Agumba people

Last updated

The Agumba (also Gumba) people were an ethnic group who inhabited the forests of Mount Kenya, but are now either extinct or assimilated. [1] [2] [3]

Contents

Sources

The Agumba people are known of only through the oral tradition of the Kikuyu, Embu, and Meru peoples. [1]

Origins

Routledge notes that the traditions collected among the Kikuyu were "definitely to the...effect that the A'si preceded the Agum'ba and that the latter two people lived side by side in villages". [3] However, according to Meru traditions, the Agumba predated the Athi people in their areas of occupation. A specific instance of tradition relating to rituals also seems to affirm this fact, "A-Athi traditions suggest (that rituals) were adopted ('bought') from earlier hunting peoples whom they encountered as they entered the forest. [4] Neither instance seem to provide a point of origin beyond their presence on Mount Kenya.

Language

The Agumba of Meru tradition spoke a Kalenjin dialect that bears similarity to present-day Okiek languages. The 'Doko' with whom they bear close resemblance spoke Maasai but were thought to have been Cushitic speaking.

Record of time

The Agumba appear to have made use of an 'age' system to define time. The first recalled of these ages is the Manjiri and is in Kikuyu tradition associated with a narrative; "When God had finished the world He spoke to the first man, Mam'-ba. Mam'-ba told his son N'ji-ri to separate the dry land from the waters. N'jiri dug channels, and when he came to the sea built up a bank of sand. [3] The second age, Mandoti, is remembered in Kikuyu tradition as the age of evil doers. [3] According to Kikuyu tradition, the people increased greatly during the third age - Chiera. [3]

A separate instance of Kikuyu tradition states that the Athi lived with the Agumba. They lived together, though separately, but it would appear that some families at least were assimilated into Agumba society...

...The two tribes, it was stated, even went as far as to intermarry.

— Routledge, 1910 [3]

Smearing with red-earth became fashionable during the age known as Masai while the Kikuyu are said to have come during the age known as Mathathi. Traditions indicate that they had splintered off from the Kamba. [3]

Way of life

The Bantu migrants found a unique way of life being practiced by the Gumba when they first arrived. [3]

Subsistence

The Agumba are remembered as being short hunters who used bows and arrows. They are also remembered as beekeepers. [1] The Agumba of Kikuyu tradition may have been pastoralists, or perhaps adopted pastoralism, when they met the 'Asi' for it is noted that they "took charge of the herds" as the Athi wandered off, far and wide. [3]

Shelter

According to certain Kikuyu traditions, the Gumba dwelt in caves, or pits dug in the earth. [5] Routledge captured traditions that describe a distinctive housing system. The Agumba are said to have,

...lived in the forests and dug pits in which their huts were built. These houses were large and communal, and were roofed with poles, banana leaves and earth.

— Routledge, 1910 [3]

Iron

Routledge states that their informants advised them that Agumba "used bows and arrows, and also had other weapons". They note that in their estimation "they must therefore have possessed iron". However, when they excavated a few of the saucer shaped depression's said to have been former Agumba residences, they only came across fragments of obsidian. They note that the British Museum confirmed that this had been worked by hand. They also found, at the same depth of three feet, fragments of pottery, the charcoal remains of fire and banana seeds. They make note that after the excavation and as they were setting up tent, pieces of obsidian kept coming up in the surface soil. [3]

Contemporary understanding of the Agumba is that they were iron and pottery makers. [1] Within Kikuyu tradition, they are understood to have taught the iron-making skill to the Kikuyu. [5] The working of iron was still practiced by some families living near the deposits described below. At the time of record, this tradition seemed so natural as to be "obviously the outcome of practice". The iron produced by these families was a "very pure form of steel, that (could) be drawn into wire or fashioned into cutting instruments". [6]

Deposits

Routledge observed and described some deposits which, it was noted, were the only deposits in Kikuyu. It was stated that the only other deposits were located 50 miles away near Kilimanjaro; however, to derive metal from that source required trade with the Akamba or Masai which as of the early 20th century, at least in Routledge's eye's seemed "never to have existed to any appreciable extent". The workings are described as follows; [6]

They form a continuous exposure on one side of the ravine, a cliff some 150 feet in height, creamy pink in color and devoid of any vegetation. The original rock, which is broken down by water to yield the iron bearing sand, is a much decomposed granite, from which can also be extracted a good deal of micaceous clayey matter strongly stained with iron oxide...

— Routledge, 1910 [6]

Ritual

The Agumba of Meru tradition are said to have known and made use of cursing rituals, a practice that they taught to the pre-Meru clans. [7]

A-Athi traditions recorded by Fadiman capture the development of these cursing rituals. They suggest that these rituals were developed by the first hunters who ventured into the forest as defensive mechanisms against fear. The montane (remembered as "black") forest harbored large animals such as buffalo which represented a mortal threat to the A-Athi. In response to the problem, these meat and honey hunters developed a number of defensive rituals. A noted, and perhaps first, example is the 'blow' (ua) or 'bite' (uma). The 'blow' ritual for example consisted of blowing a powdered herbal concoction in the directions of the wind while chanting the phrase "only ants on the paths we shall see no bad thing". This had the psychological effect of creating a moving zone of safety. [4]

According to A-Athi tradition, the defensive rituals such as bite and blow could be prepared only by curse removers known as Aga. The Aga are remembered to have been fellow A-Athi (i.e hunter's). The herbal concoction, would be 'gifted' to an Athi hunter only on request and always in exchange for a specified amount of honey, skins, meat, or horns (used as containers). This arrangement effectively created a marketplace for these rituals. [4]

The initial 'bite' and 'blow' were quickly developed along similar precepts to include the creation of stationary zones of safety around more permanent hunting encampments. This was known as 'Nkima', a word which Fadiman notes carries linguistic connotations of 'stiffness' but which "A-Athi translate as 'skull'". This involved placing an object, such as a horn filled with herbal concoctions or a rounded mass of skins and hide, in the center of the encampment. The supposed effect is that it created a psychological zone of safety for those sleeping therein. [8]

A-Athi traditions state that during the 1700s, conceptual changes begin to appear in the development of these cursing rituals. These appear to have arisen from a fusion of prior practice with the Athi "ax, red-earth and fire-stick" practice which appears to initially have been a property rights and use demarcation system. This resulted in the creation of a 'Ndindi', essentially a stick which was curved with clan markings and smeared with bright red-ochre to enhance visibility. This stick was 'communally cursed' then used to demarcate the hunting zones of the using community. [9]

These traditions portray the development to have arisen out of 'problems over the use of land'. Fadiman does make note of this stating that meat and honey hunters "from every region of the mountain found themselves forced steadily uphill...into regions that grew progressively colder, steeper and less favorable to both beehives and game". These traditions portray the land-use conflict as being with a herding-cultivating community. They do note that following the development of the Ndindi ritual, contact with between these communities diminished steadily. [10]

Assimilation

Routledge note that the Kikuyu state that the Agumba gradually disappeared from the land following Kikuyu settlement. They note that one tradition states that they went "west to a big forest". Another Kikuyu narrative claims the Agumba were chased away by marabou storks sent by Mwene Nyaga to make way for the Kikuyu. [3]

See also

Related Research Articles

<span class="mw-page-title-main">History of Kenya</span>

A part of Eastern Africa, the territory of what is known as Kenya has seen human habitation since the beginning of the Lower Paleolithic. The Bantu expansion from a West African centre of dispersal reached the area by the 1st millennium AD. With the borders of the modern state at the crossroads of the Bantu, Nilo-Saharan and Afro-Asiatic ethno-linguistic areas of Africa, Kenya is a truly multi-ethnic state.

<span class="mw-page-title-main">Mau Mau rebellion</span> Insurgency in Kenya from 1952 to 1960

The Mau Mau rebellion (1952–1960), also known as the Mau Mau uprising, Mau Mau revolt or Kenya Emergency, was a war in the British Kenya Colony (1920–1963) between the Kenya Land and Freedom Army (KLFA), also known as the Mau Mau, and the British authorities.

<span class="mw-page-title-main">Kikuyu people</span> Ethnic group in Kenya

The Kikuyu are a Bantu ethnic group native to Central Kenya. At a population of 8,148,668 as of 2019, they account for 17.13% of the total population of Kenya, making them Kenya's largest ethnic group.

<span class="mw-page-title-main">Kamba people</span> Ethnic group in Kenya

The Kamba or Akamba people are a Bantu ethnic group who predominantly live in the area of Kenya stretching from Nairobi to Tsavo and north to Embu, in the southern part of the former Eastern Province. This land is called Ukambani and constitutes Makueni County, Kitui County and Machakos County. They also form the second largest ethnic group in 8 counties including Nairobi and Mombasa counties.

Kikuyu or Gikuyu is a Bantu language spoken by the Gĩkũyũ (Agĩkũyũ) of Kenya. Kikuyu is mainly spoken in the area between Nyeri and Nairobi. The Kikuyu people usually identify their lands by the surrounding mountain ranges in Central Kenya which they call Kĩrĩnyaga. The Gikuyu language is intelligibly similar to its surrounding neighbors, the Meru and Embu.

Dorobo is a derogatory umbrella term for several unrelated hunter-gatherer groups of Kenya and Tanzania. They comprised client groups to the Maasai and did not practice cattle pastoralism.

Ogiek is a Southern Nilotic language of the Kalenjin family spoken or once spoken by the Ogiek peoples, scattered groups of hunter-gatherers in Southern Kenya and Northern Tanzania. Most Ogiek speakers have assimilated to cultures of surrounding peoples: the Akie in northern Tanzania now speak Maasai and the Ogiek of Kinare, Kenya now speak Gikuyu. Ndorobo is a term considered derogatory, occasionally used to refer to various groups of hunter-gatherers in this area, including the Ogiek.

The Yaaku are a people who are said to have lived in regions of southern Ethiopia and central Kenya, possibly through to the 18th century. The language they spoke is today called Yaakunte. The Yaaku assimilated a hunter-gathering population, whom they called Mukogodo, when they first settled in their place of origin and the Mukogodo adopted the Yaakunte language. However, the Yaaku were later assimilated by a food producing population and they lost their way of life. The Yaakunte language was kept alive for sometime by the Mukogodo who maintained their own hunter-gathering way of life, but they were later immersed in Maasai culture and adopted the Maa language and way of life. The Yaakunte language is today facing extinction but is undergoing a revival movement. In the present time, the terms Yaaku and Mukogodo, are used to refer to a population living in Mukogodo forest west of Mount Kenya.

<span class="mw-page-title-main">Meru people</span> Kenyan ethnic group

The Meru or Amîîrú are a Bantu ethnic group that inhabit the Meru region of Kenya. The region is situated on the fertile lands of the north and eastern slopes of Mount Kenya in the former Eastern Province.

<span class="mw-page-title-main">Okiek people</span>

The Okiek, sometimes called the Ogiek or Akiek, are a Southern Nilotic ethnic group native to Tanzania and Southern Kenya, and Western Kenya. In 2019 the ethnic Okiek population was 52,596, although the number of those speaking the Akiek language was as low as 500.

<span class="mw-page-title-main">Chuka, Kenya</span>

Chuka is a town on the eastern slopes of Mount Kenya, in Kenya about 65 km south Of Meru Town. It falls within Tharaka-Nithi County and the former Eastern Province. Between 1992 and 2009, Chuka was the capital of Tharaka Nithi District. Tharaka Nithi District was further split into Meru South and Tharaka Districts with Chuka remaining the Capital of Meru South. Later, Meru South and Tharaka were amalgamated into Tharaka-Nithi County.

<span class="mw-page-title-main">William Scoresby Routledge</span> British anthropologist (1859–1939)

William Scoresby Routledge, FRGS (1859–1939) was a British ethnographer, anthropologist and adventurer. With his wife, Katherine Routledge, he completed the first ethnographies of the Kikuyu and the people of Rapa Nui.

<span class="mw-page-title-main">Campaign against female genital mutilation in colonial Kenya</span>

The campaign against female genital mutilation in colonial Kenya (1929–1932), also known as the female circumcision controversy, was a period within Kenyan historiography known for efforts by British missionaries, particularly from the Church of Scotland, to stop the practice of female genital mutilation in colonial Kenya. The campaign was met with resistance by the Kikuyu, the country's largest tribe. According to American historian Lynn M. Thomas, female genital mutilation became a focal point of the movement campaigning for independence from British rule, and a test of loyalty, either to the Christian churches or to the Kikuyu Central Association, the largest association of the Kikuyu people.

The Lumbwa were a pastoral community which inhabited southern Kenya and northern Tanzania. The term Lumbwa has variously referred to a Kalenjin-speaking community, portions of the Maa-speaking Loikop communities since the mid-19th century, and to the Kalenjin-speaking Kipsigis community for much of the late 19th to mid-20th centuries.

Mbwaa is an origin narrative of the Meru peoples of Kenya. It is a widely told tale that has been narrated for at least three centuries. These traditions have been widely linked to the Shungwaya origin narrative. However it has been noted that a number of inconsistencies appear in the telling of this narrative. It thus may be, a conflation of two or more peoples origin narratives. Indeed subsequent events in the narrative lead up to the assimilation of two peoples, referred to as Muku-Ngaa and Murutu, both of whom contribute to the present Meru identity.

The Ngaa people were a community that according to the traditions of many Kenyan communities inhabited regions of the Swahili coast and the Kenyan hinterland at various times in history.

The Murutu people were a community that, according to the oral literature of the Meru people of Kenya, inhabited regions of the Swahili coast and the Kenyan hinterland at various times in history.

The Athi were an ethnic group who lived around Mount Kenya up to and during the eighteenth and possibly nineteenth centuries. Many of their traditions have been captured among the Meru and Kikuyu people of Kenya. According to Meru traditions, the Athi were predated in their areas of occupation by the Agumba people.

The Burkineji were a pastoral community who inhabited regions of northern Kenya through to the late 19th century. The present day Samburu consider themselves a descendant community of the Burkineji.

The Mukogodo, are a people who are said to have lived in regions of central Kenya around Mt. Kenya, possibly through to the 18th century. A community known as the Yaaku later moved into their territory and the Mukogodo, adopted the Yaaku language, referred to as Yaakunte. The Yaaku community was later assimilated by a food producing population and they lost their way of life. Their language, Yaakunte, was kept alive for some time by the Mukogodo who had all along maintained their own hunter-gathering way of life. However, the Mukogodo were later assimilated by the Maasai and adopted the Maa language. The Yaakunte language is today facing extinction but is undergoing a revival movement. In the present time, the terms Yaaku and Mukogodo, are used to refer to a population living in Mukogodo forest west of Mount Kenya.

References

  1. 1 2 3 4 Distefano, John (1990). "Hunters or Hunted? Towards a History of the Okiek of Kenya". History in Africa. 17: 47. doi:10.2307/3171805. JSTOR   3171805. S2CID   162229708.
  2. ↑ John Pike. "Early Kenya". globalsecurity.org. Retrieved August 22, 2019.
  3. 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 Routledge, William Scoresby (1910). With a prehistoric people, the Akikuyu of British East Africa, being some account of the method of life and mode of thought found existent amongst a nation on its first contact with European civilisation. London: E. Arnold. p.  3-6.
  4. 1 2 3 Fadiman, J. (1994). When We Began There Were Witchmen. California: University of California Press. p. 75.
  5. 1 2 Childress, David (1989). Lost Cities & Ancient Mysteries of Africa & Arabia . Illinois: Adventures Unlimited Press. p.  268-269. ISBN   0932813062.
  6. 1 2 3 Routledge, William Scoresby (1910). With a prehistoric people, the Akikuyu of British East Africa, being some account of the method of life and mode of thought found existent amongst a nation on its first contact with European civilisation. London: E. Arnold. p.  81-87.
  7. ↑ Fadiman, J. (1994). When We Began There Were Witchmen. California: University of California Press. p. 89. ISBN   9780520086159.
  8. ↑ Fadiman, J. (1994). When We Began There Were Witchmen. California: University of California Press. pp. 75–76.
  9. ↑ Fadiman, J. (1994). When We Began There Were Witchmen. California: University of California Press. p. 77.
  10. ↑ Fadiman, J. (1994). When We Began There Were Witchmen. California: University of California Press. pp. 76–78.


This page is based on this Wikipedia article
Text is available under the CC BY-SA 4.0 license; additional terms may apply.
Images, videos and audio are available under their respective licenses.