November 1936 to December 1936 and Minister for Justice from 1932 to 1933. He also served as a Teachta Dála (TD) for the Longford–Westmeath constituency from 1930 to 1936.
Maurice Twomey was an Irish republican and the longest serving chief of staff of the Irish Republican Army (IRA).
Saor Éire was a far-left political organisation in the Irish Free State established in September 1931 by communist-leaning members of the Irish Republican Army, with the backing of the IRA leadership. Notable among its founders was Peadar O'Donnell, former editor of An Phoblacht and a leading far-left figure in the IRA. Saor Éire described itself as "an organisation of workers and working farmers".
Cumann na mBan, abbreviated C na mB, is an Irish republican women's paramilitary organisation formed in Dublin on 2 April 1914, merging with and dissolving Inghinidhe na hÉireann, and in 1916, it became an auxiliary of the Irish Volunteers. Although it was otherwise an independent organisation, its executive was subordinate to that of the Irish Volunteers, and later, the Irish Republican Army.
The Republican Congress was an Irish republican political organisation founded in 1934, when pro-communist republicans left the Anti-Treaty Irish Republican Army. The Congress was led by such anti-Treaty veterans as Peadar O'Donnell, Frank Ryan and George Gilmore. In their later phase they were involved with the Communist International and International Brigades paramilitary; the Connolly Column.
George Frederick Gilmore was a Protestant Irish republican and communist who became an Irish Republican Army leader during the 1920s and 1930s. During his period of influence, Gilmore attempted to shift the IRA to the political left, but alongside Peadar O'Donnell and Frank Ryan he was expelled for his efforts. After leaving the IRA, Gilmore attempted to unite Irish republicanism under the banner of the Republican Congress, but ideological debates split the group apart. Afterwards, Gilmore removed himself from public life.
Seán McGuinness, born John McGuinness, was an Irish republican who fought in the Irish War of Independence as well as the Irish Civil War. After the wars, he was elected to Dáil Éireann but did not take his seat and was later disqualified for allegedly assaulting a member of the Garda Siochana. Following a period of exile in the United States, McGuinness returned to Ireland where he resumed his membership of the IRA and continued to push for radical action as well as becoming a founder of the Saor Éire party. Over the years, McGuinness repeatedly clashed with the leadership of the IRA over the direction they should take in the post-Civil War era, with McGuinness being amongst those in the IRA who believed the organisation needed to be tied to social issues in order to receive public support.
The Worker's Party of Ireland (WPI) was a communist party in Ireland. It was founded in 1926 by former members of the Communist Party of Ireland (CPI) and other communists. Among its members were Roddy Connolly, who served as party leader, Nora Connolly, Tom Lyng, the trade unionist P. T. Daly, Walter Carpenter Jnr, and Jack White. Many of the members had been active in Jim Larkin's Irish Worker League, and the party attempted to affiliate with the Communist International in place of the IWL.
Anarchism in Ireland has its roots in the stateless organisation of the tuatha in Gaelic Ireland. It first began to emerge from the libertarian socialist tendencies within the Irish republican movement, with anarchist individuals and organisations sprouting out of the resurgent socialist movement during the 1880s, particularly gaining prominence during the time of the Dublin Socialist League.
Patrick Belton was an Irish nationalist, politician, farmer, and businessman. Closely associated with Michael Collins, he was active in the 1916 Easter Rising and in the Republican movement in the years that followed. Belton later provided a strong Catholic voice in an Irish nationalist context throughout his career. He was strongly anti-communist and he was a founder and leader of the Irish Christian Front. Supportive of Francisco Franco, Belton however opposed Eoin O'Duffy taking an Irish Brigade to Spain, feeling that they would be needed in Ireland to counter domestic "political ills".
Nora Connolly O'Brien was an Irish politician, activist and writer. She was a member of Seanad Éireann from 1957 to 1969.
James Gralton was an Irish socialist leader who became a United States citizen after emigrating in 1909 and, later, the only Irishman ever deported from independent Ireland.
Revolutionary Workers' Groups (RWG) were left wing groups in Ireland officially founded in 1930 with the objective of creating a Revolutionary Workers' Party. Formed initially as the Preparatory Committee for the Formation of a Workers’ Revolutionary Party, it changed its name in November 1930. It was helped to be established by Bob Stewart and Tom Bell from the Communist Party of Great Britain and Comintern. In 1933 they disbanded and established the Communist Party of Ireland.
The Irish Christian Front (ICF) was a Catholic organisation that existed from August 1936 to October 1937. The organisation was founded with the intention of showing support and raising funds for the Nationalist faction of the Spanish Civil War. However, it quickly developed a domestic political agenda that was in opposition to the Irish government of the day. The ICF was able to send a substantial amount of money and supplies to the Nationalists but its domestic policies were never adopted.
Brian O'Neill was an Irish journalist and Communist activist who worked mostly in London and Dublin between the 1920s and the 1970s.
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The Communist Party of Ireland (CPI) was a political party founded in June 1933 in the Irish Free State. It was the second party to call itself by this name, being preceded by Socialist Party of Ireland which used the name Communist Party of Ireland briefly in the early 1920s. The party found it extremely difficult to operate in 1930s Ireland and never gained much traction. The party was involved in the failed attempt to unite the various left-wing political factions in Ireland into one force known as the Republican Congress. Following the outbreak of the Spanish Civil War, many of the CPI's members volunteered on the Republican side. Following the entry of the Soviet Union in World War II in 1941, the party was disbanded in July 1941 and its members were encouraged to join the Labour Party.
The pace of political change in the Free State during the early 1930s, embodied by the coming to power of Fianna Fáil in March 1932, meant that the non-political alignment was unlikely to last. Increasingly Cronin's ACA was opposing Fianna Fáil policies and becoming embroiled in violence with Fianna Fáil and IRA supporters.
As violent clashes with Fianna Fáil supporters and the IRA became frequent occurrences both before and after the January 1933 general election, he exhorted his members to defend rights to free speech and assembly against republican thuggery, and Christian values against communist influences.
Political meetings were fractious and often violent, with running clashes between the ACA and republicans who supported Fianna Fáil.