Uganda, officially the Republic of Uganda, is a landlocked country in East Africa. The country is bordered to the east by Kenya, to the north by South Sudan, to the west by the Democratic Republic of the Congo, to the south-west by Rwanda, and to the south by Tanzania. The southern part of the country includes a portion of Lake Victoria, shared with Kenya and Tanzania. Uganda is in the African Great Lakes region, lies within the Nile basin, and has a varied and generally modified equatorial climate. As of 2023, it has a population of around 49.6 million, of which 8.5 million live in the capital and most populous city of Kampala.
Uganda is named after the Buganda kingdom, which encompasses a portion of the south of the country, including the capital Kampala, and whose language Luganda is spoken throughout the country. From 1894, the area was ruled as a protectorate by the United Kingdom, which established administrative law across the territory. Uganda gained independence from the UK on 9 October 1962. The period since then has been marked by violent conflicts, including an 8-year-long military dictatorship led by Idi Amin. President Yoweri Kaguta Museveni took power in January 1986 after a protracted 6-year guerrilla war. Following constitutional amendments that removed term limits for the president, they were able to stand and was elected president in the 2011, 2016 and 2021 general elections.
The official language is English, while the Constitution states that "any other language may be used as a medium of instruction in schools or other educational institutions or for legislative, administrative, or judicial purposes as may be prescribed by law." Luganda, a central region-based language, is spoken across the Central and South Eastern regions of the country, and other languages are spoken including Ateso, Lango, Acholi, Runyoro, Runyankole, Rukiga, Luo, Rutooro, Samia, Jopadhola, and Lusoga. In 2005 Swahili, which is foreign and so viewed as being neutral, was proposed as Uganda's second official language.
Some Luo invaded the area of Bunyoro and assimilated with the Bantu society there, establishing the Babiito dynasty of the current Omukama (ruler) of Bunyoro-Kitara.[12]
Arab traders moved into the land from the Indian Ocean coast of East Africa in the 1830s for trade and commerce.[13] In the late 1860s, Bunyoro in Mid-Western Uganda found itself threatened from the north by Egyptian-sponsored agents.[14] Unlike the Arab traders from the East African coast who sought trade, these agents were promoting foreign conquest. In 1869, KhediveIsmail Pasha of Egypt, seeking to annex the territories north of the borders of Lake Victoria and east of Lake Albert and "south of Gondokoro,"[15] sent a British explorer, Samuel Baker, on a military expedition to the frontiers of Northern Uganda, with the objective of suppressing the slave-trade there and opening the way to commerce and "civilization." The Banyoro resisted Baker, who had to fight a desperate battle to secure his retreat. Baker regarded the resistance as an act of treachery, and he denounced the Banyoro in a book (Ismailia – A Narrative Of The Expedition To Central Africa For The Suppression Of Slave Trade, Organised By Ismail, Khadive Of Egypt (1874))[15] that was widely read in Britain. Later, the British arrived in Uganda with a predisposition against the kingdom of Bunyoro and sided with the kingdom of Buganda. This would eventually cost Bunyoro half of its territory, which was given to Buganda as a reward from the British. Two of the numerous "lost counties" were restored to Bunyoro after independence.
In the 1860s, while Arabs sought influence from the north, British explorers searching for the source of the Nile[16] arrived in Uganda. They were followed by British Anglican missionaries who arrived in the kingdom of Buganda in 1877 and French Catholic missionaries in 1879. This situation gave rise to the death of the Uganda Martyrs in 1885—after the conversion of Muteesa I and much of his court, and the succession of his anti-Christian son Mwanga.[17]
From 1886, there was a series of religious wars in Buganda, initially between Muslims and Christians and then, from 1890, between "ba-Ingleza" Protestants and "ba-Fransa" Catholics, factions named after the imperial powers with which they were aligned.[19][20] Because of civil unrest and financial burdens, IBEAC claimed that it was unable to "maintain their occupation" in the region.[21] British commercial interests were ardent to protect the trade route of the Nile, which prompted the British government to annex Buganda and adjoining territories to create the Uganda Protectorate in 1894.[18]:3–4[22]
In 1894, the Uganda Protectorate was established, and the territory was extended beyond the borders of Buganda by signing more treaties with the other kingdoms (Toro in 1900,[24]Ankole in 1901, and Bunyoro in 1933[25]) to an area that roughly corresponds to that of present-day Uganda.[26]
The status of Protectorate had significantly different consequences for Uganda than had the region been made a colony like neighboring Kenya, insofar as Uganda retained a degree of self-government that would have otherwise been limited under a full colonial administration.[27]
In the 1890s, 32,000 labourers from British India were recruited to East Africa under indentured labour contracts to construct the Uganda Railway.[28] Most of the surviving Indians returned home, but 6,724 decided to remain in East Africa after the line's completion.[29] Subsequently, some became traders and took control of cotton ginning and sartorial retail.[30]
From 1900 to 1920, a sleeping sickness epidemic in the southern part of Uganda, along the north shores of Lake Victoria, killed more than 250,000 people.[31]
The first post-independence election, held in 1962, was won by an alliance between the Uganda People's Congress (UPC) and Kabaka Yekka (KY). UPC and KY formed the first post-independence government with Milton Obote as executive prime minister, with the Buganda Kabaka (King) Edward Muteesa II holding the largely ceremonial position of president.[32][33]
Uganda's immediate post-independence years were dominated by the relationship between the central government and the largest regional kingdom – Buganda.[34]
From the moment the British created the Uganda protectorate, the issue of how to manage the largest monarchy within the framework of a unitary state had always been a problem. Colonial governors had failed to come up with a formula that worked. This was further complicated by Buganda's nonchalant attitude to its relationship with the central government. Buganda never sought independence but rather appeared to be comfortable with a loose arrangement that guaranteed them privileges above the other subjects within the protectorate or a special status when the British left. This was evidenced in part by hostilities between the British colonial authorities and Buganda prior to independence.[35]
Within Buganda, there were divisions – between those who wanted the Kabaka to remain a dominant monarch and those who wanted to join with the rest of Uganda to create a modern secular state. The split resulted in the creation of two dominant Buganda based parties – the Kabaka Yekka (Kabaka Only) KY, and the Democratic Party (DP) that had roots in the Catholic Church. The bitterness between these two parties was extremely intense especially as the first elections for the post-Colonial parliament approached. The Kabaka particularly disliked the DP leader, Benedicto Kiwanuka.[36]
Outside Buganda, a soft-spoken politician from Northern Uganda, Milton Obote, had forged an alliance of non-Buganda politicians to form the Uganda People's Congress (UPC). The UPC at its heart was dominated by politicians who wanted to rectify what they saw as the regional inequality that favoured Buganda's special status. This drew in substantial support from outside Buganda. The party however remained a loose alliance of interests, but Obote showed great skill at negotiating them into a common ground based on a federal formula.[37]
The Uganda printers building on Kampala Road, Kampala, Uganda
At Independence, the Buganda question remained unresolved. Uganda was one of the few colonial territories that achieved independence without a dominant political party with a clear majority in parliament. In the pre-Independence elections, the UPC ran no candidates in Buganda and won 37 of the 61 directly elected seats (outside Buganda). The DP won 24 seats outside Buganda. The "special status" granted to Buganda meant that the 21 Buganda seats were elected by proportional representation reflecting the elections to the Buganda parliament – the Lukikko. KY won a resounding victory over DP, winning all 21 seats.
The UPC reached a high at the end of 1964 when the leader of the DP in parliament, Basil Kiiza Bataringaya, crossed the parliamentary floor with five other MPs, leaving DP with only nine seats. The DP MPs were not particularly happy that the hostility of their leader, Benedicto Kiwanuka, towards the Kabaka was hindering their chances of compromise with KY.[38] The trickle of defections turned into a flood when 10 KY members crossed the floor when they realised the formal coalition with the UPC was no longer viable. Obote's charismatic speeches across the country were sweeping all before him, and the UPC was winning almost every local election held and increasing its control over all district councils and legislatures outside Buganda.[39] The response from the Kabaka was mute – probably content in his ceremonial role and symbolism in his part of the country. However, there were also major divisions within his palace that made it difficult for him to act effectively against Obote. By the time Uganda had become independent, Buganda "was a divided house with contending social and political forces"[40] There were however problems brewing inside the UPC. As its ranks swelled, the ethnic, religious, regional, and personal interests began to shake the party. The party's apparent strength was eroded in a complex sequence of factional conflicts in its central and regional structures. And by 1966, the UPC was tearing itself apart. The conflicts were further intensified by the newcomers who had crossed the parliamentary floor from DP and KY.[41]
The UPC delegates arrived in Gulu in 1964 for their delegates conference. Here was the first demonstration as to how Obote was losing control of his party. The battle over the Secretary-General of the party was a bitter contest between the new moderate's candidate – Grace Ibingira and the radical John Kakonge. Ibingira subsequently became the symbol of the opposition to Obote within the UPC. This is an important factor when looking at the subsequent events that led to the crisis between Buganda and the Central government. For those outside the UPC (including KY supporters), this was a sign that Obote was vulnerable. Keen observers realised the UPC was not a cohesive unit.[42]
The collapse of the UPC-KY alliance openly revealed the dissatisfaction Obote and others had about Buganda's "special status". In 1964, the government responded to demands from some parts of the vast Buganda Kingdom that they were not the Kabaka's subjects. Prior to colonial rule, Buganda had been rivalled by the neighbouring Bunyoro kingdom. Buganda had conquered parts of Bunyoro and the British colonialists had formalised this in the Buganda Agreements. Known as the "lost counties", the people in these areas wished to revert to being part of Bunyoro. Obote decided to allow a referendum, which angered the Kabaka and most of the rest of Buganda. The residents of the counties voted to return to Bunyoro despite the Kabaka's attempts to influence the vote.[43] Having lost the referendum, KY opposed the bill to pass the counties to Bunyoro, thus ending the alliance with the UPC.
The tribal nature of Ugandan politics was also manifesting itself in government. The UPC which had previously been a national party began to break along tribal lines when Ibingira challenged Obote in the UPC. The "North/South" ethnic divide that had been evident in economic and social spheres now entrenched itself in politics. Obote surrounded himself with mainly northern politicians – A. A. Neykon, Felix Onama, Alex Ojera – while Ibingira's supporters who were subsequently arrested and jailed with him, were mainly from the South – George Magezi, B. Kirya, Matthias Ngobi. In time, the two factions acquired ethnic labels – "Bantu" (the mainly Southern Ibingira faction) and "Nilotic" (the mainly Northern Obote faction). The perception that the government was at war with the Bantu was further enhanced when Obote arrested and imprisoned the mainly Bantu ministers who backed Ibingira.[44]
These labels brought into the mix two very powerful influences. First Buganda – the people of Buganda are Bantu and therefore naturally aligned to the Ibingira faction. The Ibingira faction further advanced this alliance by accusing Obote of wanting to overthrow the Kabaka.[44] They were now aligned to opposing Obote. Second – the security forces – the British colonialists had recruited the army and police almost exclusively from Northern Uganda due to their perceived suitability for these roles. At independence, the army and police was dominated by northern tribes – mainly Nilotic. They would now feel more affiliated to Obote, and he took full advantage of this to consolidate his power. In April 1966, Obote passed out eight hundred new army recruits at Moroto, of whom seventy percent came from the Northern Region.[45]
At the time there was a tendency to perceive central government and security forces as dominated by "northerners" – particularly the Acholi who through the UPC had significant access to government positions at national level.[46] In northern Uganda there were also varied degrees of anti-Buganda feelings, particularly over the kingdom's "special status" before and after independence, and all the economic and social benefits that came with this status. "Obote brought significant numbers of northerners into the central state, both through the civil service and military, and created a patronage machine in Northern Uganda".[46] However, both "Bantu" and "Nilotic" labels represent significant ambiguities. The Bantu category for example includes both Buganda and Bunyoro – historically bitter rivals. The Nilotic label includes the Lugbara, Acholi, and Langi, all of whom have bitter rivalries that were to define Uganda's military politics later. Despite these ambiguities, these events unwittingly brought to fore the northerner/southerner political divide which to some extent still influences Ugandan politics.
The UPC fragmentation continued as opponents sensed Obote's vulnerability. At local level where the UPC dominated most councils discontent began to challenge incumbent council leaders. Even in Obote's home district, attempts were made to oust the head of the local district council in 1966. A more worrying fact for the UPC was that the next national elections loomed in 1967 – and without the support of KY (who were now likely to back the DP), and the growing factionalism in the UPC, there was the real possibility that the UPC would be out of power in months.
Obote went after KY with a new act of parliament in early 1966 that blocked any attempt by KY to expand outside Buganda. KY appeared to respond in parliament through one of their few remaining MPs, the terminally ill Daudi Ochieng. Ochieng was an irony – although from Northern Uganda, he had risen high in the ranks of KY and become a close confidant to the Kabaka who had gifted him with large land titles in Buganda. In Obote's absence from Parliament, Ochieng laid bare the illegal plundering of ivory and gold from the Congo that had been orchestrated by Obote's army chief of staff, Colonel Idi Amin. He further alleged that Obote, Onama and Neykon had all benefited from the scheme.[47] Parliament overwhelmingly voted in favour of a motion to censure Amin and investigate Obote's involvement. This shook the government and raised tensions in the country.
KY further demonstrated its ability to challenge Obote from within his party at the UPC Buganda conference where Godfrey Binaisa (the Attorney General) was ousted by a faction believed to have the backing of KY, Ibingira and other anti-Obote elements in Buganda.[40] Obote's response was to arrest Ibingira and other ministers at a cabinet meeting and to assume special powers in February 1966. In March 1966, Obote also announced that the offices of President and vice-president would cease to exist – effectively dismissing the Kabaka. Obote also gave Amin more power – giving him the Army Commander position over the previous holder (Opolot) who had relations to Buganda through marriage (possibly believing Opolot would be reluctant to take military action against the Kabaka if it came to that). Obote abolished the constitution and effectively suspended elections due in a few months. Obote went on television and radio to accuse the Kabaka of various offences including requesting foreign troops which appears to have been explored by the Kabaka following the rumours of Amin plotting a coup. Obote further dismantled the authority of the Kabaka by announcing among other measures:
The abolition of independent public service commissions for federal units. This removed the Kabaka's authority to appoint civil servants in Buganda.
The abolition of the Buganda High Court – removing any judicial authority the Kabaka had.
The bringing of Buganda financial management under further central control.
Abolition of lands for Buganda chiefs. Land is one of the key sources of Kabaka's power over his subjects.
The lines were now drawn for a show down between Buganda and the Central government. Historians may argue about whether this could have been avoided through compromise. This was unlikely as Obote now felt emboldened and saw the Kabaka as weak. Indeed, by accepting the presidency four years earlier and siding with the UPC, the Kabaka had divided his people and taken the side of one against the other. Within Buganda's political institutions, rivalries driven by religion and personal ambition made the institutions ineffective and unable to respond to the central government moves. The Kabaka was often regarded as aloof and unresponsive to advice from the younger Buganda politicians who better understood the new post-Independence politics, unlike the traditionalists who were ambivalent to what was going on as long as their traditional benefits were maintained. The Kabaka favoured the neo-traditionalists.[48]
In May 1966, the Kabaka made his move. He asked for foreign help, and the Buganda parliament demanded that the Uganda government leave Buganda (including the capital, Kampala). In response Obote ordered Idi Amin to attack the Kabaka's palace. The battle for the Kabaka's palace was fierce – the Kabaka's guards putting up more resistance than had been expected. The British trained Captain – the Kabaka with about 120 armed men kept Idi Amin at bay for twelve hours.[49] It is estimated that up to 2,000 people died in the battle which ended when the army called in heavier guns and overran the palace. The anticipated countryside uprising in Buganda did not materialise and a few hours later a beaming Obote met the press to relish his victory. The Kabaka escaped over the palace walls and was transported into exile in London by supporters. He died there three years later.
1966–1971 (before the coup)
In 1966, following a power struggle between the Obote-led government and King Muteesa, Obote suspended the constitution and removed the ceremonial president and vice-president. In 1967, a new constitution proclaimed Uganda a republic and abolished the traditional kingdoms. Obote was declared the president.[17]
After a military coup on 25 January 1971, Obote was deposed from power and General Idi Amin seized control of the country. Amin ruled Uganda as dictator with the support of the military for the next eight years.[50] He carried out mass killings within the country to maintain his rule. An estimated 80,000–500,000 Ugandans died during his regime.[51] Aside from his brutalities, he forcibly removed the entrepreneurial Indian minority from Uganda.[52] In June 1976, Palestinian terrorists hijacked an Air France flight and forced it to land at Entebbe airport. One hundred of the 250 passengers originally on board were held hostage until an Israeli commando raid rescued them ten days later.[53] Amin's reign was ended after the Uganda-Tanzania War in 1979, in which Tanzanian forces aided by Ugandan exiles invaded Uganda.
In 1980, the Ugandan Bush War broke out resulting in Yoweri Museveni became president since his forces toppled the previous regime in January 1986.[55]
Political parties in Uganda were restricted in their activities beginning that year, in a measure ostensibly designed to reduce sectarian violence. In the non-party "Movement" system instituted by Museveni, political parties continued to exist, but they could operate only a headquarters office. They could not open branches, hold rallies, or field candidates directly (although electoral candidates could belong to political parties). A constitutional referendum cancelled this nineteen-year ban on multi-party politics in July 2005.
In 1993, Pope John Paul II visited Uganda during his 6-day pastoral trip to urge Ugandans to seek reconciliation. During mass celebrations, he paid homage to the slain Christian martyrs.
In the mid-to-late 1990s, Museveni was lauded by western countries as part of a new generation of African leaders.[56]
His presidency has been marred, however, by invading and occupying the Democratic Republic of the Congo during the Second Congo War, resulting in an estimated 5.4 million deaths since 1998, and by participating in other conflicts in the Great Lakes region of Africa. He has struggled for years in the civil war against the Lord's Resistance Army, which has been guilty of numerous crimes against humanity, including child slavery, the Atiak massacre, and other mass murders. Conflict in northern Uganda has killed thousands and displaced millions.[57]
Parliament abolished presidential term limits in 2005, allegedly because Museveni used public funds to pay US$2,000 to each member of parliament who supported the measure.[58] Presidential elections were held in February 2006. Museveni ran against several candidates, the most prominent of them being Kizza Besigye.
On 20 February 2011, the Uganda Electoral Commission declared the incumbent president Yoweri Kaguta Museveni the winning candidate of the 2011 elections that were held on 18 February 2011. The opposition however, were not satisfied with the results, condemning them as full of sham and rigging. According to the official results, Museveni won with 68 percent of the votes. This easily topped his nearest challenger, Besigye, who had been Museveni's physician and told reporters that he and his supporters "downrightly snub" the outcome as well as the unremitting rule of Museveni or any person he may appoint. Besigye added that the rigged elections would definitely lead to an illegitimate leadership and that it is up to Ugandans to critically analyse this. The European Union's Election Observation Mission reported on improvements and flaws of the Ugandan electoral process: "The electoral campaign and polling day were conducted in a peaceful manner. However, the electoral process was marred by avoidable administrative and logistical failures that led to an unacceptable number of Ugandan citizens being disfranchised."[59]
Since August 2012, hacktivist group Anonymous has threatened Ugandan officials and hacked official government websites over its anti-gay bills.[60] Some international donors have threatened to cut financial aid to the country if anti-gay bills continue.[61]
Indicators of a plan for succession by the president's son, Muhoozi Kainerugaba, have increased tensions.[62][63][64][65]
President Yoweri Museveni has ruled the country since 1986 and he was latest re-elected in January 2021 presidential elections.[66] According to official results Museveni won the elections with 58% of the vote while popstar-turned-politician Bobi Wine had 35%. The opposition challenged the result because of allegations of widespread fraud and irregularities.[67][68] Another opposition candidate was 24 year old John Katumba.[69]
Most of the south of the country is influenced by Lake Victoria, which contains islands. Some cities are located in the south, near this lake, including the capital Kampala[70][71][72] and the nearby city of Entebbe.[73]Lake Kyoga is in the centre of the country and is surrounded by marshy areas.[74]
Besides Lakes Victoria and Kyoga, there are Lake Albert, Lake Edward, and the smaller Lake George.[73] It lies almost completely within the Nile basin. The Victoria Nile drains from Lake Victoria into Lake Kyoga and thence into Lake Albert on the Congolese border. It then runs northwards into South Sudan. An area in eastern Uganda is drained by the Suam River, part of the internal drainage basin of Lake Turkana. The extreme north-eastern part of Uganda drains into the Lotikipi Basin, which is primarily in Kenya.[73]
Uganda is home to a population of mountain gorillas in the Bwindi Impenetrable National Park, gorillas and golden monkeys in the Mgahinga Gorilla National Park, and hippos in the Murchison Falls National Park.[76]Jackfruit can be found throughout the country.[77]
The parliament is formed by the National Assembly, which has 449 members. These include 290 constituency representatives, 116 district woman representatives, 10 representatives of the Uganda Peoples Defense Forces, 5 representatives of the youth, 5 representatives of workers, 5 representatives of persons with disabilities, and 18 ex officio members.[79]
Uganda is a member of the East African Community (EAC), along with Kenya, Tanzania, Rwanda, Burundi, and South Sudan. According to the East African Common Market Protocol of 2010, the free trade and free movement of people is guaranteed, including the right to reside in another member country for purposes of employment. Uganda is a founding member of the Intergovernmental Authority on Development (IGAD), an 8-country bloc including governments from the Horn of Africa, Nile Valley, and the African Great Lakes.[80] Its headquarters are in Djibouti City. Uganda is a member of the Organization of Islamic Cooperation.[81]
U.S. President George W. Bush met with President Yoweri Museveni in Entebbe, Uganda, 11 July 2003.
In 2016, Uganda ranked 151st best out of 176 and had a score of 25 on a scale from 0 (perceived as most corrupt) to 100 (perceived as clean).[82]
The World Bank's 2015 Worldwide Governance Indicators ranked Uganda in the worst 12 percentile of all countries.[83] According to the United States Department of State's 2012 Human Rights Report on Uganda, "The World Bank's most recent Worldwide Governance Indicators reflected corruption was a severe problem" and that "the country annually loses 768.9 billion shillings ($286 million) to corruption."[64]
Ugandan parliamentarians in 2014 earned 60 times what was earned by most state employees, and they sought a major increase. This caused criticism and protests, including the smuggling of 2 piglets into the parliament in June 2014 to highlight corruption amongst members of parliament. The protesters, who were arrested, used the word "MPigs" to highlight their grievance.[84]
A specific scandal, which had international consequences and highlighted the presence of corruption in government offices, was the embezzlement of $12.6 million of donor funds from the Office of the Prime Minister in 2012. These funds were "earmarked as crucial support for rebuilding northern Uganda, ravaged by a 20-year war, and Karamoja, Uganda's poorest region." This scandal prompted the EU, the United Kingdom, Germany, Denmark, Ireland, and Norway to suspend aid.[85]
Grand and petty corruption involving public officials and political patronage systems have affected the investment climate. 1 of the corruption risk areas is the public procurement in which non-transparent under-the-table cash payments are demanded from procurement officers.[86]
What may ultimately compound this problem is the availability of oil. The Petroleum Bill, passed by parliament in 2012 and touted by NRM as bringing transparency to the oil sector, has failed to please domestic and international political commentators and economists. For instance, Angelo Izama, a Ugandan energy analyst at the US-based Open Society Foundation said the law was tantamount to "handing over an ATM (cash) machine" to Museveni and his regime.[87] According to Global Witness in 2012, a non-governmental organisation devoted to international law, Uganda has "oil reserves that have the potential to double the government's revenue within six to ten years, worth an estimated US $2.4 billion per year."[88]
The Non-Governmental Organizations (Amendment) Act, passed in 2006, has stifled the productivity of NGOs through erecting barriers to entry, activity, funding and assembly within the sector. Burdensome and corrupt registration procedures (i.e. requiring recommendations from government officials; annual re-registration), unreasonable regulation of operations (i.e. requiring government notification prior to making contact with individuals in NGO's area of interest), and the precondition that all foreign funds be passed through the Bank of Uganda, among other things, are limiting the output of the NGO sector. Furthermore, the sector's freedom of speech has been continually infringed upon through the use of intimidation, and the Public Order Management Bill (limiting freedom of assembly) will add to the government's stockpile of ammunition.[89]
The number of internally displaced persons is estimated at 1.4million. Attacks on political freedom in the country, including the arrest and beating of opposition members of parliament, have led to international criticism, culminating in May 2005 in a decision by the British government to withhold part of its aid to the country. The arrest of the main opposition leader Kizza Besigye and the siege of the High Court during a hearing of Besigye's case by security forces – before the February 2006 elections – led to condemnation.[90]
The US Committee for Refugees and Immigrants reported several violations of refugee rights in 2007, including forcible deportations by the Ugandan government and violence directed against refugees.[92]
Torture and extrajudicial killings have been a problem in years. For instance, according to a 2012 US State Department report, "the African Center for Treatment and Rehabilitation for Torture Victims registered 170 allegations of torture against police, 214 against the UPDF, 1 against military police, 23 against the Special Investigations Unit, 361 against unspecified security personnel, and 24 against prison officials" between January and September 2012.[64]
In September 2009, Museveni refused Kabaka Muwenda Mutebi, the Baganda king, permission to visit some areas of Buganda Kingdom, particularly the Kayunga district. Riots occurred and over 40 people were killed while others still remain imprisoned. Furthermore, 9 more people were killed during the April 2011 "Walk to Work" demonstrations. According to the Humans Rights Watch 2013 World Report on Uganda, the government has failed to investigate the killings associated with both of these events.[93]
In 2009, the Ugandan parliament considered an Anti-Homosexuality Bill which would have broadened the criminalisation of homosexuality by introducing the death penalty for people who have previous convictions, or are HIV-positive, and engage in same-sex sexual acts. The bill included provisions for Ugandans who engage in same-sex sexual relations outside of Uganda, asserting that they may be extradited back to Uganda for punishment, and included penalties for individuals, companies, media organisations, or non-governmental organizations that support legal protection for homosexuality or sodomy. On 14 October 2009, MP David Bahati submitted the private member's bill, and was believed to have had widespread support in the Uganda parliament.[101] The hacktivist group Anonymous hacked into Ugandan government websites in protest of the bill.[102] In response to global condemnation the debate of the bill was delayed, and it was eventually passed on 20 December 2013 and President Museveni signed it on 24 February 2014. The death penalty was dropped in the final legislation. The law was condemned by the international community. Denmark, the Netherlands, and Sweden said they would withhold aid. On 28 February 2014 the World Bank said it would postpone a US$90 million loan, while the United States said it was reviewing ties with Uganda.[103] On 1 August 2014, the Constitutional Court of Uganda ruled the bill invalid as it was not passed with the required quorum.[104][105][106] A 13 August 2014 news report said that the Ugandan attorney general had dropped all plans to appeal, per a directive from President Museveni who was concerned about foreign reaction to the bill and who said that any newly introduced bill should not criminalise same-sex relationships between consenting adults.[107]
On 21 March 2023, the Ugandan parliament passed a bill that would make identifying as homosexual punishable by life in prison and the death penalty for anyone found guilty of "aggravated homosexuality."[108][109] On March 9, 2023 Asuman Basalirwa, a member of parliament since 2018 from the opposition representing Bugiri Municipality on Justice Forum party ticket tabled a proposed law which seeks out to castigate gay sex and "the promotion or recognition of such relations" and he made remarks that: "In this country, or in this world, we talk about human rights. But it is also true that there are human wrongs. I want to submit that homosexuality is a human wrong that offends the laws of Uganda and threatens the sanctity of the family, the safety of our children and the continuation of humanity through reproduction."[110] The speaker of parliament, Annet Anita Among, referred the bill to a house committee for scrutiny, the first step in an accelerated process to pass the proposal into law. The parliament speaker had earlier noted that: "We want to appreciate our promoters of homosexuality for the social economic development they have brought to the country," in reference to western countries and donors. "But we do not appreciate the fact that they are killing morals. We do not need their money, we need our culture." during a prayer service held in parliament and attended by religious leaders.[111] The Speaker vowed to pass the bill into law at whatever cost to shield Uganda's culture and its sovereignty.[112] On March 21, 2023 parliament rapidly passed the anti-homosexuality bill with overwhelming support.[113]
As of 2022[update], Uganda is divided into 4 Regions of Uganda and 136 districts.[114][115] Rural areas of districts are subdivided into sub-counties, parishes, and villages. Municipal and town councils are designated in urban areas of districts.[116]
Political subdivisions are officially served and united by the Uganda Local Governments Association (ULGA), a voluntary and non-profit body which serves as a forum for support and guidance for Ugandan sub-national governments.[117]
Parallel with the state administration, 5 traditional Bantu kingdoms have remained, experiencing some degrees of mainly cultural autonomy. The kingdoms are Toro, Busoga, Bunyoro, Buganda, and Rwenzururu. Groups attempt to restore Ankole as 1 of the officially recognised traditional kingdoms.[118] Other kingdoms and chiefdoms are officially recognised by the government, including the union of Alur chiefdoms, the Iteso paramount chieftaincy, the paramount chieftaincy of Lango and the Padhola state.[119]
In 2015, Uganda's economy generated export income from the following merchandise: coffee (US$402.63 million), oil re-exports (US$131.25 million), base metals and products (US$120.00 million), fish (US$117.56 million), maize (US$90.97 million), cement (US$80.13 million), tobacco (US$73.13 million), tea (US$69.94 million), sugar (US$66.43 million), hides and skins (US$62.71 million), cocoa beans (US$55.67 million), beans (US$53.88 million), simsim (US$52.20 million), flowers (US$51.44 million), and other products (US$766.77 million).[121]
Change in per capita GDP of Uganda, 1950–2018. Figures are inflation-adjusted to 2011 International dollars.
The country has been experiencing consistent economic growth. In fiscal year 2015–16, Uganda recorded gross domestic product growth of 4.6 percent in real terms and 11.6 percent in nominal terms. This compares to 5.0 percent real growth in fiscal year 2014–15.[122]:vii
The country has largely untapped reserves of both crude oil and natural gas.[123] While agriculture accounted for 56 percent of the economy in 1986, with coffee as its main export, it has now been surpassed by the services sector, which accounted for 52 percent of GDP in 2007.[124] In the 1950s, the British colonial regime encouraged some 500,000 subsistence farmers to join co-operatives.[125] Since 1986, the government (with the support of foreign countries and international agencies) has acted to rehabilitate an economy devastated during the regime of Idi Amin[126] and the subsequent civil war.[127]
Economic growth has not always led to poverty reduction. Despite an average annual growth of 2.5 percent between 2000 and 2003, poverty levels increased by 3.8 percent during that time.[129] This has highlighted the importance of avoiding jobless growth and is part of the rising awareness in development circles of the need for equitable growth not just in Uganda, but across the developing world.[129]
Coffee fields in southwestern Uganda
With the Uganda securities exchanges established in 1996, several equities have been listed. The government has used the stock market as an avenue for privatisation. All government treasury issues are listed on the securities exchange. The Capital Markets Authority has licensed 18 brokers, asset managers, and investment advisors including: African Alliance Investment Bank, Baroda Capital Markets Uganda Limited, Crane Financial Services Uganda Limited, Crested Stocks and Securities Limited, Dyer & Blair Investment Bank, Equity Stock Brokers Uganda Limited, Renaissance Capital Investment Bank and UAP Financial Services Limited.[130] As one of the ways of increasing formal domestic savings, pension sector reform is the centre of attention (2007).[131][132]
Uganda traditionally depends on Kenya for access to the Indian Ocean port of Mombasa. Efforts have intensified to establish a second access route to the sea via the lakeside ports of Bukasa in Uganda and Musoma in Tanzania, connected by railway to Arusha in the Tanzanian interior and to the port of Tanga on the Indian Ocean.[133] Uganda is a member of the East African Community and a potential member of the planned East African Federation.
Uganda has a large diaspora, residing mainly in the United States and the United Kingdom. This diaspora has contributed enormously to Uganda's economic growth through remittances and other investments (especially property). According to the World Bank, Uganda received in 2016 an estimated US$1.099 billion in remittances from abroad, second only to Kenya (US$1.574 billion) in the East African Community,[134] and seventh in Africa.[135] Uganda also serves as an economic hub for a number of neighbouring countries like the Democratic Republic of the Congo,[136] South Sudan,[137] and Rwanda.[138]
The Ugandan Bureau of Statistics announced inflation was 4.6 percent in November 2016.[139] On 29 June 2018, Uganda's statistics agency said the country registered a drop in inflation to 3.4 percent in the financial year ending 2017/18 compared to the 5.7 percent recorded in the financial year 2016/17.[140]
Since the 1990s, the economy in Uganda is growing. Real gross domestic product (GDP) grew at an average of 6.7% annually during the period 1990–2015, whereas real GDP per capita grew at 3.3% per annum during the same period.[143]
Uganda is one of the poorest nations in the world. In 2012, 37.8 percent of the population lived on less than $1.25 a day.[144] Despite making enormous progress in reducing the countrywide poverty incidence from 56 percent of the population in 1992 to 24.5 percent in 2009, poverty remains deep-rooted in the country's rural areas, which are home to 84 percent of Ugandans.[145]
People in rural areas of Uganda depend on farming as the main source of income and 90 per cent of all rural women work in the agricultural sector.[146] In addition to agricultural work, rural women are responsible for the caretaking of their families. The average Ugandan woman spends 9 hours a day on domestic tasks, such as preparing food and clothing, fetching water and firewood, and caring for the elderly, the sick as well as orphans. As such, women on average work longer hours than men, between 12 and 18 hours per day, with a mean of 15 hours, as compared to men, who work between 8 and 10 hours a day.[147]
To supplement their income, rural women may engage in small-scale entrepreneurial activities such as rearing and selling local breeds of animals. Nonetheless, because of their heavy workload, they have little time for these income-generating activities. The poor cannot support their children at school and in most cases, girls drop out of school to help out in domestic work or to get married. Other girls engage in sex work. As a result, young women tend to have older and more sexually experienced partners and this puts women at a disproportionate risk of getting affected by HIV, accounting for about 5.7 per cent of all adults living with HIV in Uganda.[148]
Maternal health in rural Uganda lags behind national policy targets and the Millennium Development Goals, with geographical inaccessibility, lack of transport and financial burdens identified as key demand-side constraints to accessing maternal health services;[149] as such, interventions like intermediate transport mechanisms have been adopted as a means to improve women's access to maternal health care services in rural regions of the country.[150]
Gender inequality is the main hindrance to reducing women's poverty. Women are subjected to an overall lower social status than men. Many women believe this reduces their power to act independently, participate in community life, become educated and escape reliance upon abusive men.[151]
Commercial airlines operate scheduled passenger services out of 4 airports. Uganda has 1 functioning international airport, Entebbe International Airport, which is located 25 miles (40km) south-west of Kampala. In 2017, the airport traffic hit 1.53 million passengers, 8% more than the previous year.[152]
Road to Murchison
95% of freight and passenger traffic is handled by road traffic. The road network in Uganda is approximately 129,469km (80,448mi) long. About 4% of these roads are paved which equates to about 5,300 kilometres (3,300mi) of paved road. The different types of roads are national roads (22,009km (13,676mi)—17%), district roads (33,661km (20,916mi)—26%), urban roads (9,062km (5,631mi)—7%), and community roads (64,734km (40,224mi)—50%).[153] The national roads make up about 17% of the road network and carry over 80% of the total road traffic.[154] In Uganda there are 83,000 private cars which means 2.94 cars per 1000 inhabitants.[155]
The rail network is approximately 1,260 kilometres (780mi) long. The longest lines are the main line from Kampala to Tororo (249 kilometres (155mi)), the western line from Kampala to Kasese (333 kilometres (207mi)), the northern line from Tororo to Pakwach (641 kilometres (398mi)).[156]
There are 7 telecommunications companies serving over 21 million subscribers[157] in a population of over 34 million.[158] More than 95% of internet connections are made using mobile phones.[159]
The total mobile and fixed telephony subscriptions increased from over 20 million to over 21 million yielding an increment of over 1.1 million subscribers (5.4 increase) compared to the 4.1% increases realised in the previous quarter Q4 2014 (October–December).[157]
In the 1980s, the majority of energy came from charcoal and wood. Oil was found in the Lake Albert area, totaling an estimated 95million cubic metres (3.4×10^9cuft) barrels of crude.[123]Heritage Oil discovered 1 of the largest crude oil finds, and continues operations there.[160]
Uganda's favorable enabling environment and broad presence of private sector investment presents an opportunity to deliver on Power Africa goals.[161] Uganda is 1 of the sub-Saharan African countries to have liberalized and financially viable energy markets, with generation, transmission and supply segments unbundled since 2001.[162]
According to a 2006 published report, the water supply and sanitation sector had made progress in urban areas since the 1990s, with increases in coverage and in operational and commercial performance.[163]:3–4 Sector reforms in the period 1998–2003 included the commercialisation and modernisation of the National Water and Sewerage Corporation operating in cities and larger towns, and decentralisation and private sector participation in smaller towns.[164]:15
38% of the population had no access to an improved water source in 2010. Concerning access to improved sanitation, figures have varied. According to government figures, it was 70% in rural areas and 81% in urban areas in 2011,[165] while according to UN figures it was 34%.[166]
The water and sanitation sector was recognised as a key area under the 2004 Poverty Eradication Action Plan (PEAP), Uganda's strategy paper to fight poverty.[167]:182–188 According to a 2006 published report, a comprehensive expenditure framework had been introduced to co-ordinate financial support by external donors, the national government, and nongovernmental organisations.[168]:5 PEAP estimated that from 2001 to 2015, about US$1.4 billion, or US$92 million per year, was needed to increase water supply coverage up to 95%, with rural areas needing US$956 million, urban areas and larger towns needing US$281 million, and smaller towns needing US$136 million.[167]:182–183
The educational system is set up so that children spend 7 years in primary school, 6 years in secondary school, and 3 to 5 years in post secondary school. In 1997, the government declared that primary school would be free for all children.[169] Following gains in access to primary education since 1997 when universal primary education (UPE) was introduced, Uganda in 2007 became the first country in sub-Saharan Africa to introduce universal secondary education [170](USE).
Students
At the 2002 census, Uganda had a literacy rate of 66.8% (76.8% male and 57.7% female).[127] Public spending on education was at 5.2% of the 2002–2005 GDP.[171]
As of 2020[update], NCHE website listed 46 private accredited universities.[172]
There were 8 physicians per 100,000 persons in the 2000s.[171] Uganda's elimination of user fees at state health facilities in 2001 has resulted in an 80% increase in visits, with over half of this increase coming from the poorest 20% of the population.[173] This policy has been cited as a factor in helping Uganda achieve its Millennium Development Goals and as an example of the importance of equity in achieving those goals.[129] Users are denied care if they do not provide their own medical equipment, as happened in the case of Jennifer Anguko.[174] "Poor" communication within hospitals,[175] "low" satisfaction with health services[176] and distance to health service providers undermine the provision of quality health care to people living in Uganda, and particularly for those in "poor" and elderly-headed households.[177] The provision of subsidies for poor and rural populations, along with the extension of public private partnerships, have been identified as important provisions to enable vulnerable populations to access health services.[177]
In July 2012, there was an Ebola outbreak in the Kibaale District of the country.[180] On 4 October 2012, the Ministry of Health officially declared the end of the outbreak after at least 16 people had died.[181]
The Health Ministry announced on 16 August 2013 that 3 people had died in northern Uganda from a suspected outbreak of Congo Crimean Hemorrhagic Fever.[182]
Uganda has been among the HIV stories.[171] Infection rates of 30% of the population in the 1980s fell to 6.4% by the end of 2008.[183][184] Meanwhile, the practice of abstinence was found to have decreased.[185]
Less than half of all sexually active unmarried women use a modern contraceptive method, a fraction that has changed from 2000 to 2011. ~26% of married women used contraceptives in 2011. The use of contraceptives differs between poor (~15%) and wealthy women (~40%).[186] As a result, Ugandan women have ~6 children while they prefer to have around ~4. According to the 2011 Uganda Demographic and Health Survey (DHS), more than 40% of births are unplanned. In 2010, the Ugandan Ministry of Health estimated that unsafe abortion accounted for 8% of the country's maternal deaths.[186] The 2006 Uganda Demographic Health Survey (UDHS) indicated that roughly 6,000 women die each year from pregnancy-related complications.[187] Pilot studies in 2012 by Future Health Systems have shown that this rate could be reduced by implementing a voucher scheme for health services and transport to clinics.[188][189]
The prevalence of female genital mutilation (FGM) is low: according to a 2013 UNICEF report,[190] 1% of women in Uganda have undergone FGM, with the practice being illegal in the country.[191]
Rwenzori mountainsForest Landscape Integrity Index 2019 map of Uganda. Forest condition measured by degree of anthropogenic modification. 0 = Most modification; 10= Least. Created in Google Earth Engine. National boundaries = LSIB 2017: Large Scale International Boundary Polygons, Detailed, US Officer of the Geographer
Tourism in Uganda is a driver of employment, investment and foreign exchange, contributing 4.9 trillion Ugandan shillings (US$1.88 billion or €1.4 billion as of August 2013) to Uganda's GDP in the financial year 2012–13.[192] The Uganda Tourism Board is responsible for maintaining information pertaining to tourism in Uganda. Attractions are photo safaris through the National parks and game Reserves. Other attractions include the Mountain Gorillas found in Bwindi Impenetrable National Park (BINP) and Mgahinga Gorilla National Park (MGNP), Uganda having some of the cultural kingdom in Africa has Cultural sites. Uganda has more than 1073 recorded bird species ranking 4th in Africa's bird species and 16th internationally.[193]
The National Science, Technology and Innovation Policy dates from 2009. Its overarching goal is to 'strengthen national capability to generate, transfer and apply scientific knowledge, skills and technologies that ensure sustainable utilization of natural resources for the realisation of Uganda's development objectives.' The policy precedes Uganda Vision 2040, which was launched in April 2013 to transform 'Ugandan society from a peasant to a modern and prosperous country within 30 years,' in the words of the Cabinet. Uganda Vision 2040 vows to strengthen the private sector, improve education and training, modernize infrastructure and the underdeveloped services and agriculture sectors, foster industrialization and promote good governance, among other goals. Potential areas for economic development include oil and gas, tourism, minerals and information and communication technologies (ICTs).[194]
Uganda was ranked 119th in the Global Innovation Index in 2021, down from 102nd in 2019.[195][196][197][198] Research funding climbed between 2008 and 2010 from 0.33% to 0.48% of GDP. Over the same period, the number of researchers doubled (in head counts) from 1 387 to 2 823, according to the UNESCO Institute for Statistics. This represents a leap from 44 to 83 researchers per million inhabitants over the same period. 1 in 4 researchers is a woman. Uganda has been able to manufacture prototype of cars called kiira in which the government invested 70usd. [194]
There has been support for the film industry as seen in the proliferation of film festivals such as Amakula, Pearl International Film Festival, Maisha African Film Festival and Manya Human Rights Festival. Filmmakers struggle against the competing markets from other countries on the continent such as those in Nigeria and South Africa in addition to films from Hollywood.[201]
The first publicly recognised film that was produced solely by Ugandans was Feelings Struggle, which was directed and written by Hajji Ashraf Ssemwogerere in 2005.[202] This marks the year of ascent of film in Uganda, a time where enthusiasts were proud to classify themselves as cinematographers in varied capacities.[203]
The local film industry is polarised between 2 types of filmmakers. The first are filmmakers who use the Nollywoodvideo film era's guerrilla approach to film making, churning out a picture in around 2 weeks and screening it in makeshift video halls. The second is the filmmaker who has the film aesthetic, and with limited funds has to depend on the competitive scramble for donor cash.[201]
Along with technical problems such as refining acting and editing skills, there are issues regarding funding and lack of government support and investment. There are no schools in the country dedicated to film, banks do not extend credit to film ventures, and distribution and marketing of movies remains "poor".[201][203]
The Uganda Communications Commission (UCC) is preparing regulations starting in 2014 that require Ugandan television to broadcast 70% Ugandan content and of this, 40% to be independent productions. There is an emphasis on Ugandan film and the UCC regulations favouring Ugandan productions for mainstream television.[203]
Uganda's population grew from 9.5 million people in 1969 to 34.9 million in 2014. With respect to the last inter-censal period (September 2002), the population increased by 10.6 million people in the past 12 years.[204] Uganda has the fifth highest total fertility rate in the world, at 5.97 children born per woman (2014 estimates).[127]
There were about 80,000 Indians in Uganda before Idi Amin required the expulsion of Ugandan-Asians (mostly of Indian origin) in 1972, which reduced the population to as low as 7,000. Indians returned to Uganda after Amin's ouster in 1979. Around 90% of Ugandan Indians reside in Kampala.[205]
According to the UNHCR, Uganda hosts over 1.4 million refugees on its soil as of August 2021.[206][207] Most come from neighbouring countries in the African Great Lakes region, particularly South Sudan (68.0%) and Democratic Republic of the Congo (24.6%).[207] In August 2021, Uganda received some refugees from Afghanistan following the Taliban takeover.[206]
Swahili was approved as the country's second official national language in 2005.[208][209]English was the only official language until the constitution was amended in 2005.[210][127][208][1][211] Swahili is used in the police and military forces, which may be a historical result of the disproportionate recruitment of northerners into the security forces during the colonial period. The status of Swahili has thus alternated with the political group in power.[212] For example, Idi Amin, who came from the north-west, declared Swahili to be the national language.[213]
The Roman Catholic Church had the largest number of adherents (39.3%, down from 41.6 in 2002), followed by the AnglicanChurch of Uganda (32%, down from 35.9%). The category of Evangelical/Pentecostal/Born-Again showed the most growth, rising from 4.7% in 2002 to 11.1% in 2018. Adventist and other Protestant churches claimed most of the remaining Christians, and there was a Eastern Orthodox community.[214][215] The next most reported religion was Islam, with Muslims representing 13.7% of the population, up from 12.1% in 2002.[214]
The remainder of the population according to the 2014 census followed traditional religions (0.1%, down from 1% in 2002), other religions (1.4%), or had no religious affiliation (0.2%).[214]
The history of Uganda comprises the history of the people who inhabited the territory of present-day Uganda before the establishment of the Republic of Uganda, and the history of that country once it was established. Evidence from the Paleolithic era shows humans have inhabited Uganda for at least 50,000 years. The forests of Uganda were gradually cleared for agriculture by people who probably spoke Central Sudanic languages.
Apollo Milton Obote was a Ugandan political leader who led Uganda to independence from British colonial rule in 1962. Following the nation's independence, he served as prime minister of Uganda from 1962 to 1966 and the second president of Uganda from 1966 to 1971, then again from 1980 to 1985.
Yoweri Kaguta Museveni is a Ugandan military officer, politician and revolutionary who has served as the ninth president of Uganda since 1986. His government is considered autocratic. After Museveni lost the election of 1980, he started the Ugandan Bush War which led to the removal of Milton Obote.
The Protectorate of Uganda was a protectorate of the British Empire from 1894 to 1962. In 1893 the Imperial British East Africa Company transferred its administration rights of territory consisting mainly of the Kingdom of Buganda to the British government.
The history of Uganda from 1963 through 1971 comprises the history of Uganda from Ugandan independence from the United Kingdom to the rise of the dictator Idi Amin.
The History of Uganda from 1979 to 1986 comprises the history of Uganda since the end of the dictatorship of Idi Amin. This period has seen the second rule of Milton Obote and the presidency of Yoweri Museveni since 1986, in which Ugandan politics have been dominated by the National Resistance Movement.
Sir Edward Frederick William David Walugembe Mutebi Luwangula Muteesa II was Kabaka of the Kingdom of Buganda in Uganda from 22 November 1939 until his death. He was the thirty-fifth Kabaka of Buganda and the first president of Uganda from 1962-1966 when he was overthrown by Milton Obote. The foreign press often referred to him as King Freddie, a name rarely used in Uganda. An ardent defender of Buganda's interests, especially its traditional autonomy, he often threatened to make the kingdom independent both before and after Uganda's independence to preserve it. These firm convictions also later led to conflicts with his erstwhile political ally Milton Obote, who would eventually overthrow him.
The Uganda Electoral Commission (EC) provides national elections for a president and a legislature. The president is elected for a five-year term. The Parliament is composed of members directly elected to represent constituencies, and one woman representative for every district; as well representatives of special interest groups, including the army, youth, workers and persons with disabilities.
The Uganda People's Congress is a political party in Uganda.
The Democratic Party is a moderate conservative political party in Uganda led by Norbert Mao. The DP was led by Paul Ssemogerere for 25 years until his retirement in November 2005. John Ssebaana Kizito replaced Ssemogerere, and led the party until February 2010, when Norbert Mao was elected party president.
Kabaka Yekka, commonly abbreviated as KY, was a monarchist political movement and party in Uganda. Kabaka Yekka means 'king only' in the Ganda language, Kabaka being the title of the King in the kingdom of Buganda.
The Constitution of Uganda is the supreme law of Uganda. The fourth and current constitution was promulgated on 8 October 1995. It sanctions a republican form of government with a powerful President.
The military history of Uganda begins with actions before the conquest of the country by the British Empire. After the British conquered the country, there were various actions, including in 1887, and independence was granted in 1962. After independence, Uganda was plagued with a series of conflicts, most rooted in the problems caused by colonialism. Like many African nations, Uganda endured a series of civil wars and coup d'états. Since the 2000s in particular, the Uganda People's Defence Force has been active in peacekeeping operations for the African Union and the United Nations.
The Buganda Crisis, also called the 1966 Mengo Crisis, the Kabaka Crisis, or the 1966 Crisis, domestically, was a period of political turmoil that occurred in Buganda. It was driven by conflict between Prime Minister Milton Obote and the Kabaka of Buganda, Mutesa II, culminating in a military assault upon the latter's residence that drove him into exile.
The history of Buganda is that of the Buganda kingdom of the Baganda people, the largest of the traditional kingdoms in present-day Uganda.
The Baganda also called Waganda, are a Bantu ethnic group native to Buganda, a subnational kingdom within Uganda. Traditionally composed of 52 clans, the Baganda are the largest people of the Bantu ethnic group in Uganda, comprising 16.5 percent of the population at the time of the 2014 census.
Kirya Balaki Kebba the ex-rebel leader now-defunct rebel Uganda Freedom Movement who was kidnapped by security agents from Jamuhuri estate in Nairobi while in exile in the Republic of Kenya and brought back to Uganda. Kirya Balaki Kebba was acquitted of Treason charges in 1983 but was detained.
Daudi Ochieng, sometimes styled Ocheng, was a Ugandan politician, who served as secretary general of the Kabaka Yekka (KY) party and Opposition Chief Whip. In 1965–6, his allegations – crystallised in a motion he put before Parliament on 4 February 1966 – that then-Prime Minister Milton Obote and deputy commander of the Ugandan army Idi Amin had been complicit in the looting and misappropriation of gold, ivory and cash by Congolese rebels precipitated the Gold Scandal.
The lost counties referendum of November 1964 was a local referendum held to decide whether the "lost counties" of Buyaga and Bugangaizi in Uganda should continue to be part of the Kingdom of Buganda, be transferred back to the Kingdom of Bunyoro, or be established as a separate district. The electorate, consisting of the residents of the two counties at the time of independence, voted overwhelmingly to be returned to Bunyoro.
Grace Stuart Katebariirwe Ibingira was a Ugandan lawyer and politician.
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$46.38 billion [4] (90th)
42.0 [5] 
