The Kalenjin are a Southern Nilotic ethnic group indigenous to Eastern Africa, comprising several related sub-tribes.[2][3] Geographically classified as Highland Nilotes due to their traditional settlement in the high-altitude regions of Kenya's Rift Valley. With a profoundly disproportionate level of success in international long-distance running, the Kalenjin people constitute one of the most concentrated examples of athletic dominance in sports history producing many of the world's top runners (e.g., Eliud Kipchoge, Faith Kipyegon, Beatrice Chebet.)[4][5][6][7][8] They represent Kenya's third-largest ethnic group, with a population of 6,358,113 per the 2019 census.[9] They account for a massive percentage of the country's elite athletic medals.[10]
Kalenjin people collectively share a distinct cultural and linguistic heritage[11].They have a very strong and direct connection to the Nile Valley and Ethiopian highlands[12], tracing their ancestral migration from these regions.[13][14] The Kalenjin language is specific branch within the broader Nilo-Saharan language family along with the languages of the Datooga, Ogiek, Maasai, etc.
This history is defined by significant cultural interaction with Southern/Eastern Cushitic-speaking communities, from whom the Kalenjin adopted key social institutions, including the age-set system (ipinda), the practice of circumcision, and specific loanwords related to livestock and social organization.[15][16] The Kipsigis sub-tribe are believed to have originated further north, with traditional narratives linking them to the Pharaoh's army in Egypt. They reportedly grew disillusioned with the Pharaoh's inability to reliably win wars and forged their own path, embracing an independent "us against the world" attitude. The migration south involved significant territorial expansion at the expense of the Luo, Kisii, and Maasai. These historical shifts defined the current borders, with these tribes now situated as their western and southern neighbors.[12][17] Scholars like Dr. Kipkoeech Arap Sambu have argued that many Kalenjin words have roots in ancient Egyptian or Semitic languages. For example, the Kalenjin word for land, Emet, is compared to the ancient Egyptian Kemet. Some theories suggest the ancestors of the Kalenjin left Egypt at the same time as the Israelites but migrated south toward the Rift Valley while the Israelites moved north.[18][19]
Nile River and delta from orbitThe Nubian pyramids of Meroë are a collection of over 200 steep-sided, stone-built tombs in modern-day Sudan, constructed between roughly 300 BCE and 350 CE by the rulers of the Kingdom of Kush. These smaller, UNESCO-listed monuments served as burial places for kings, queens, and officials, reflecting a blend of ancient Egyptian and Nilotic influences.
According to Kalenjin oral traditions, their ancestors are linked to the ancient civilizations of the Nile Valley, specifically an origin point known as Misiri — often interpreted as ancient Egypt. Potential linguistic similarities, such as the Kalenjin sun deity Asiis being compared to the Egyptian goddess Isis, as evidence of a historical cultural link[20]. Archaeological and linguistic evidence places the cradle of the Nilotic languages in the Nile Valley, which maintained strong cultural links with the societies of the Nubian Nile Valley further north[21]. These connections were reinforced by thousands of years of social and genetic intermixing, as evidenced by significant Nilotic-related ancestry found in ancient Nubian populations. This shared heritage is reflected in similar pastoral traditions, pottery styles, and burial customs across the broader Nile Basin. Following a southward migration that began around 500 BCE[22], they settled predominantly in the Rift Valley region of Kenya, with significant populations also residing in Uganda, Tanzania and broader East Africa.[23]
The Kalenjin people are renowned for their dominance in athletics specifically long-distance running, which has resulted in numerous accolades for Kenya, including Olympic and World Championship medals in both track events and cross country competitions. A statue of Koitalel Arap Samoei, the Kalenjin leader who spearheaded one of Kenya's earliest, longest and most effective military resistances against British colonial rule. Significantly delayed British settlement and the formal administration of the interior by nearly two decades (1890 to 1906).
Native to Eastern Africa, the Kalenjin primarily reside in the Rift Valley region of Kenya, specifically in areas formerly encompassing the Rift Valley Province in Kenya with substantial populations in the counties of Kericho, Nandi, Bomet, Baringo, Uasin Gishu, Elgeyo-Marakwet, West Pokot, Trans Nzoia, Nakuru, and Narok. In Uganda the Kalenjin-related population primarily reside in the Eastern Region on the slopes of Mount Elgon (Sabiny/Sebei) and the Karamoja sub-region for (Pokot). They are estimated to be approximately 300,000 to 400,000 Kalenjin people in Uganda[24] with most belonging to the Sabiny (Sebei) and Pokot ethnic groups. In Tanzania, they are concentrated in the Manyara and Singida regions, as well as areas around Lake Eyasi (represented by the related Datooga groups). The Datooga (includes Barabaig) approximately ~210,000 and are concentrated in the north-central regions of Tanzania.[25] The Murle, Didinga, Tennet, and Laarim share a direct ancestral bond with the Kalenjin, having once lived as a single tribe in the Ethiopian highlands near the Omo River. Although they now belong to the Southwestern Surmic language branch, oral traditions from both South Sudan and Kenya and linguistic research identify them as descendants of a single ancestral entity and confirm that the Kalenjin split from this unified body during a southward migration to settle in their current territories in Rift Valley Kenya.[26][27][28] This shared heritage is evidenced today by significant linguistic similarities and common cultural practices that persist across international borders.[2]
The earliest ancestors of Nilotic-speaking peoples emerged from mobile pastoralists integrated with ancient Egyptian communities including the now-extinct river system of the Lower Wadi Howar (Yellow Nile) during the Early Holocene (c. 10000–6000 BCE).[29][30] These groups practiced various traditions including cattle herding, fishing, and agriculture. Maintained strong cultural links with pre-Kerma societies of the Nubian Nile Valley.
Map of Nile tributaries in modern Southern Egypt, Sudan, South Sudan and Ethiopia.
As the Sahara gradually became more arid after 4000 BCE, they migrated eastward into the Nile Valley and the White Nile basin, forming the demographic and cultural roots of what would become the Nilotic-speaking peoples.[31] Composed of varied distinct identities, they were commonly collectively referred to as the Nehesy (southerners), descendants of the ancient Egyptian civilization, Aethiopians by the Greeks and Cushi (Cushites or Kushites) by the Israelites, a term that possibly derived from their own name for themselves.[32]
Kemet (km.t), or "Black Land," is the name ancient Egyptians used for their country, appearing regularly from the 11th-12th dynasty. Some evidence suggests it appeared as early as the Old Kingdom in the Nile Valley to emphasize the indigenous African roots of the civilization.
In Kalenjin folklore, the "Misiri" legend suggests their ancestors were part of the Pharaonic civilization and migrated southwards along the Nile. Some accounts even claim this migration occurred to escape invasions, such as the Persian invasion of Egypt around 525 BCE. Proponents of the Egyptian origin argue that Eurocentric bias has historically marginalized the connections between Ancient Egypt and sub-Saharan African cultures, and they view the proto-Kalenjin as a "living link" to that ancient civilization.[33][34]
By the third millennium BCE, a proto-Nilotic identity had taken shape, likely tied to the development of a cattle-based pastoral economy and growing social complexity. Linguistic evidence places the cradle of Nilotic languages in the eastern Middle Nile Basin, just south of the Abbai (Blue Nile) River—roughly southeast of present-day Khartoum.[35] Archaeological sites such as Kadero—located north of Khartoum—demonstrate that communities associated with early Nilotic culture were already well established in the Nile Valley by this time.
These societies combined herding, fishing on the Nile, and cultivation, with long-distance trade and distinctive burial traditions, features that continued among Nilotic groups into later periods. These communities included early groups such as the Sapaei, Kolobi, and Nuba—of whom the latter are particularly noted for their involvement in the gold trade, which likely contributed to both their name and the later toponym Nubian.
History
Antiquity
Psamtik I, pharaoh of Egypt 664–610 BC. According to Pliny, the Sape or Sapaei—also called 'Esar'— lived for 300 years in a town founded by Egyptians fleeing his rule.
Classical sources such as Ptolemy's Geography (c. 150 CE) refer to a people called the Memnones living between the Nile and the Blue Nile near Meroë, and south of them the Sapaei—areas and peoples that correspond closely to the archaeological and historical heartland of early Nilotic speakers.[36] In Greco-Roman literature, the Memnones were often associated with the mythic "Ethiopians" or the descendants of Memnon—a Homeric figure said to rule over powerful, dark-skinned peoples of the Upper Nile. These designations, while partly mythological might reflect ancient recognition of an enduring Kushite elite in the region. The Sapaei whom he places south of his Memnones might perhaps be associated with, or find resonance in, the people referred to by Pliny (77 CE) as the Sape—a group described in relation to towns founded by Egyptian exiles. According to Pliny's source Bion, the Sape (called "Esar" by Aristocreon) were so named because the term meant "the strangers," and were said to have dwelt for three hundred years in a town originally established by Egyptians fleeing the rule of Psammetichus (Psamtik).[37] Though speculative, this likely represents a historical reference to southern Nilotic speaking groups.
According to the first-century Romano-Jewish scholar Josephus, Tharbis was the daughter of an unnamed king of "Saba", which he claimed was in Ethiopia
Starting in about the 5th century CE, Nilotic speakers began moving south. This movement took place during a time of major political and cultural shifts across the Nile Valley. Even as late as the 4th century, the ancient Kushite kingdom still exerted influence in Lower Nubia, as seen in a joint embassy of Ethiopians (Kushites) and Blemmyes to Emperor Constantine around AD 336. But by the 5th century, Kushite political structures had collapsed, creating a power vacuum in the region.[38]
Medieval
The Nilotic migrations gained momentum in the 11th century, coinciding with the arrival of Arab traders in central Sudan. Although these later migrations significantly predate the collapse of the Christian Nubian kingdoms of Makuria and Alodia (around 1500 CE), they occur after early contact with Arabs (c.9-10 century), a contact that may have introduced new cultural and technological elements, such as humpless cattle breeds.[39] It was during this later stage that communities ancestral to the Southern Nilotes started moving into the grasslands and wetlands of what is now South Sudan, Uganda, and western Kenya—ushering in the cultural transitions that would define the early Pastoral Iron Age in East Africa.[35][40][41]
Biblical Parallels and "Lost Tribe" Theories
The "Lost Tribe" theory posits that the Kalenjin are descendants of one of the "Lost Ten Tribes of Israel," a narrative mirrored by other African groups like the Lemba. While many historians attribute these similarities to ancient cultural contact between Nilotic, Cushitic, and Semitic peoples in the Nile Valley, scholars like Dr. Kipkoeech araap Sambu argue for deeper linguistic and historical ties.[42] In his foundational work, The Misiri Legend Explored (2011/2015), Sambu analyzes parallels such as the Kalenjin word for land, Emet, and the ancient Egyptian Kemet, suggesting the group migrated south from Egypt (Misiri) during the same era as the biblical Exodus. Complementing this view, Philip Ochieng’s 2020 article, Kalenjin: Another lost tribe of Israel?, explores shared ritualistic markers, specifically comparing the biblical mass circumcision at Gilgal to Kalenjin traditions at Gilgil, further reinforcing the theory of a migration that mirrored the Israelite journey.[43]
Asiisian Spirituality of the Kalenjin People
Kalenjin oral traditions frequently claim ancestral origins in "Misiri" (ancient Egypt) and identify as the "lineage of Joseph." Proponents of the "Misiri" legend cite parallels between Kalenjin culture and ancient Egyptian or Hebraic practices—such as monotheistic worship of a supreme being called Asis (resembling Isis or Aten), strict circumcision rites, and specific dietary laws as evidence of a direct historical link.[44][45]
The beads and pendants forming this c. 3,000-year-old neck chain are of the Elmenteitan culture and were among the finds at Njoro River Cave.
The Elmenteitan culture, named after Lake Elmenteita by Louis Leakey, flourished during the East African Pastoral Neolithic (c. 3300–1200 BP) across the western plains of Kenya. It represents a distinct archaeological tradition characterized by a unique lithic industry, specialized land use, and a blend of hunting and early pastoralism. Beads, pendants, and burials found at sites such as the Njoro River Cave reflect a sophisticated material culture and ritual life. [46][47]
Genetic studies of individuals from Elmenteitan sites reveal a strikingly homogeneous population, composed predominantly of Early Northeastern Pastoralist (ENP) ancestry—linked to Afro-Asiatic (Cushitic) speakers—blended with a minority of forager-related ancestry. This ENP group emerged from a prior admixture between ancient northeast Africans (possibly with ties to the Nile Valley or Egypt) and Dinka-related populations of Sudan, likely taking place north of Lake Turkana between 6000 and 5000 BP. The southward expansion of Elmenteitan and contemporaneous Savanna Pastoral Neolithic herders after ~3300 BP involved limited interaction with foragers, suggesting that despite economic exchanges, significant cultural boundaries remained intact. [48][49][50][51][52]
Pottery from Soba (Soba ware)
By the Pastoral Iron Age (c. 1200–1600 CE), genetic profiles shift notably, with up to 60% Nilotic-related ancestry among populations in Kenya and Tanzania—indicating renewed demographic expansion by Nilotic-speaking groups. Archaeological evidence records a transition toward more fortified and sedentary lifeways, culminating in the emergence of the Sirikwa culture, viewed as a direct outgrowth of Elmenteitan traditions shaped by ongoing Nilotic influence. [53][48]
The Sirikwa archaeological tradition, prominent in the Kenyan highlands, is marked by fortified homesteads, internal livestock pens, and structured gate systems—features suggesting concerns with security and herd management rather than warfare. These communities occupied a wide territory stretching from the Mau and Chepalungu forests to Mount Elgon and the Cherangany Hills. Oral traditions preserved by Kalenjin-speaking groups like the Nandi, Pokot, and Kony remember the Sirikwa as a multi-ethnic plateau society, known variously as Sirikwek, il-Mukwan, or Uasin Gishu, and often linked to the earlier Uasin Gishu culture. [53]
Material remains—including coins of Indian and English origin found at Hyrax Hill—reveal participation in regional trade networks, while enduring structures such as Sirikwa holes, tumuli, and megaliths reflect a rich and persistent cultural legacy. Over time, the distinct Sirikwa identity was absorbed into emerging Kalenjin polities such as the Nandi, Kipsigis, and Pokot. However, their imprint endures in oral history, lineage systems, and the archaeological landscape. [54][55]
In sum, the transition from the Elmenteitan to the Sirikwa tradition encapsulates a long arc of population movement, cultural fusion, and technological transformation that underpins the origins of Southern Nilotic communities in the East African highlands.
Modern history
Pre-19th century
A body of oral traditions from various East African communities points to the presence of at least four significant Kalenjin-speaking population groups present prior to the 19th century. The earliest mention appears to be of the Lumbwa. Meru oral history describes the arrival of their ancestors at Mount Kenya where they interacted with this community. The Lumbwa occupied the lower reaches of Mount Kenya though the extent of their territory is presently unclear.[56]
North-east of this community, across the Rift Valley, a community known as the Chok (later Suk) occupied the Elgeyo escarpment. Pokot oral history describes their way of life, as that of the Chemwal whose country may have been known as Chemngal, a community that appears to have lived in association with the Chok. The Chemwal appear to have been referred to as Siger by the Karamojong on account of a distinctive cowrie shell adornment favored by the women of this community. The area occupied by the Chemwal stretched between Mount Elgon and present day Uasin Gishu as well as into a number of surrounding counties.[57]
Far west, a community known as the Maliri occupied present-day Jie and Dodoth country in Uganda. The Karamojong would eject them from this region over the course of the century and their traditions describe these encounters with the Maliri. The arrival in the district of the latter community is thought by some to be in the region of six to eight centuries ago.[58]
To the north of Chemngal were the Oropom (Orupoi), a late neolithic society whose expansive territory is said to have stretched across Turkana and the surrounding region as well as into Uganda and Sudan. Wilson (1970) who collected traditions relating to the Oropom observed that the corpus of oral literature suggested that, at its tail end, the society "had become effete, after enjoying for a long period the fruits of a highly developed culture".[59] Bordering the Maliri in Uganda were the Karamojong, an Iron Age community that practiced a pastoral way of life.[60]
Towards the end of 18th century and through the 19th century, a series of droughts, plagues of locusts, epidemics, and in the final decades of the 19th century, a rapid succession of sub-continental epizootics affected these communities. There is an early record of the great Laparanat drought c.1785 that affected the Karamajong.[61] However, for communities then resident in what is present-day Kenya many disaster narratives relate the start with the Aoyate, an acute meteorological drought that affected much of East and Southern Africa. Nile records distinctly indicate a start about 1800 while oral narratives and the few written records indicate peak aridity during the 1830s resulting in a notable famine in 1836. This arid period, and the consequent series of events, have been referred to as (the first) Mutai.[62]
A feature of the Mutai was increased conflict between neighboring communities, most noted of these has been the Iloikop wars.
Cultural changes, particularly the innovation of heavier and deadlier spears amongst the Loikop are seen to have led to significant changes in methods and scale of raiding during the 19th century. The change in methods introduced by the Loikop also consisted of fundamental differences of strategy, in fighting and defense, and also in organization of settlements and of political life.[63]
The cultural changes played a part in significant southward expansion of Loikop territory from a base east of Lake Turkana. This expansion led to the development of three groupings within Loikop society. The Samburu who occupied the 'original' country east of Lake Turkana as well as the Laikipia plateau. The Uasin Gishu occupied the grass plateaus now known as the Uasin Gishu and Mau while the Maasai territory extended from Naivasha to Kilimanjaro.[64] This expansion was subsequently followed by the Iloikop wars.[65]
The expansion of Turkana and Loikop societies led to significant change within the Kalenjin-speaking society. Some communities were annihilated by the combined effects of the Mutai of the 19th century while others adapted to the new era.
Members of collapsing communities were usually assimilated into ascending identities.
Significant cultural change also occurred. Guarding cattle on the plateaus depended less on elaborate defenses and more on mobility and cooperation. Both of these requiring new grazing and herd-management strategies. The practice of the later Kalenjin – that is, after they had abandoned the Sirikwa pattern and had ceased in effect to be Sirikwa – illustrates this change vividly. On their reduced pastures, notably on the borders of the Uasin Gishu plateau, when bodies of raiders approached they would relay the alarm from ridge to ridge, so that the herds could be combined and rushed to the cover of the forests. There, the approaches to the glades would be defended by concealed archers, and the advantage would be turned against the spears of the plains warriors.[66]
Three Nandi warriors. The 19th century saw wide annihilation and assimilation of many identities
More than any of the other sections, the Nandi and Kipsigis, in response to Maasai expansion, borrowed from the Maasai some of the traits that would distinguish them from other Kalenjin: large-scale economic dependence on herding, military organization and aggressive cattle raiding, as well as centralized religious-political leadership. By the mid-nineteenth century, both these communities were expanding at the expense of the Maasai.[67]
The Iloikop wars ended in the 1870s with the defeat and dispersal of the Laikipiak. However, the new territory acquired by the Maasai was vast and left them overextended thus unable to occupy it effectively.[68] This left them open to encroachment by other communities. By the early 1880s, Kamba, Kikuyu and Kalenjin raiders were making inroads into Maasai territory, and the Maasai were struggling to control their resources of cattle and grazing land.[69]
Around this time, two instances of epizootics broke out in the Rift Valley region. In 1883, bovine Pleuro-Pneumonia spread from the north and lingered for several years. The effect of this was to cause the Loikop to regroup and to go out raiding more aggressively to replenish their herds. This was followed by a far more serious outbreak of Rinderpest which occurred in 1891.[70]
This period – characterized by disasters, including a rinderpest epidemic, other stock diseases, drought, mass starvation, and smallpox was referred to as (a second) Mutai.
The nineteenth century saw massive upheaval among the Sirikwa societies, old identities such as the Maliri and the Chok were annihilated or assimilated giving way to new identities such as the Pokot. Others like the Sengwer and Lumbwa acculturated to the new reality, merging and dropping their old identities to become Nandi and Kipsigis. These new societies retained many elements of their old way of life – like the iron-age Sirikwa societies they were primarily semi-nomadic pastoralists. Their economy revolved around raising livestock and cultivating sorghum and pearl millet on the western highlands of Kenya as it had since at least the last millennium B.C.[71][72]
Beads were used for adornment by most of East Africa's pastoral communities and were a popular import good
There appear to have been areas of specialization across different regions, communities living on the Elgeyo escarpment for instance traditionally focused on irrigated cultivation. A variety of crops had been borrowed from the neighboring Bantu communities and New World foods introduced following the arrival of the Portuguese on the Swahili coast during the fifteenth century. Of these, indigenous vegetables and herbs, beans, pumpkins, sweet potatoes and tobacco were grown widely while maize and bananas were also cultivated though in small quantities.[73]
They traded locally for goods such as honey, pottery, tobacco pipes and weaponry as well as medical and magical services while connections to international markets supplied foreign goods such as iron wire and cloth in exchange for ivory. The long tradition of beadwork benefited from the introduction of a variety of beads from European markets.[74]
Their territory was not as a whole recognized as a geographic locality. However, there was a standardized set of classifications for geographic localities across the respective territories. Of these geographic classifications, the Kokwet was the most significant political and judicial unit among the Kalenjin. The governing body of each kokwet was its kokwet council; the word kokwet was in fact variously used to mean the whole neighbourhood, its council and the place where the council met. The head of kokwet was poyop kok (village elder).
Social order was regulated by Kamuratanet and cultural life largely revolved around its teaching through folklore and observation of the various tumwek (rituals/customs), the important one's being Tumdo (Initiation) and the tumwek of marriage such as Koito. The Saget'ab eito ceremony was held every number of years to mark the change of 'ages' and the Kipsundet festivals celebrated every September (Kipsunde) and October (Kipsunde oeng) to mark the change in seasons.
To a significant extent however, the Maasai era fundamentally changed the character of the Sirikwa/Kalenjin-speaking communities, the magnitude of which still remains unclear.
The latter decades of the nineteenth century, saw the early European explorers start advancing into the interior of Kenya.[75] By this time, the Kalenjin – more so the Nandi, had acquired a fearsome reputation. Thompson was warned in 1883 to avoid the country of the Nandi, who were known for attacks on strangers and caravans that would attempt to scale the great massif of the Mau.[76]
Koitalel Arap Samoei Mausoleum and Museum in Nandi Hills, Kenya
Nonetheless, trade relations were established between the Kalenjin and incoming British. This was tempered on the Kalenjin side by the prophesies of various seers. Among the Nandi, Kimnyole had warned that contact with the Europeans would have a significant impact on the Nandi while Mongo was said to have warned against fighting the Europeans.[77]
Matson, in his account of the resistance, shows 'how the irresponsible actions of two British traders, Dick and West, quickly upset the precarious modus vivendi between the Nandi and incoming British'.[78] Conflict, led on the Nandi side by Koitalel Arap Samoei – Nandi Orkoiyot at the time, was triggered by West's killing in 1895.
The East Africa Protectorate, Foreign Office, and missionary societies administrations reacted to West's death by organizing invasions of Nandi in 1895 and 1897.[79] Invading forces were able to inflict sporadic losses upon Nandi warriors, steal hundreds of livestock, and burn villages, but were not able to end Nandi resistance.[79]
1897 also saw the colonial government set up base in Eldama Ravine under the leadership of certain Messrs. Ternan and Grant, an intrusion that was not taken to kindly by the Lembus community. This triggered conflict between the Lembus and the British, the latter of whom fielded Maasai and Nubian soldiers and porters.[citation needed]
The British eventually overcame the Lembus following which Grant and Lembus elders negotiated a peace agreement. During the negotiations, the Lembus were prevailed upon by Grant to state what they would not harm nor kill, to which the response was women. As such, they exchanged a girl from the Kimeito clan while Grant offered a white bull as a gesture of peace and friendship. This agreement was known as the Kerkwony Agreement. The negotiations were held where Kerkwony Stadium stands today.[80]
On 19 October 1905, on the grounds of what is now Nandi Bears Club, Arap Samoei was asked to meet Col Richard Meinertzhagen for a truce. A grand-nephew of one of Arap Samoei's bodyguards later noted that "There were about 22 of them who went for a meeting with the (European) that day. Koitalel Arap Samoei had been advised not to shake hands because if he did, that would give him away as the leader. But he extended his hand and was shot immediately".[81] Koitalel's death led to the end of the Nandi resistance.
Kalenjin Resistance to British Rule
Historical Timeline of Resistance
The Kalenjin led the earliest, most prolonged, and one of the most effective military resistances against British colonial expansion in the territory that would later become Kenya which lasted for almost two decades (1890 to 1906).[82][83]This fierce opposition delayed the British in establishing effective administrative control over the Western highlands. Significantly predating the Mau Mau Uprising (1952–1960). The Nandi resistance was led by the Orkoiyot (the community's spiritual and military leader), Koitalel Arap Samoei.[84]
Sculpture of Koitalel Arap Samoei in the Kenyan National Library Service building
Tactics and Impact
Guerrilla Warfare: Nandi warriors effectively employed guerrilla warfare tactics. They frequently targeted and sabotaged the construction of the "Iron Snake" (the Uganda Railway), stealing telegraph wires and attacking supply lines.[84][85]
Military Encounters: The Nandi successfully repelled multiple British "punitive expeditions". The British military command acknowledged the Nandi as their most formidable and challenging military opponents in the region.[86]
Assassination of Koitalel: The British were unable to defeat the Kalenjin Resistance through conventional warfare, so the British resorted to treachery. In October 1905, Colonel Richard Meinertzhagen orchestrated the assassination of Koitalel Arap Samoei during a purported truce meeting.[87][82]
Consequences: The prolonged resistance forced the British to maintain a massive military presence in the Rift Valley, exhausting their resources and substantially delaying the formal administrative control of the Kenyan interior[84]
Politics and identity
Until the mid-20th century, the Kalenjin did not have a common name and were usually referred to as the 'Nandi-speaking tribes' by scholars and colonial administration officials.[88]
Kenya African Democratic Union Eldoret Branch
Starting in the 1940s, individuals from the various 'Nandi-speaking tribes' who had been drafted to fight in World War II (1939–1945) began using the term Kale or Kore (a term that denoted scarification of a warrior who had killed an enemy in battle) to refer to themselves. At about the same time, a popular local radio broadcaster by the name of John Chemallan would introduce his wartime broadcasts show with the phrase Kalenjok meaning "I tell You" (when said to many people). This would influence a group of fourteen young 'Nandi-speaking' men attending Alliance School and who were trying to find a name for their peer group. They would call it Kalenjin meaning "I tell you" (when said to one person). The word Kalenjin was gaining currency as a term to denote all the 'Nandi-speaking' tribes. This identity would be consolidated with the founding of the Kalenjin Union in Eldoret in 1948 and the publication of a monthly magazine called Kalenjin in the 1950s.[89]
In 1955 when Mzee Tameno, a Maasai and member of the Legislative Assembly (LEGCO) for Rift Valley, tendered his resignation, the Kalenjin presented one candidate to replace him; Daniel Toroitich arap Moi.[90]
By 1960, concerned with the dominance of the Luo and Kikuyu, Arap Moi and Ronald Ngala formed KADU to defend the interests of the countries smaller ethnicities. They campaigned on a platform of majimboism (devolution) during the 1963 elections but lost to KANU. Shortly after independence in December 1963, Kenyatta convinced Moi to dissolve KADU. This was done in 1964 when KADU dissolved and joined KANU.
Religion
Traditional Kalenjin religion was based upon the belief in a supreme god, Asis or Cheptalel, represented in the form of the sun (asista), although the sun itself was not considered to be God. Beneath Asis is Elat, who controls thunder and lightning. Spirits of the dead, oyik, were believed to intervene in the affairs of humans, and were placated with sacrifices of meat and/or beer, called koros. Diviners, called orkoik, were considered to have magical powers and assisted in appeals for rain or to end floods.
Christianity was introduced and rapidly spread through Kalenjin-speaking areas during the colonial period.[91] Traditional Kalenjin religion which was undergoing separate change saw a corresponding decline in this time.[92]
Today, nearly everyone claims membership in an organized religion—either Christianity or Islam. Major Christian sects include the Africa Inland Church (AIC), the Church of the Province of Kenya (CPK), and the Roman Catholic Church. Muslims are relatively few in number among the Kalenjin. For the most part, only older people can recall details of traditional religious beliefs.[93][full citation needed]
Food
The colonial period saw the introduction of tea cultivation on a large scale in the Kericho and Nandi highlands. These regions have since played a significant role in establishing Kenya as the world's leading exporter of tea and also in establishing a tea-drinking culture among the Kalenjin.[94] This period also saw the introduction of the mid-day meal as well as the addition of wheat based foods such as bread and less often pancakes and maandazi to the morning meal.
Literacy
Kalenjin historical continuity is preserved through a sophisticated oral literature system of stories, songs, proverbs, and riddles, which served as the primary custodian of cultural records before the adoption of writing.[95][96] The introduction of the Latin script in the early 20th century enabled the formal transcription of these ancient traditions into books and the Bible[97], bridging indigenous knowledge with modern literacy. Today, elders remain vital "knowledge bearers," using compelling storytelling to maintain a "living link" between ancient Nile Valley origins and contemporary society.[98]
Kalenjin Unification
The Kalenjin represent a distinct ethnicity originally classified by scholars and British colonial administrators as the "Nandi-speaking peoples"[99][100]. This collective identity encompasses 21 related sub-tribes located in the Rift Valley of Kenya (including the Kipsigis, Nandi, Pokot, Keiyo, Tugen, Marakwet, Sabaot, Terik, Ogiek, Lembus, Sengwer, Cherangany, Arror, Lembus, Ogiek, Endorois, Terik, Samor, Sengwer, Endo, and Senger). Additionally, 1,553,057 individuals identified simply as ethnically "Kalenjin" without specifying a sub-tribe under the broader Kalenjin umbrella per 2019 KNBS report.[101] The Nandi and Kipsigis were the most prominent, and because they were the largest groups and the most dominant militarily during the early colonial period, their name was used for the entire group.[102]
In 1944, a club of fourteen "Nandi-speaking" students at Alliance High School, led by Taaitta Arap Toweett, proposed and adopted the name "Kalenjin" for their group.[103] At the time, these students were a distinct minority at the school, and the term served as a means to foster a shared identity and solidarity.[104]
The name "Kalenjin" is a Nandi expression meaning "I tell you" had already gained currency during World War II through the influence of John Arap Chemallan.[105] A prominent radio broadcaster, Chemallan frequently used "Kalenjin" (or the plural "Kalenjok") as a catchphrase in his vernacular programmes for African soldiers. His popularity was so significant that Nandi and Kipsigis servicemen began adopting the term as a collective identity[16] on the battlefield.[106]This burgeoning identity was formally consolidated in 1948 with the founding of the Kalenjin Union in Eldoret. That same year, due to his leadership and literacy, Chemallan was nominated by Governor Philip Mitchell to the Legislative Council (LegCo) to represent the Rift Valley, later serving as a Parliamentary Secretary for Agriculture. The transition from "Nandi-speaking peoples" to "Kalenjin" in the 1940s and 1950s was a deliberate move to solidify the groups into a major ethnic and political power in Kenya.[107]
Ethnographic Records: Yale University’s eHRAF World Cultures provides an Okiek/Kalenjin summary that explains the linguistic relationships and the former "Nandi-speaking" classification used by colonial administrators.[108]
Y-DNA
A weighted analysis of Y-chromosome data across Kalenjin subgroups reveals a complex paternal landscape. The most frequent paternal lineage observed was Haplogroup E1b1b (M35), found in 32.6% of the studied Kalenjin men; this marker is associated with Afro-Asiatic (Cushitic) influence and indicates significant historical contact with Southern Cushitic populations in the Rift Valley. The second most prevalent lineage was Haplogroup E-M41, observed in 30.3% of the samples, which serves as a primary genetic marker for Highland Nilotic groups also common among the Nilo-Saharan populations of Ethiopia.16.0% of tested Kalenjin men carried Haplogroup E-M2, a lineage dominant among Bantu-speaking populations, suggesting substantial intermarriage and gene flow with neighboring Bantu groups. Furthermore, Haplogroup B-M60 was observed in 9.1% of the samples, representing ancient indigenous hunter-gatherer lineages, while Haplogroup A-M13 (A3b2), common among other Nilotic peoples like the Maasai and Dinka, was found in 5.7% of the Kalenjin participants. Smaller frequencies of E-P2 (4.6%) and F-M89 (1.7%) were also recorded.
Recent history
Demographics
According to Kenya's 2019 census, Kalenjin people number 6,358,113 individuals, making it the third-largest ethnic group in Kenya after the Kikuyu and the Luhya.[9]
The Kalenjin community contributes significantly to the Kenyan economy, primarily through leadership in agriculture, global sports tourism, and public sector representation. Their economic footprint is most visible in the Rift Valley region of Kenya, where they engage in a mix of large-scale commercial farming and pastoralism, providing a steady supply of beef and dairy products to the national market. As farmers, they cultivate grains such as maize and wheat and, to a lesser extent, sorghum and millet or practice a pastoralist lifestyle; rearing beef, goats and sheep for meat production. Equally large numbers practice a combination of both farming and livestock (often dairy cattle) rearing.[109] The counties of Uasin Gishu, Trans Nzoia and Nakuru are often referred to as Kenya's grain-basket counties and are responsible for supplying much of the country's grain requirements. The Kalenjin-dominated counties of , , and are known as Kenya's "grain basket" for their massive production of maize and wheat.
As Global Export Earners, The Kale community is central to the tea industry, particularly in the Kericho and Nandi highlands, which helps maintain Kenya's status as a leading global tea exporter.
Meat products from the northern areas of West Pokot and Baringo are particularly appreciated for their flavor and are favored in the Rift for the preparation of nyama choma.[110]
A significant number of Kalenjin have moved to Kenya's cities where large numbers are employed in the Kenyan Government, the Army, Police Force, the banking and finance industry as well as in business.
Politics
Wheat plantation in Uasin Gishu
Since independence, Kenyan politics have largely been dominated by two tribal groups (Kikuyu & Kalenjin). Since Kenya became a republic in 1964, these two groups have held the top seats. Meanwhile, all of Kenya’s other 40+ ethnic groups — including the other big five Luo, Luhya, and Kamba will have held the presidency for a grand total of zero years. The conversation around the "National Cake" and political representation is reaching a fever pitch. If President William Ruto secures and completes a second term through 2032, the history books will record a remarkable statistic: a near-perfect 50/50 split of power. The Kalenjin ethnic group would have held the Kenyan presidency for approximately one year longer than the Kikuyu (~33.4 years) group in total years since independence. Kenya's second and longest-serving president to date was Daniel Toroitich Araap Moi who was Tugen and is unlikely to be outmatched. Kenya's incumbent president, Dr. William Samoei Araap Ruto, is also Kalenjin, coming from the Nandi ethnicity.
In 2007, a disputed presidential election in Kenya triggered a two-month political crisis marked by widespread violence, resulting in the deaths of over a thousand people and the displacement of nearly seven hundred thousand. Much of the unrest unfolded along ethnic lines, particularly in the Rift Valley, where members of various communities—including Kalenjin warriors—were involved in attacks and reprisals. According to Gabrielle Lynch (2011), what distinguishes this episode from other instances of ethnic conflict is the relatively recent formation of the broader Kalenjin identity, because the collective ethnonym 'Kalenjin' did not exist before 1940[111]though the community remained culturally and linguistically connected.
The Kalenjin have a long history of nomadic herding, though many groups especially the highland Kipsigis and Nandi now rely on farming.[112] Contemporary Kalenjin culture is a product of its heritage, the suite of cultural adoptions of the British colonial period and modern Kenyan identity from which it borrows and adds to.
Language
The Kalenjin speak Kalenjin languages as mother tongues. The language grouping belongs to the Nilotic family. The majority of Kalenjin speakers are found in Kenya with smaller populations in Tanzania (e.g., Akie) and Uganda (e.g., Kupsabiny).[113]
Kiswahili and English, Kenyan national and official languages respectively, are widely spoken as second and third languages by most Kalenjin speakers and as first and second languages by some Kalenjin.[109]
The Kalenjin traditionally had two primary names for the individual though in contemporary times a Christian or Arabic name is also given at birth such that most Kalenjin today have three names with the patronym Arap in some cases being acquired later in life e.g. Alfred Kirwa Yego and Daniel Toroitch arap Moi.[114]
The initiation process is a key component of Kalenjin identity. Among males, the circumcision (yatitaet) and initiation (tumdo) process is seen as signifying one's transition from boyhood to manhood and is taken very seriously.[115] On the whole, the process still occurs during a boys pre-teen/early teenage years though significant differences are emerging in practice. Much esotericism is still attended to in the traditional practice of initiation and there was great uproar amongst Kalenjin elders in 2013 when aspects of the tradition were openly inquired into at the International Court.[116] Conversely a number of contemporary Kalenjin have the circumcision process carried out in hospital as a standard surgical procedure and various models of the learning process have emerged to complement the modern practice. For orthodox, urban and Christian traditions the use of ibinwek is in decline and the date has been moved from the traditional September/October festive season to December to coincide with the Kenyan school calendar.
The female circumcision process is perceived negatively in the modern world (see: FGM) and various campaigns are being carried out with the intention of eradicating the practice among the Kalenjin.[117] A notable anti-FGM crusader is Hon. Linah Jebii Kilimo.
Marriage
The contemporary Kalenjin wedding has fewer ceremonies than it did traditionally and they often, though not always, occur on different days;[118]
During the first ceremony, the proposal/show-up (kaayaaet'ap koito), the young man who wants to marry, informs his parents of his intention and they in turn tell their relatives often as part of discussing suitability of the pairing. If they approve, they will go to the girls family for a show-up and to request for the girl's hand in marriage. The parents are usually accompanied by aunts, uncles or even grandparents and the request is often couched as an apology to the prospective brides parents for seeking to take their daughter away from them. If her family agrees to let them have their daughter, a date for a formal engagement is agreed upon. Other than initiating it, the intended groom and prospective bride play no part in this ceremony.[119]
During the second ceremony, the formal engagement (koito), the bridegroom's family goes to the bride's home to officially meet her family. The groom's family which includes aunts, uncles, grandparents, etc. are invited into a room for extensive introductions and dowry negotiations. After the negotiations, a ceremony is held where the bridegroom and bride are given advice on family life by older relatives from both families. Usually, symbolic gifts and presents are given to the couple during this ceremony.[119] The koito is usually quite colorful and sometimes bears resemblance to a wedding ceremony and it is indeed gaining prominence as the key event since the kaayaaet'ap koito is sometimes merged with it and at other times the tunisiet is foregone in favor of it.[120]
The third ceremony, the wedding (tunisiet), is a big ceremony whereas many relations, neighbors, friends and business partners are invited. In modern iterations, this ceremony often follows the pattern of a regular Western wedding; it is usually held in church, where rings are exchanged, is officiated by a pastor and followed by a reception.[119]
Almost all modern Kalenjin are members of an organised religion with the vast majority being Christian and a few identifying as Muslim.[citation needed]
Elders
The Kalenjin have a council of elders composed of members of the various Kalenjin clans and sub-clans and known as the Myoot Council of Elders. This council was formed in the Kenyan post-independence period.[121][122]
Like all oral societies, the Kalenjin developed a rich collection of folklore. Folk narratives were told to pass on a message and a number featured the Chemosit, known in Marakwet as Chebokeri, the dreaded monster that devoured the brains of disobedient children.[123]
The Legend of Cheptalel is fairly common among the Kipsigis and Nandi and the name was adopted from Kalenjin mythology into modern tradition. The fall of the Long'ole Clan is another popular tale based on a true story and is told to warn against pride. In the story, the Long'ole warriors believing they were the mightiest in the land goaded their distant rivals the Maasai into battle. The Maasai, though at first reluctant eventually attacked wiping out the Long'ole clan.[124]
As with other East African communities, the colonial period Misri myth has over time become popular among the Kalenjin and aspects of it have influenced the direction of folkloric and academic studies.[125]
Arts & crafts
Sotet
The use of arts and crafts form part of Kalenjin culture with decorative bead-work being the most highly developed visual art.[126] The Kalenjin are generally not well known for their handicraft's however, though women do make and locally sell decorated calabashes made from gourds. These gourd calabashes known as sotet are rubbed with oil and adorned with small colored beads and are essentially the same type of calabashes that are used for storing mursik.[127]
Radio, television, and film
Up until the early 21st century, vernacular radio and television stations were essentially banned in Kenya. The liberalization of the media sector in Kenya which began in the 1990s has seen the growth of Kalenjin language content across most modern mediums.[128] This period has seen the establishment of Kalenjin language media companies such as Kass Media Group, a Kenyan radio and television company, as well as Kalenjin language stations within diverse media groups e.g. Chamgei FM (Royal Media Services) and Kitwek FM (Kenya Broadcasting Corporation). There has been a concurrent proliferation of Kalenjin music, television programs and more recently the premier of the first Kalenjin language film, Ngebe Gaa, at the 2019 Eldoret Film Festival.[129]
Music
Contemporary Kalenjin music has long been influenced by the Kipsigis leading to Kericho's perception as a cultural innovation center.[130] Musical innovation and regional styles, however, abound across all Kalenjin speaking areas.[131] Popular musicians include Pastor Joel Kimetto (father of Kalenjin Gospel), Mike Rotich, Emmy Kosgei, Maggy Cheruiyot, Josphat Koech Karanja, Lilian Rotich and Barbra Chepkoech.[132] Msupa S and Kipsang represent an emerging generation of Kalenjin pop musicians.[133] Notable stars who have passed on include Diana Chemutai Musila (Chelele), Junior Kotestes and Weldon Cheruiyot (Kenene).[132]
Ugali with beef and sauce is a common dish of Kalenjin and African Great Lakes cuisine.
Ugali, known in Kalenjin as kimnyet, served with cooked vegetables such as isageek (African cabbage) or sochot (African nightshade), and milk form the staples of the Kalenjin diet. Less often ugali, rice or chapati, is served with roast meat, usually beef or goat, and occasionally chicken. The traditional ugali is made of millet and sorghum and is known as psong'iot. It is considered healthier than ugali made of maize flour (similar to brown bread/white bread) and has seen a resurgence in popularity in tandem with global trends towards healthier eating. The traditional snack moriot (somewhat similar to corn tortillas) is obtained from the crust after cooking ugali and is still quite enjoyed.[137] Similarly, the traditional drink mursik, and honey, both considered delicacies (karise/kariseyuek) for a long time remain quite popular.[138]
Extensive use is made of dairy produce in traditional recipes such as socheek (a vegetable relish made with greens, milk and cream) as well as contemporary meals such as Mcheleng (rice with milk – a creamy smooth dish made as a delicacy for children but usually enjoyed by the entire family) and Bean stew with milk and cream.[139]
Combination dishes/mixtures while not considered traditionally Kalenjin are encountered in more cosmopolitan areas. The most common of these is kwankwaniek, a mixture of maize and beans boiled together (githeri).
Milk or tea may be drunk by adults and children with any meal or snack. Tea (chaiik) averages 40% milk by volume and is usually liberally sweetened. If no milk is available tea may be drunk black with sugar though taking tea without milk is considered genuine hardship.[140]
In addition to bread, people routinely buy foodstuffs such as sugar, tea leaves, cooking fat, sodas, and other items that they do not produce themselves.[141]
Health & science
Traditional Kalenjin knowledge was fairly comprehensive in the study and usage of plants for medicinal purposes and a significant trend among some contemporary Kalenjin scientists is the study of this aspect of traditional knowledge.[142] In more recent times, commercial enterprises have started blending and packaging traditional herbal remedies for the urban Kenyan market. Most noted of these is Harriet's Botanicals which packages Arorwet and Tendwet alternative remedies and distributes them via a number of shops spread across the country.[143][144]
The Kalenjin have been called by some "the running tribe." Since the mid-1960s, Kenyan men have earned the largest share of major honours in international athletics at distances from 800 meters to the marathon; the vast majority of these Kenyan running stars have been Kalenjin.[146] From 1980 on, about 40% of the top honours available to men in international athletics at these distances (Olympic medals, World Championships medals, and World Cross Country Championships honours) have been earned by Kalenjin.
Paul Tergat set a new world record to the marathon at Berlin, 2003.
In 2008, Pamela Jelimo became the first Kenyan woman to win a gold medal at the Olympics; she also became the first Kenyan to win the Golden League jackpot in the same year.[147] Since then, Kenyan women have become a major presence in international athletics at the distances; most of these women are Kalenjin.[146]Amby Burfoot of Runner's World stated that the odds of Kenya achieving the success they did at the 1988 Olympics were below 1:160 billion. Kenya had an even more successful Olympics in 2008.[citation needed]
A number of theories explaining the unusual athletic prowess among people from the Kalenjin-speaking people have been proposed. These include many explanations that apply equally well to other Kenyans or people living elsewhere who are not disproportionately successful athletes, such as that they run to school every day, that they live at relatively high altitude, and that the prize money from races is large compared to typical yearly earnings. One theory is that the Kalenjin have relatively thin legs and therefore do not have to lift as much leg weight when running long distances.[148]
The Kalenjin diaspora numbers in North America is approx. ~20,000[149] residents across the USA and Canada, is primarily organized under Gotabgaa International,[150] a national organization founded in 1993 by Prof. John Rugutt and Amb. Peter Rono. Dedicated to inspiring, connecting, and economically empowering its members through education, networking, and cultural awareness, Gotabgaa operates registered chapters in states with significant populations, including Minnesota, Texas (Dallas and Houston), Kansas (Kansas City and Wichita), North Carolina, Oklahoma, Wisconsin, Ohio, Iowa, and the Washington D.C. area.
Australia is the second leading continent for the Kalenjin diaspora, with an estimated population of 15,000+ residents primarily concentrated in , Western Australia. Most Kalenjin's in Australia live in the city called Perth, which serves as the community's national headquarters. The community is unified through the Kitwek Association Inc,[151] a registered community-based organization dedicated to fostering positive integration, celebrating cultural heritage, and supporting the welfare of Kalenjin migrants across Australia. Through initiatives like "Kitwek Connect" and annual gala events, the association strengthens social bonds and provides essential networking opportunities for its members. Kalenjin people in the diaspora are also located in regions such as Victoria (Melbourne), New South Wales (Sydney), Queensland (Brisbane), and South Australia (Adelaide).
↑Sambu, Kipkoeech Araap (2007). The Kalenjiin people's Egypt origin legend revisited: was Isis Asiis?: a study in comparative religion. Nairobi: Longhorn Publishers. ISBN978-9966-49-919-6.
↑Shinnie, P. L. (1979), Fage, J. D. (ed.), "The Nilotic Sudan and Ethiopia, c. 660 bc to c. ad 600", The Cambridge History of Africa: Volume 2: From c.500 BC to AD 1050, The Cambridge History of Africa, vol.2, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, pp.210–271, ISBN978-0-521-21592-3, retrieved 23 January 2026{{citation}}: CS1 maint: work parameter with ISBN (link)
↑Becker, E. (2011). The prehistoric inhabitants of the Wadi Howar. Germany: Verlag nicht ermittelbar.
↑Dimmendaal, G. J. (2007). Eastern Sudanic and the Wadi Howar and Wadi El Milk diaspora. University of Cologne.
↑Welsby, Derek (1996). The kingdom of Kush: the Napatan and Meroitic empires. London: British Museum Press. p.197.
↑Robertshaw 1987, pp.177–189. sfn error: no target: CITEREFRobertshaw1987 (help)
↑Ehret, Christopher. An African Classical Age: Eastern & Southern Africa in World History 1000 B.C. to A.D. 400. University of Virginia, 1998, pp.161–164
↑Sambu, Kipkoeech Araap (2007). The Kalenjiin people's Egypt origin legend revisited: was Isis Asiis?: a study in comparative religion. Nairobi: Longhorn Publishers. ISBN978-9966-49-919-6.
↑Robertshaw, Peter (1988). "The Elmenteitan: an early food-producing culture in East Africa". World Archaeology. 20: 57–69. doi:10.1080/00438243.1988.9980056.
↑Goldstein, S., Quantifying endscraper reduction in the context of obsidian exchange among early pastoralists in southwestern Kenya, 2014, W.S.Mney & Son, p.5
↑Robertshaw, P., The Elmenteitan; an early food producing culture in East Africa, Taylor & Francis, p.57 online
↑Ehret, C., and Posnansky M., The Archaeological and Linguistic Reconstruction of African History, University of California, 1982 online
↑Ehret, C., History and the Testimony of Language, p.118
12Kyule, David M., 1989, Economy and subsistence of iron age Sirikwa Culture at Hyrax Hill, Nakuru: a zooarcheaological approach p. 211
↑Huntingford, G.W.B (1910). "Local Archaeology in Kenya Colony". The Journal of the East Africa and Uganda Natural History Society. 6–7 (21–27). East Africa and Uganda Natural History Society: 20. Retrieved 20 May 2025.
↑Fadiman, J. (1994). When We Began There Were Witchmen. California: University of California Press. pp.83–89. ISBN978-0-520-08615-9.
↑Wilson, J.G. (1970). "Preliminary Observation on the Oropom People of Karamoja, Their Ethnic Status, Culture And Postulated Relation to the Peoples of the Late Stone Age". The Journal of the Uganda Society. 34 (2): 131.
↑Wilson, J.G. (1970). "Preliminary Observation on the Oropom People of Karamoja, Their Ethnic Status, Culture And Postulated Relation to the Peoples of the Late Stone Age". The Journal of the Uganda Society. 34 (2): 133.
↑Weatherby, John (2012). The Sor Or Tepes of Karamoja (Uganda): Aspects of Their History and Culture. Salamanca: Ediciones Universidad de Salamanca. p.47. ISBN978-84-9012-067-5.
↑Chesaina, C. Oral Literature of the Kalenjin. Heinmann Kenya Ltd, 1991, p. 39
↑Araap Sambu, K., The Misiri Legend Explored: A Linguistic Inquiry into the Kalenjiin Peopleís Oral Tradition of Ancient Egyptian Origin, p.38 online
↑Nandi and Other Kalenjin Peoples, Encyclopedia, retrieved 11 August 2019 online
↑Gall, T. and Hobby, J., Kalenjin, Worldmark Encyclopedia of Cultures and Everyday Life, Volume 1. Africa, 2nd Ed., Gale Cengage Learning online
↑Mitullah, W.; Mudhai, F. O.; Mwangi, S. (April 2015). PiMA Working Paper Series #2: Background Paper: Politics and Interactive Media in Kenya(PDF) (Report). University of Cambridge. p.4. Retrieved 27 April 2021. Public information remained a preserve of government officials who could choose what to communicate or not to communicate to the public. This restricted environment continued until democratic reforms in the 1990s
↑Ndone, James (15 November 2019). "Kalenjin movie premiers in Eldoret". uhondo.co.ke. Archived from the original on 27 April 2021. Retrieved 27 April 2021. The first movie ever produced in Kalenjin is set to hit the screens this weekend, Uhondo can reveal. Ngeba Gaa (Let's go home) highlights...
↑Kipng'eno Rono, Charles (2 January 2019). "Kipchamba Arap Tapotuk's Music: Oral Narratives, (Hi)story and Culture of the Kalenjin People". Eastern African Literary and Cultural Studies. 5 (1): 54–69. doi:10.1080/23277408.2019.1591069. ISSN2327-7408.
1210 Best Kalenjin Musicians: Sweetstar, Msupa S, Chelelel and Junior Kotestes top in the list, Jambo News
↑Kipkore, W., et al, A study of the medicinal plants used by the Marakwet Community in Kenya online
↑"Arorwet: The story of Harriets Botanicals". paukwa.or.ke. paukwa. 30 August 2021. Retrieved 20 March 2023. Harriet's Botanicals has collaborated with local Kenyan communities and herbal practitioners to ensure the sustainability of the production process, and build a cultural archive on Kenyan medicinal herbs including Arorwet (Ekerbegia carpensis) and Tendwet (Prunus africana).
↑"About Us". Kitwek Association WA. Retrieved 23 January 2026.
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Kipchumba Foundation (2017) Aspects of Indigenous Religion among the Marakwet of Kenya, Nairobi: Kipchumba Foundation, ISBN978-1-9732-0939-3ISBN1-9732-0939-X
Omosule, Monone (1989). "Kalenjin: the emergence of a corporate name for the 'Nandi-speaking tribes' of East Africa". Genève-Afrique. 27 (1): 73–88.
Sutton, J.E.G. (1978) 'The Kalenjin', in Ogot, B.A. (ed.) Kenya before 1900, pp.21–52.
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