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Afro-Brazilian feminism is a social movement that seeks to address systemic violence and discrimination against Afro-Brazilian women. Afro-Brazilian women created their feminism in order to mitigate the lack of space and representation given to them in mainstream/white feminism in Brazil. [1] Overall, Afro-Brazilian feminism addresses the intersectionality between racism, sexism, and classism, due to the social and economic exclusion of Afro-Brazilian women in Brazil. [2]
Named after Tia Simoa, an enslaved but later free woman who led the 1881 Jangadeiros Strike in Fortaleza, Pretas Simoa (English: Black Simoa) is a black female-led activist group. It is situated in the province of Fortaleza Cairi. [3] Pretas Simoa focuses on empowering Afro-Brazilian women by reclaiming black women's historical and contemporary representation in Brazilian society. They are active in deconstructing the hyper-sexualization of black women in media and everyday life. Additionally, Pretas Simoa seeks to discover the omitted history of black women in both contemporary and historical resistance. Pretas Simoa's hope in rewriting Afro-Brazilian women as protagonists rather than sidenotes or victims in their own history, is to "strengthen the bonds of their own identity". [3]
More recently, in a statement titled "From the slave quarters to the postcard: My flesh is not of your Carnival", Pretas Simoa speaks out on the hyper-sexualization of black women and the term mulatta during the Carnival season. Pretas Simoa calls out the hypocrisy of the media during this time, in which the media ecstatically looks for light-skinned black women to fill the role of the Globeleza, a woman who dances the samba in body paint to advertise the Carnival season. Pretas Simoa calls out this hypocrisy, because it is only during this season that black women receive glorification and praise in the media. Outside of Carnival season, black women are ignored, underrepresented, and depicted as slaves or domestic workers in the media. Pretas Simoa also discusses the psychological and violent impact the hyper-sexualization of black women has on black women's daily lives. In their statement they declare "[t]his violence is of a moral order, as it slanders us and hurts our honor and reputation; it's physical in jeopardizing the integrity of our body as we are seen as 'available'; and also psychological, as it implies directly the perception that we have of ourselves and interferes with our affectionate and sexual behavior that sustains this cruel hyper-sexualized identity in which we are seen and often ends up implicated in the reflection that we see in the mirror". [4]
Odara, also known as Instituto de Mulher Negra, is an Afro-Brazilian feminist organization that is oriented towards improving the "socio-political and economic inclusion of black women and their families in society". [5] Odara aims to accomplish socio-political and economic inclusion by tackling individual and systemic discrimination issues such as: lower salaries, less access to higher learning, sterilization, unemployment and psychological and emotional scarring from the aforementioned discrimination. [5]
Several projects that Odara has worked on include: Home Goal, Weaving the Black Women Network, and Teacher Training Program to Work with Law 10.639. [6] Home Goal focuses on training black women as political actors in democratic participation, specifically regarding sporting mega-events. Weaving the Black Women Network was a project organized to strengthen black women's organizations and combat racism, sexism and lesbophobia through public policy initiatives, to ensure the inclusion of Afro Brazilian women in "the new development cycle of the Northeast and the fight against violence". Lastly, Teacher Training Program to Work with Law 10.639 facilitates a partnership between civil society and the federal government in order to ensure the preservation of Afro-Brazilian culture in Brazilian society. [6] In all, Odara is an organization that focuses on the socio-political inclusion and empowerment of Afro-Brazilian women.
During the 2014 Marcha das Vadias (SlutWalk), a group of black women organized by Coletivo Negracao held demonstrations that called attention to violence against black women. [7] The goal of this demonstration was to highlight the way black women's dual identities as black and women intersect to create dual oppression, different from that of the predominately white feminists at Marcha das Vadias. During the demonstrations, women chanted things such as "Claudie Ferreria resists", referring to and standing in solidarity with the black woman who was murdered and then dragged on the street attached to a military police van in Rio de Janeiro. In addition to the chants, phrases such as "This is not an invitation", were written on the bodies of the demonstrators to protest sexual abuse and sexism against black women. [7]
The protest proceeded to divide into two locations: a women's police station and Cidade Baixa. At the women's police station, the focus was violence against women perpetrated by the police. Open letters with demands, such as better service conditions at the station, increased vacancies in shelters for female victims of violence, and violence prevention programs. Protesters as well laid in the street to symbolically depict the systemic violence against black women in Brazil. The sector of the protest that continued to Cidade Baixa, marked the pavement with graffiti at places where sexist, racist, and homophobic events occurred. One of the demonstration stops was at Pingium bar, in which protesters booed, kissed, and burned the entrance carpet along with their bras. [7]
The Marcha das Mulheres Negras, which translates to "Black Women's March", took place on November 18, 2015. Marcha das Mulheres Negras gathered more than 10,000 black women from all socioeconomic backgrounds, ranging from domestic workers to politicians and professors. This march was the first ever national Afro-Brazilian women's march in Brazil. Together they marched against poverty, violence, and racism. Slogans such as "I do not accept my place in the kitchen" and "I want to be in the revolution" were chanted. [8] Major highways and streets of the city were cut off and blocked by protesters. These actions were symbolic of black women reclaiming space for themselves outside of the periphery of Brazilian society. After the march, a group of protesters met with the president and Nilma Lino Gomes, Brazil's minister of women, racial equality, and human rights.
Ivana Braga, an organizer for the march stated, "As we leave this march, I know that the black woman's fight in Brazil is stronger... We won't be as invisible any more, and our concerns and needs will start to be addressed on the political agenda." [9]
According to Mapa da Violencia 2015, violence against black women in Brazil increased by 54 percent between 2003 and 2013. In 2013 alone, more than 2,800 black women died from violence. Violence against white women in the same 10-year period decreased 18 percent. [9] Additionally, of the 60,000 homicides in Brazil each year, more than 40,000 are Afro-Brazilian, meaning black women are losing their family members at a higher rate than white women, and thus suffering greater rates of psychological and emotional trauma than their white counterparts. [9]
According to Newsweek's Why the Progress Made by Brazil's Activists Might Now Unravel, of 16 percent of the killings in Rio over the last five years, and from 2010 to 2013, 79 percent of those victims were black. Under the current presidency of Michel Temer, proposals set forth by the Rousseff administration to decrease homicides through targeted police training and monitoring have been discarded. [10]
Statistics from Mapa de Violence 2015 show that on average black women earn approximately 364 dollars per month, which is 44 percent of the average pay for white men, 75 percent of the pay for black men and 60 percent of the pay for white women. [9]
In 2013, Nayara Justino was voted as the Globeleza, a samba dancing representative for the carnival season, only to be removed shortly after for allegedly being too dark. Justino was replaced by a much lighter skinned black woman with mixed descent. Justino faced racist harassment via social media, and was given no concrete reason by Globo, the company behind the Globeleza as to why she was replaced.
Traditionally, the role of the Globeleza is given to lighter skinned black women, cited as perhaps the only time black women are represented and celebrated in Brazilian media, representative of the hyper-sexualization of black women.
Due to the abolition process with no minimum humanitarian base, the image of Afro-Brazilian women is often linked to prostitution, and this was accentuated even more in the years of military dictatorship (De Politica Politica), where the image of a country of marvels was sold as treats for foreigners. [11]
Temer is determined to cut back on spending for health care, education, social programs, and "cap minimum wage increase", policies that directly harm Afro-Brazilians and the poor. Temer's actions are in direct opposition to the political allies that Afro-Brazilians found during the Lula and Rousseff administrations. Under Lula and Rousseff, Afro-Brazilians received state help to get out of poverty and received university aid though affirmative action policies. Temer has downsized Brazil's ministry of racial equality, negatively impacting affirmative action, black history education programs, and anti-racism education initiatives. Additionally, despite high rates of violence towards Afro-Brazilians by authorities, policies set by Temer's predecessor Dilma Rousseff to decrease homicides through targeted police training and monitoring have been discarded. [10]
Black feminism is a branch of feminism that focuses on the African-American woman's experiences and recognizes the intersectionality of racism and sexism. Black feminism philosophy centers on the idea that "Black women are inherently valuable, that [Black women's] liberation is a necessity not as an adjunct to somebody else's but because of our need as human persons for autonomy."
Antônia is a 2006 Brazilian drama musical film which tells the story of Antônia, an Afro-Brazilian hip-hop girl group formed by four young women living on a favela of São Paulo. On their way to the mainstream success, they have to face with the violence near their homes and the sexism of the musical business. The film was directed by Tata Amaral and stars Negra Li, Cindy Mendes, Leilah Moreno and Quelynah as the members of the group.
Domestic violence in Brazil involves any type of violence or abuse by intimate partners or family members against one another. The majority of domestic violence cases in Brazil are performed by the man against their female partners. In 2015, the government released a study that showed that every seven minutes a woman was a victim of domestic violence in Brazil, over 70% of the Brazilian female population will suffer some kind of violence throughout their lifetime and 1 in every 4 women reports being a victim of psychological or physical violence. In 2017, Brazil had an estimate of 606 cases of violence and 164 cases of rape per day, over 60 thousand cases throughout the year. It is also estimated that only 10% of the cases are registered to the police. Although Brazil acknowledged that domestic violence was a problem in the 1940s, the Government has only acted upon it from 1980s onwards, with the creation of the Women Police Stations and later in 2006, with the publication of the Domestic Violence law.
Michel Miguel Elias Temer Lulia is a Brazilian politician, lawyer and writer who served as the 37th president of Brazil from 31 August 2016 to 31 December 2018. He took office after the impeachment and removal from office of his predecessor Dilma Rousseff. He had been the 24th vice president of Brazil since 2011 and acting president since 12 May 2016, when Rousseff's powers and duties were suspended pending an impeachment trial.
SlutWalk is a transnational movement calling for an end to rape culture, including victim blaming and slut-shaming of sexual assault victims. Participants protest against explaining or excusing rape by referring to any aspect of a woman's appearance. The rallies began on April 3, 2011, in Toronto, Ontario, Canada, after a Toronto Police officer suggested that "women should avoid dressing like sluts" as a precaution against sexual assault. Subsequent rallies have occurred globally.
SlutWalks in Latin America were renamed "Marcha das Vadias" in Brazil and "La Marcha de las Putas" in most Spanish-speaking countries, sometimes using PUTAS as an acronym for "Por una transformación Auténtica y Social " Some countries like Argentina, Brazil, and Colombia were known to host simultaneous Slutwalks in different cities. In almost all countries, Slutwalks are repeated annually, although not always in the same cities. Some protests select their dates to match significant events such as the International Day for the Elimination of Violence against Women and the World Youth Day.
In 2015 and 2016, a series of protests in Brazil denounced corruption and the government of President Dilma Rousseff, triggered by revelations that numerous politicians allegedly accepted bribes connected to contracts at state-owned energy company Petrobras between 2003 and 2010 and connected to the Workers' Party, while Rousseff chaired the company's board of directors. The first protests on 15 March 2015 numbered between one and nearly three million protesters against the scandal and the country's poor economic situation. In response, the government introduced anti-corruption legislation. A second day of major protesting occurred 12 April, with turnout, according to GloboNews, ranging from 696,000 to 1,500,000. On 16 August, protests took place in 200 cities in all 26 states of Brazil. Following allegations that Rousseff's predecessor, Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva, participated in money laundering and a prosecutor ordered his arrest, record numbers of Brazilians protested against the Rousseff government on 13 March 2016, with nearly 7 million citizens demonstrating.
The first National Meeting of Black Women took place in Brazil from December 2 to December 4, 1988, in Valença, Rio de Janeiro. 450 women from 17 Brazilian states attended. The purpose of this meeting was to foster greater solidarity and organizational structure among black Brazilian women, particularly Fluminense women. Prior to the national meeting, the First State Meeting of Black Women of Rio de Janeiro occurred in 1987.
Aparecida Sueli Carneiro Jacoel, best known as Sueli Carneiro is a Brazilian philosopher, writer and anti-racism activist. Carneiro is the founder and current director of Geledés — Instituto da Mulher Negra and a leading author on black feminism in Brazil.
Laudelina de Campos Melo was an Afro-Brazilian activist, labor organizer and community worker. A domestic worker for most of her life, she recognized early in life the discrimination against and undervaluation of working women. Throughout her life, she strove to change public perception and policy vis-à-vis domestic workers, and was successful in establishing organizations for domestic workers to lobby for being recognized as a class of workers entitled to labor rights.
Marco Antônio Feliciano is a Brazilian politician as well as a pastor, writer, film producer, and theologian. He has spent his political career representing São Paulo, having served as federal deputy representative since 2011. A polarizing figure in Brazilian politics due to his outspoken conservative views, his election to president of the commission on human rights and minorities caused controversy and protest due to Feliciano's comments regarding Africans, LGBTQ individuals, women, Catholics, among others.
Sonia Guimarães is a Brazilian Professor of Physics at the Instituto Tecnológico de Aeronáutica. She was the first black Brazilian woman to earn a doctorate in physics and has dedicated her career to improving the representation of black Brazilians in academia.
Geledés - Black Women's Institute is a Brazilian political organization of black women against racism and sexism. It is a civil society organization founded on April 30, 1988. Geledés main goal is to eradicate the discrimination present in society that affects black subjects, without discouraging the fight against all other forms of discrimination, such as homophobia, regional, creed, opinion and social class prejudices. Its name derives from the concept of gelede, female secret societies in Yoruba culture.
Feminism and racism are highly intertwined concepts in intersectional theory, focusing on the ways in which women of color in the Western World experience both sexism and racism.
Ana Paula Lisboa is an Afro-Brazilian writer, journalist and presenter, who lives between Rio de Janeiro and Luanda in Angola. Her poetry and short stories have been published in national and international collections. In 2014 she received the first Carolina de Jesus Award. She is a columnist for the newspaper O Globo.
The Ministry of Women, formerly the National Secretariat of Politics for Women, was created as a secretariat with cabinet-level during the first Lula da Silva administration, as a way to ensure that politics for women could have more attention. In 2019, it was fused with the Ministry of Human Rights and became the Ministry of Woman, Family and Human Rights (MMFDH), with an attribution to establish public politics for the enhancement of life of all women, LGBT people, indigenous people, black people of Brazil. The main goal of the Ministry is "[to] promote the equality between men and women and fight against any kind of prejudice and discrimination inherited from a patriarchal and excluding society."
Maria Aparecida Gonçalves is a Brazilian advertiser person, feminist activist, consultant in public politics of gender and violence against women and current Minister of Women.
Jarid Arraes is a Brazilian poet and writer. She is the writer of such books as As Lendas de Dandara, Heroínas Negras Brasileiras em 15 cordéis, Um buraco com meu nome, and Redemoinho em dia quente. Arraes lives in São Paulo, where she created the Women's Writing Club. To date, she has more than 70 publications in the cordel literature style, including the biographical collection Heroínas Negras na História do Brasil.
Carla Adriana da Silva Santos, better known as Carla Akotirene, is an activist, researcher, author and columnist on the topic of black feminism in Brazil. She is an assistant professor at the Federal University of Bahia (UFBA), and is frequently cited for her research on intersectionality.
Nilma Lino Gomes is a Brazilian professor, researcher, and university administrator. She was the first Black woman in Brazil to lead a public federal university after having been named rector of the University for International Integration of the Afro-Brazilian Lusophony (UNILAB) in 2013. She has been active in the fight against racism in Brazil. On 2 October 2015, she was nominated by president Dilma Rousseff to be the first minister of the recently created Ministry of Women, Racial Equality, and Human Rights, which brought together the secretaries of the Policies for Women, Racial Equality, and Human Rights and parts of the General Secretariat. Prior to the merger, she had been the Minister of Racial Equality. She remained in the position until the temporary removal and then impeachment of Dilma by the Federal Senate.