Authoritarianism

Last updated

Authoritarianism is a form of government characterized by the rejection of political plurality, the use of strong central power to preserve the political status quo , and reductions in the rule of law, separation of powers, and democratic voting. [1] Political scientists have created many typologies describing variations of authoritarian forms of government. [1] Authoritarian regimes may be either autocratic or oligarchic and may be based upon the rule of a party or the military. [2] [3] States that have a blurred boundary between democracy and authoritarianism have some times been characterized as "hybrid democracies", "hybrid regimes" or "competitive authoritarian" states. [4] [5] [6]

Contents

The political scientist Juan Linz, in an influential [7] 1964 work, An Authoritarian Regime: Spain, defined authoritarianism as possessing four qualities:

  1. Limited political pluralism, is realized with constraints on the legislature, political parties and interest groups.
  2. Political legitimacy is based upon appeals to emotion and identification of the regime as a necessary evil to combat "easily recognizable societal problems, such as underdevelopment or insurgency."
  3. Minimal political mobilization, and suppression of anti-regime activities.
  4. Ill-defined executive powers, often vague and shifting extends the power of the executive. [8] [9]

Minimally defined, an authoritarian government lacks free and competitive direct elections to legislatures, free and competitive direct or indirect elections for executives, or both. [10] [11] [12] [13] Broadly defined, authoritarian states include countries that lack civil liberties such as freedom of religion, or countries in which the government and the opposition do not alternate in power at least once following free elections. [14] Authoritarian states might contain nominally democratic institutions such as political parties, legislatures and elections which are managed to entrench authoritarian rule and can feature fraudulent, non-competitive elections. [15] Since 1946, the share of authoritarian states in the international political system increased until the mid-1970s but declined from then until the year 2000. [16]

Characteristics

Authoritarianism is characterized by highly concentrated and centralized government power maintained by political repression and the exclusion of potential challengers. It uses political parties and mass organizations to mobilize people around the goals of the regime. [17] Adam Przeworski has theorized that "authoritarian equilibrium rests mainly on lies, fear and economic prosperity." [18] However, Daniel A. Bell and Wang Pei used China's experience with COVID-19 to argue that the categories are not so clear cut. [19]

Authoritarianism also tends to embrace the informal and unregulated exercise of political power, a leadership that is "self-appointed and even if elected cannot be displaced by citizens' free choice among competitors", the arbitrary deprivation of civil liberties and little tolerance for meaningful opposition. [17] A range of social controls also attempt to stifle civil society while political stability is maintained by control over and support of the armed forces, a bureaucracy staffed by the regime and creation of allegiance through various means of socialization and indoctrination. [17]

Authoritarianism is marked by "indefinite political tenure" of the ruler or ruling party (often in a one-party state) or other authority. [17] The transition from an authoritarian system to a more democratic form of government is referred to as democratization. [17]

Constitutions in authoritarian regimes

Authoritarian regimes often adopt "the institutional trappings" of democracies such as constitutions. [20] Constitutions in authoritarian states may serve a variety of roles, including "operating manual" (describing how the government is to function); "billboard" (signal of regime's intent), "blueprint" (outline of future regime plans), and "window dressing" (material designed to obfuscate, such as provisions setting forth freedoms that are not honored in practice). [21] Authoritarian constitutions may help legitimize, strengthen, and consolidate regimes. [22] An authoritarian constitution "that successfully coordinates government action and defines popular expectations can also help consolidate the regime's grip on power by inhibiting re coordination on a different set of arrangements." [23] Unlike democratic constitutions, authoritarian constitutions do not set direct limits on executive authority; however, in some cases such documents may function as ways for elites to protect their own property rights or constrain autocrats' behavior. [24]

The Soviet Constitution of 1918, the first charter of the new Russian Socialist Federated Soviet Republic (RSFSR), was described by Vladimir Lenin as a "revolutionary" document. It was, he said, unlike any constitution drafted by a nation-state. [25] The concept of "authoritarian constitutionalism" has been developed by legal scholar Mark Tushnet. [26] Tushnet distinguishes authoritarian constitutionalist regimes from "liberal constitutionalist" regimes ("the sort familiar in the modern West, with core commitments to human rights and self-governance implemented by means of varying institutional devices") and from purely authoritarian regimes (which reject the idea of human rights or constraints on leaders' power). [26] He describes authoritarian constitutionalist regimes as (1) authoritarian dominant-party states that (2) impose sanctions (such as libel judgments) against, but do not arbitrarily arrest, political dissidents; (3) permit "reasonably open discussion and criticism of its policies"; (4) hold "reasonably free and fair elections", without systemic intimidation, but "with close attention to such matters as the drawing of election districts and the creation of party lists to ensure as best it can that it will prevail—and by a substantial margin"; (5) reflect at least occasional responsiveness to public opinion; and (6) create "mechanisms to ensure that the amount of dissent does not exceed the level it regards as desirable." Tushnet cites Singapore as an example of an authoritarian constitutionalist state, and connects the concept to that of hybrid regimes. [26]

Economy

Scholars such as Seymour Lipset, [27] Carles Boix, Susan Stokes, [28] Dietrich Rueschemeyer, Evelyne Stephens and John Stephens [29] argue that economic development increases the likelihood of democratization. Adam Przeworski and Fernando Limongi argue that while economic development makes democracies less likely to turn authoritarian, there is insufficient evidence to conclude that development causes democratization (turning an authoritarian state into a democracy). [30]

Eva Bellin argues that under certain circumstances the bourgeoise and labor are more likely to favor democratization, but less so under other circumstances. [31] Economic development can boost public support for authoritarian regimes in the short-to-medium term. [32]

According to Michael Albertus, most land reform programs tend to be implemented by authoritarian regimes that subsequently withhold property rights from the beneficiaries of the land reform. Authoritarian regimes do so to gain coercive leverage over rural populations. [33]

Institutions

Within authoritarian systems, there may be nominally democratic institutions such as political parties, legislatures [34] and elections, [35] but they are managed in a way so as to entrench authoritarian regimes. [36] [15] Within democracies, parties serve to coordinate the pursuit of interests for like-minded citizens, whereas in authoritarian systems, they are a way for authoritarian leaders to find capable elites for the regime. [15] In a democracy, a legislature is intended to represent the diversity of interests among citizens, whereas authoritarians use legislatures to signal their own restraint towards other elites as well as to monitor other elites who pose a challenge to the regime. [15]

Fraudulent elections may serve the role of signaling the strength of the regime (to deter elites from challenging the regime) and forcing other elites to demonstrate their loyalty to the regime. By contrast, in democracies, free and fair elections are used to select representatives who represent the will of the citizens. [15] [36] Elections may also motivate authoritarian party members to strengthen patron–client and information-gathering networks, which strengthens the authoritarian regime. [36] [37] [38] Elections may also motivate members of the ruling class to provide public goods. [39] [40]

According to a 2018 study, most party-led dictatorships regularly hold popular elections. Prior to the 1990s, most of these elections had no alternative parties or candidates for voters to choose. Since the end of the Cold War, about two-thirds of elections in authoritarian systems allow for some opposition, but the elections are structured in a way to heavily favor the incumbent authoritarian regime. [36]

Hindrances to free and fair elections in authoritarian systems may include: [36]

Interactions with other elites and the masses

The foundations of stable authoritarian rule are that the authoritarian prevents contestation from the masses and other elites. The authoritarian regime may use co-optation or repression (or carrots and sticks) to prevent revolts. [41] [42] Authoritarian rule entails a balancing act whereby the ruler has to maintain the support of other elites (frequently through the distribution of state and societal resources) and the support of the public (through distribution of the same resources): the authoritarian rule is at risk if the balancing act is lopsided, as it risks a coup by the elites or an uprising by the mass public. [43] [44]

Manipulation of information

According to a 2019 study by Sergei Guriev and Daniel Treisman, authoritarian regimes have over time become less reliant on violence and mass repression to maintain control. The study shows instead that authoritarians have increasingly resorted to manipulation of information as a means of control. Authoritarians increasingly seek to create an appearance of good performance, conceal state repression, and imitate democracy. [45]

Systemic weakness and resilience

Andrew J. Nathan notes that "regime theory holds that authoritarian systems are inherently fragile because of weak legitimacy, overreliance on coercion, over-centralization of decision making, and the predominance of personal power over institutional norms. ... Few authoritarian regimes—be they communist, fascist, corporatist, or personalist—have managed to conduct orderly, peaceful, timely, and stable successions." [46]

Political scientist Theodore M. Vestal writes that authoritarian political systems may be weakened through inadequate responsiveness to either popular or elite demands and that the authoritarian tendency to respond to challenges by exerting tighter control, instead of by adapting, may compromise the legitimacy of an authoritarian state and lead to its collapse. [17]

One exception to this general trend is the endurance of the authoritarian rule of the Chinese Communist Party which has been unusually resilient among authoritarian regimes. Nathan posits that this can be attributed to four factors such as (1) "the increasingly norm-bound nature of its succession politics"; (2) "the increase in meritocratic as opposed to factional considerations in the promotion of political elites"; (3) "the differentiation and functional specialization of institutions within the regime"; and (4) "the establishment of institutions for political participation and appeal that strengthen the CCP's legitimacy among the public at large." [46]

Violence

Yale University political scientist Milan Svolik argues that violence is a common characteristic of authoritarian systems. Violence tends to be common in authoritarian states because of a lack of independent third parties empowered to settle disputes between the dictator, regime allies, regime soldiers and the masses. [41]

Authoritarians may resort to measures referred to as coup-proofing (structures that make it hard for any small group to seize power). Coup-proofing strategies include strategically placing family, ethnic, and religious groups in the military; creating of an armed force parallel to the regular military; and developing multiple internal security agencies with overlapping jurisdiction that constantly monitor one another. [47] Research shows that some coup-proofing strategies reduce the risk of coups occurring [48] [49] and reduce the likelihood of mass protests. [50] However, coup-proofing reduces military effectiveness, [51] [52] [53] [54] and limits the rents that an incumbent can extract. [55] A 2016 study shows that the implementation of succession rules reduce the occurrence of coup attempts. [56] Succession rules are believed to hamper coordination efforts among coup plotters by assuaging elites who have more to gain by patience than by plotting. [56] According to political scientists Curtis Bell and Jonathan Powell, coup attempts in neighbouring countries lead to greater coup-proofing and coup-related repression in a region. [57] A 2017 study finds that countries' coup-proofing strategies are heavily influenced by other countries with similar histories. [58] A 2018 study in the Journal of Peace Research found that leaders who survive coup attempts and respond by purging known and potential rivals are likely to have longer tenures as leaders. [59] A 2019 study in Conflict Management and Peace Science found that personalist dictatorships are more likely to take coup-proofing measures than other authoritarian regimes; the authors argue that this is because "personalists are characterized by weak institutions and narrow support bases, a lack of unifying ideologies and informal links to the ruler." [60]

According to a 2019 study, personalist dictatorships are more repressive than other forms of dictatorship. [61]

Typologies

Similar terms

Subtypes

Several subtypes of authoritarian regimes have been identified by Linz and others. [69] Linz identified the two most basic subtypes as traditional authoritarian regimes and bureaucratic-military authoritarian regimes:

According to Barbara Geddes, there are seven typologies of authoritarian regimes: dominant party regimes, military regime, personalist regimes, monarchies, oligarchic regimes, indirect military regimes, or hybrids of the first three. [70]

Subtypes of authoritarian regimes identified by Linz are corporatist or organic-statistic, racial and ethnic "democracy" and post-totalitarian. [69]

Authoritarian regimes are also sometimes subcategorized by whether they are personalistic or populist. [69] Personalistic authoritarian regimes are characterized by arbitrary rule and authority exercised "mainly through patronage networks and coercion rather than through institutions and formal rules." [69] Personalistic authoritarian regimes have been seen in post-colonial Africa. By contrast, populist authoritarian regimes "are mobilizational regimes in which a strong, charismatic, manipulative leader rules through a coalition involving key lower-class groups." [69] Examples include Argentina under Juan Perón, [69] Egypt under Gamal Abdel Nasser [69] and Venezuela under Hugo Chávez and Nicolás Maduro. [77] [78]

A typology of authoritarian regimes by political scientists Brian Lai and Dan Slater includes four categories:

Lai and Slater argue that single‐party regimes are better than military regimes at developing institutions (e.g. mass mobilization, patronage networks ad coordination of elites) that are effective at continuing the regime's incumbency and diminishing domestic challengers; Lai and Slater also argue that military regimes more often initiate military conflicts or undertake other "desperate measures" to maintain control as compared to single‐party regimes. [3] [2]

John Duckitt suggests a link between authoritarianism and collectivism, asserting that both stand in opposition to individualism. [79] Duckitt writes that both authoritarianism and collectivism submerge individual rights and goals to group goals, expectations and conformities. [80]

According to Steven Levitsky and Lucan Way, authoritarian regimes that are created in social revolutions are far more durable than other kinds of authoritarian regimes. [81]

Authoritarianism and democracy

Authoritarianism and democracy are not necessarily fundamental opposites and may be thought of as poles at opposite ends of a scale, so that it is possible for some democracies to possess authoritarian elements, and for an authoritarian system to have democratic elements. [82] [83] [84] Authoritarian regimes may also be partly responsive to citizen grievances, although this is generally only regarding grievances that do not undermine the stability of the regime. [85] [86] An illiberal democracy, or procedural democracy, is distinguished from liberal democracy, or substantive democracy, in that illiberal democracies lack features such as the rule of law, protections for minority groups, an independent judiciary and the real separation of powers. [87] [88] [89] [90]

A further distinction that liberal democracies have rarely made war with one another; research has extended the theory and finds that more democratic countries tend to have few wars (sometimes called militarized interstate disputes) causing fewer battle deaths with one another and that democracies have far fewer civil wars. [91] [92]

Research shows that the democratic nations have much less democide or murder by government. Those were also moderately developed nations before applying liberal democratic policies. [93] Research by the World Bank suggests that political institutions are extremely important in determining the prevalence of corruption and that parliamentary systems, political stability and freedom of the press are all associated with lower corruption. [94]

A 2006 study by economist Alberto Abadie has concluded that terrorism is most common in nations with intermediate political freedom. The nations with the least terrorism are the most and least democratic nations, and that "transitions from an authoritarian regime to a democracy may be accompanied by temporary increases in terrorism." [95] Studies in 2013 and 2017 similarly found a nonlinear relationship between political freedom and terrorism, with the most terrorist attacks occurring in partial democracies and the fewest in "strict autocracies and full-fledged democracies." [96] A 2018 study by Amichai Magen demonstrated that liberal democracies and polyarchies not only suffer fewer terrorist attacks as compared to other regime types, but also suffer fewer casualties in terrorist attacks as compared to other regime types, which may be attributed to higher-quality democracies' responsiveness to their citizens' demands, including "the desire for physical safety", resulting in "investment in intelligence, infrastructure protection, first responders, social resilience, and specialized medical care" which averts casualties. [96] Magen also stated that terrorism in closed autocracies sharply increased starting in 2013. [96]

Competitive authoritarian regimes

Another type of authoritarian regime is the competitive authoritarian regime, a type of civilian regime that arose in the post-Cold War era. In a competitive authoritarian regime, "formal democratic institutions exist and are widely viewed as the primary means of gaining power, but ... incumbents' abuse of the state places them at a significant advantage vis-à-vis their opponents." [97] [98] The term was coined by Steven Levitsky and Lucan A. Way in their 2010 book of the same name to discuss a type of hybrid regime that emerged during and after the Cold War. [97] [99]

Competitive authoritarian regimes differ from fully authoritarian regimes in that elections are regularly held, the opposition can openly operate without a high risk of exile or imprisonment and "democratic procedures are sufficiently meaningful for opposition groups to take them seriously as arenas through which to contest for power." [97] Competitive authoritarian regimes lack one or more of the three characteristics of democracies such as free elections (i.e. elections untainted by substantial fraud or voter intimidation); protection of civil liberties (i.e. the freedom of speech, press and association) and an even playing field (in terms of access to resources, the media and legal recourse). [100]

Authoritarianism and fascism

Authoritarianism is considered a core concept of fascism [101] [102] [103] [104] and scholars agree that a fascist regime is foremost an authoritarian form of government, although not all authoritarian regimes are fascist. While authoritarianism is a defining characteristic of fascism, scholars argue that more distinguishing traits are needed to make an authoritarian regime fascist. [105] [106] [107] [108] [109] [110] [111] [112] [113]

Authoritarianism and totalitarianism

Linz distinguished new forms of authoritarianism from personalistic dictatorships and totalitarian states, taking Francoist Spain as an example. Unlike personalistic dictatorships, new forms of authoritarianism have institutionalized representation of a variety of actors (in Spain's case, including the military, the Catholic Church, Falange, monarchists, technocrats and others). Unlike totalitarian states, the regime relies on passive mass acceptance rather than popular support. [64] Totalitarianism is an extreme version of authoritarianism. Authoritarianism primarily differs from totalitarianism in that social and economic institutions exist that are not under governmental control. Building on the work of Yale political scientist Juan Linz, Paul C. Sondrol of the University of Colorado at Colorado Springs has examined the characteristics of authoritarian and totalitarian dictators and organized them in a chart: [63]

TotalitarianismAuthoritarianism
Charisma HighLow
Role conceptionLeader as functionLeader as individual
Ends of powerPublicPrivate
Corruption LowHigh
Official ideology YesNo
Limited pluralism NoYes
LegitimacyYesNo

Sondrol argues that while both authoritarianism and totalitarianism are forms of autocracy, they differ in three key dichotomies:

(1) Unlike their bland and generally unpopular authoritarian brethren, totalitarian dictators develop a charismatic "mystique" and a mass-based, pseudo-democratic interdependence with their followers via the conscious manipulation of a prophetic image.

(2) Concomitant role conceptions differentiate totalitarians from authoritarians. Authoritarians view themselves as individual beings largely content to control and often maintain the status quo. Totalitarian self-conceptions are largely teleological. The tyrant is less a person than an indispensable function to guide and reshape the universe.

(3) Consequently, the utilisation of power for personal aggrandizement is more evident among authoritarians than totalitarians. Lacking the binding appeal of ideology, authoritarians support their rule by a mixture of instilling fear and granting rewards to loyal collaborators, engendering a kleptocracy. [63]

Compared to totalitarianism, "the authoritarian state still maintains a certain distinction between state and society. It is only concerned with political power and as long as that is not contested it gives society a certain degree of liberty. Totalitarianism, on the other hand, invades private life and asphyxiates it." [114] Another distinction is that "authoritarianism is not animated by utopian ideals in the way totalitarianism is. It does not attempt to change the world and human nature." [114] Carl Joachim Friedrich writes that "a totalist ideology, a party reinforced by a secret police, and monopoly control of ... industrial mass society" are the three features of totalitarian regimes that distinguish them from other autocracies. [114]

Greg Yudin, a professor of political philosophy at the Moscow School of Social and Economic Sciences, argues "political passivity and civic disengagement" are "key features" of authoritarianism, while totalitarianism relies on "mass mobilization, terror and homogeneity of beliefs". [115]

Economic effects

The effects of political regime types on economic growth have been debated by scholars. A 1993 assessment of existing scholarship led Adam Przeworski and Fernando Limongi to conclude, "we do not know whether democracy fosters or hinders economic growth." [116] In 2010, Dani Rodrik wrote that democracies outperform autocracies in terms of long-term economic growth, economic stability, adjustments to external economic shocks, human capital investment, and economic equality. [117] A 2019 study by Daron Acemoglu, Suresh Naidu, Pascual Restrepo, and James A. Robinson found that democracy increases GDP per capita by about 20 percent over the long-term. [118] According to Amartya Sen, no functioning liberal democracy has ever suffered a large-scale famine. [119]

Scholars have identified that autocracies may have an advantage when it comes to rapid industrialization. [120] Seymour Martin Lipset argued that low-income authoritarian regimes have certain technocratic "efficiency-enhancing advantages" over low-income democracies that gives authoritarian regimes an advantage in economic development. [121] By contrast, Morton H. Halperin, Joseph T. Siegle and Michael M. Weinstein (2005) argue that democracies "realize superior development performance" over authoritarianism, pointing out that poor democracies are more likely to have steadier economic growth and less likely to experience economic and humanitarian catastrophes (such as refugee crises) than authoritarian regimes; that civil liberties in democracies act as a curb on corruption and misuse of resources; and that democracies are more adaptable than authoritarian regimes. [121]

Studies suggest that several health indicators (life expectancy and infant and maternal mortality) have a stronger and more significant association with democracy than they have with GDP per capita, size of the public sector or income inequality. [122]

Post-World War II anti-authoritarianism

Both World War II (ending in 1945) and the Cold War (ending in 1991) resulted in the replacement of authoritarian regimes by either democratic regimes or regimes that were less authoritarian.

World War II saw the defeat of the Axis powers by the Allied powers. All the Axis powers (Nazi Germany, Fascist Italy and Imperial Japan) had totalitarian or authoritarian governments, and two of the three were replaced by governments based on democratic constitutions. The Allied powers were an alliance of Democratic states and (later) the Communist Soviet Union. At least in Western Europe the initial post-war era embraced pluralism and freedom of expression in areas that had been under control of authoritarian regimes. The memory of fascism and Nazism was denigrated. The new Federal Republic of Germany banned its expression. In reaction to the centralism of the Nazi state, the new constitution of West Germany (Federal Republic of Germany) exercised "separation of powers" and placed "law enforcement firmly in the hands" of the sixteen Länder or states of the republic, not with the federal German government, at least not at first. [123]

Culturally there was also a strong sense of anti-authoritarianism based on anti-fascism in Western Europe. This was attributed to the active resistance from occupation and to fears arising from the development of superpowers. [124] Anti-authoritarianism also became associated with countercultural and bohemian movements such as the Beat Generation in the 1950s, [125] the hippies in the 1960s [126] and punks in the 1970s. [127]

In South America, Argentina, Bolivia, Brazil, Paraguay, Chile and Uruguay moved away from dictatorships to democracy between 1982 and 1990. [128]

With the fall of the Berlin Wall in 1989 and the Soviet Union in 1991, the other authoritarian/totalitarian "half" of the Allied Powers of World War II collapsed. This led not so much to revolt against authority in general, but to the belief that authoritarian states (and state control of economies) were outdated. [129] The idea that "liberal democracy was the final form toward which all political striving was directed" [130] became very popular in Western countries and was celebrated in Francis Fukuyama's book The End of History and the Last Man . [130] According to Charles H. Fairbanks Jr., "all the new states that stumbled out of the ruins of the Soviet bloc, except Uzbekistan and Turkmenistan, seemed indeed to be moving towards democracy in the early 1990s" as were the countries of East Central Europe and the Balkans. [131]

In December 2010, the Arab Spring arose in response to unrest over economic stagnation but also in opposition to oppressive authoritarian regimes, first in Tunisia, and spreading to Libya, Egypt, Yemen, Syria, Bahrain and elsewhere. Regimes were toppled in Tunisia, Libya, Egypt and partially in Yemen while other countries saw riots, civil wars or insurgencies. Most Arab Spring revolutions failed to lead to enduring democratization. In the decade following the Arab Spring, of the countries in which an autocracy was toppled in the Arab spring, only Tunisia had become a genuine democracy; Egypt backslid to return to a military-run authoritarian state, while Libya, Syria and Yemen experienced devastating civil wars. [132] [133]

2000s authoritarian revival

Since 2005, observers noted what some have called a "democratic recession", [130] [134] although some such as Steven Levitsky and Lucan Way have disputed that there was a significant democratic decline before 2013. [134] In 2018, the Freedom House declared that from 2006 to 2018 "113 countries" around the world showed "a net decline" in "political rights and civil liberties" while "only 62" experienced "a net improvement." [135] Its 2020 report marked the fourteenth consecutive year of declining scores. [136] By 2020, all countries marked as "not free" by Freedom House had also developed practices of transnational authoritarianism, aiming to police and control dissent beyond state borders. [137]

International trends in
democracy/authoritarianism
countries becoming
more democratic
countries becoming
more authoritarian
late 1990s723
20211533
source: V-Dem [138] [139]

Writing in 2018, American political journalist David Frum stated: "The hopeful world of the very late 20th century—the world of NAFTA and an expanding NATO; of the World Wide Web 1.0 and liberal interventionism; of the global spread of democracy under leaders such as Václav Havel and Nelson Mandela—now looks battered and delusive." [140]

Michael Ignatieff wrote that Fukuyama's idea of liberalism vanquishing authoritarianism "now looks like a quaint artifact of a vanished unipolar moment" [130] and Fukuyama himself expressed concern. [129] By 2018, only one Arab Spring uprising (that in Tunisia) resulted in a transition to constitutional democratic governance [141] and a "resurgence of authoritarianism and Islamic extremism" in the region [142] was dubbed the Arab Winter. [143] [144] [145] [146] [147]

Various explanations have been offered for the new spread of authoritarianism. They include the downside of globalization, and the subsequent rise of populist neo-nationalism, [148] and the success of the Beijing Consensus, i.e. the authoritarian model of the People's Republic of China. [149] In countries such as the United States, factors blamed for the growth of authoritarianism include the financial crisis of 2007–2008 and slower real wage growth [150] as well as social media's elimination of so-called "gatekeepers" of knowledge – the equivalent of disintermediation in economics – so that a large fraction of the population considers to be opinion what were once "viewed as verifiable facts" – including everything from the danger of global warming to the preventing the spread of disease through vaccination – and considers to be fact what are actually only unproven fringe opinions. [151]

In United States politics, the terms "extreme right", "far-right", and "ultra-right" are labels used to describe "militant forms of insurgent revolutionary right ideology and separatist ethnocentric nationalism", [152] such as Christian Identity, [152] the Creativity Movement, [152] the Ku Klux Klan, [152] the National Socialist Movement, [152] [153] [154] the National Alliance, [152] the Joy of Satan Ministries, [153] [154] and the Order of Nine Angles. [155] These far-right groups share conspiracist views of power which are overwhelmingly anti-Semitic and reject pluralist democracy in favour of an organic oligarchy that would unite the perceived homogeneously racial Völkish nation. [152] [155] The far-right in the United States is composed of various Neo-fascist, Neo-Nazi, White nationalist, and White supremacist organizations and networks who have been known to refer to an "acceleration" of racial conflict through violent means such as assassinations, murders, terrorist attacks, and societal collapse, in order to achieve the building of a White ethnostate. [155]

Examples

There is no one consensus definition of authoritarianism, but several annual measurements are attempted, including Freedom House's annual Freedom in the World report. Some countries such as Venezuela, among others, that are currently or historically recognized as authoritarian did not become authoritarian upon taking power or fluctuated between an authoritarian, flawed or illiberal-democratic regime. The time period reflects their time in power rather than the years they were authoritarian regimes. Some countries such as China and fascist regimes have also been characterized as totalitarian, with some periods being depicted as more authoritarian, or totalitarian, than others.

Current

The following is a non-exhaustive list of examples of states which are currently or frequently characterized as authoritarian.

StateTime periodRuling group or personNotes and references
Flag of the Taliban.svg  Afghanistan 1996–2001; 2021– Taliban
Flag of Angola.svg  Angola 1975– People's Movement for the Liberation of Angola [156]
Flag of Azerbaijan.svg  Azerbaijan 1993– New Azerbaijan Party [157]
Flag of Bahrain.svg  Bahrain 1783– House of Khalifa [158]
Flag of Belarus.svg  Belarus 1994– Alexander Lukashenko [159] [160] [161] [162] [163]
Flag of Burundi.svg Burundi 2005– CNDD–FDD [164]
Flag of Cambodia.svg  Cambodia 1979- Cambodian People's Party [165] [166]
Flag of Cameroon.svg  Cameroon 1982– Paul Biya [167] [168]
Flag of the People's Republic of China.svg  People's Republic of China 1949– Chinese Communist Party Some scholars have deemed the Chinese system "a fragmented authoritarianism" (Lieberthal), "a negotiated state", or "a consultative authoritarian regime." [169] According to research by John Kennedy et al. (2018), Chinese citizens with higher education tend to participate less in local elections and have lower levels of democratic values when compared to those with only compulsory education. [170]
Flag of the Republic of the Congo.svg  Republic of the Congo 1979–1992; 1997- Denis Sassou Nguesso [171]
Flag of Cuba.svg  Cuba 1959– Communist Party of Cuba [172]
Flag of Djibouti.svg  Djibouti 1977– Hassan Gouled Aptidon and Ismaïl Omar Guelleh [173] [174]
Flag of Egypt.svg  Egypt 2014– Abdel Fattah el-Sisi [175]
Flag of El Salvador.svg  El Salvador 2019– Nayib Bukele [176] [177]
Flag of Equatorial Guinea.svg  Equatorial Guinea 1979– Teodoro Obiang Nguema Mbasogo [178]
Flag of Gabon.svg  Gabon 1961– Gabonese Democratic Party [179]
Flag of Hungary.svg  Hungary 2010– Viktor Orbán and Fidesz It has recently moved more towards illiberalism. [180] [181] [182] [183]
Flag of India.svg  India*2014– Narendra Modi Some scholars deem the country to be moving towards authoritarianism. Though it is subject to verification [184] [185] [186]
Flag of Iran.svg  Iran 1979– Ruhollah Khomeini and Ali Khamenei After the Iranian Revolution, Iran became an authoritarian clerical state (nominally an "Islamic republic") based on the absolute authority of the unelected Supreme Leader of Iran, based on the Shia concept of Guardianship of the Islamic Jurist. [187] [188] In 2000, Juan José Linz wrote that "it is difficult to fit the Iranian regime into the existing typology, as it combines the ideological bent of totalitarianism with the limited pluralism of authoritarianism and holds regular elections in which candidates advocating differing policies and incumbents are often defeated." [189]
Flag of Jordan.svg  Jordan 1946– Hashemites [190]
Flag of Kazakhstan.svg  Kazakhstan 1990– Nur Otan [167]
Flag of Laos.svg  Laos 1975– Lao People's Revolutionary Party [191]
Flag of Morocco.svg  Morocco 1957– Alaouite dynasty [190] [192] [193]
Flag of Montenegro.svg  Montenegro 1990– Democratic Party of Socialists of Montenegro under Milo Đukanović [194] [195] [196] [197] [198]
Flag of Myanmar.svg  Myanmar 1962– Ne Win, Saw Maung, Than Shwe and Min Aung Hlaing [199]
Flag of Nicaragua.svg  Nicaragua 1979–1990; 2007– Daniel Ortega and Rosario Murillo [200] [201]
Flag of North Korea.svg  North Korea 1949– Workers' Party of Korea and Kim Dynasty
Flag of Oman.svg  Oman 1970– House of Al Said Began with the 1970 coup d'état. [202]
Flag of Palestine.svg  Palestine 1964– Palestine Liberation Organization [203]
2006– Hamas
Flag of Poland.svg  Poland 2015– Law and Justice It has recently moved towards illiberalism. [180] [181] [204] [205] [206] [207] [208] [209]
Flag of Qatar.svg  Qatar 1971– House of Thani [210]
Flag of Russia.svg  Russian Federation 2000– United Russia under Vladimir Putin It has authoritarian tendencies and is described by some observes as "really a mixture of authoritarianism and managed democracy." [211] [212] [213] See Putinism for more.
Flag of Rwanda.svg  Rwanda 2000– Paul Kagame [214]
Flag of the First and Second Saudi State.svg First Saudi State 1744–1818 House of Saud [215]
Flag of the First and Second Saudi State.svg Second Saudi State 1824–1891
Flag of Saudi Arabia.svg  Saudi Arabia 1902–
Flag of Serbia.svg  Serbia 2012– Serbian Progressive Party under Aleksandar Vučić [216] [217] [218] [219]
Flag of Singapore.svg  Singapore 1965– People's Action Party [220] [221]
Flag of South Sudan.svg  South Sudan 2011– Sudan People's Liberation Movement under Salva Kiir Mayardit [222]
Flag of the Republika Srpska.svg  Republika Srpska
(part of Flag of Bosnia and Herzegovina.svg  Bosnia and Herzegovina)
2006– Milorad Dodik [223] [224] [225]
Flag of Syria.svg  Syria 1963– Ba'athist regime and al-Assad family [226]
Flag of Tajikistan.svg  Tajikistan 1994– Emomali Rahmon [227]
Flag of Thailand.svg  Thailand 2014–King Maha Vajiralongkorn and Prime Minister Prayut Chan-o-cha The 2014 Thai coup d'état overthrew the democratically elected government of Yingluck Shinawatra in a military coup and installed a military junta to oversee the governance of Thailand. [228]
Flag of Togo.svg  Togo 1967–Eyadema Family
Flag of Turkey.svg  Turkey 2003– Justice and Development Party under Recep Tayyip Erdoğan It has been described by observers as a "competitive authoritarian regime." [229]
Flag of the United Arab Emirates.svg  United Arab Emirates 1971– Royal families of the United Arab Emirates [230] [231]
Flag of Uganda.svg  Uganda 1986– Yoweri Museveni [232]
Flag of Uzbekistan.svg  Uzbekistan 1989– Uzbekistan Liberal Democratic Party [233] [234] [235]
Flag of Venezuela.svg  Venezuela 1999– United Socialist Party of Venezuela under Hugo Chávez and Nicolás Maduro [236]
Flag of Vietnam.svg  Vietnam 1976– Vietnamese Communist Party [237]
Flag of Zimbabwe.svg  Zimbabwe 1980– ZANU-PF [238] [239]

Historical

The following is a non-exhaustive list of examples of states which were historically authoritarian.

StateTime periodRuling group or personNotes and references
Flag of Algeria.svg  Algeria [240] 1999–2019 Abdelaziz Bouteflika
Flag of Argentina.svg  Argentina [241] [242] 1946–1955 Justicialist Party rule of Juan Perón See also Peronism, populist authoritarianism.
1966–1973 Military government See the Argentine Revolution for period of military rule.
1973–1976Justicialist Party rule of Juan and Isabel Perón
1976–1983 Free trade and deregulatory rule of Jorge Rafael Videla See also the National Reorganization Process, period of military rule.
Flag of Austria.svg  Austria 1933–1938 Christian Social Party under Engelbert Dollfuß and Fatherland Front under Kurt von Schuschnigg See also the Federal State of Austria and Ständestaat.
Flag of Brazil (1889-1960).svg Brazil [243] 1937–1945 Getúlio Vargas See also the Vargas Era.
1964–1985 Military dictatorship in Brazil It started with the 1964 Brazilian coup d'état.
Flag of Myanmar (1974-2010).svg Burma [244] 1962–2011Military government and the Burma Socialist Programme Party It started with the 1962 Burmese coup d'état and ended with the 2011–2012 Burmese political reforms.
Flag of Burundi.svg  Burundi 1961–1993 UPRONA
Flag of the Confederate States of America (1865).svg  Confederate States of America 1861–1865 Jefferson Davis Considered as an authoritarian [245] herrenvolk republic, where the Confederacy was a "democracy of the white race." [246]
Flag of Chad.svg  Chad 1990–2021 Idriss Déby Killed in action by insurgents after 30 years of uninterrupted presidency [247]
Flag of Chile.svg  Chile [248] 1973–1990 Augusto Pinochet It started with the CIA-backed 1973 Chilean coup d'état, which overthrew the democratically elected government of democratic socialist Salvador Allende.
Flag of the Republic of China.svg Republic of China 1927–1949 Kuomintang and Nationalist government (Chiang Kai-shek)The Republic of China on Taiwan is listed further below.
Flag of the Democratic Republic of the Congo.svg  Democratic Republic of the Congo 1997–2019 Laurent-Désiré Kabila and Joseph Kabila [249] Zaïre is listed further below.
Flag of Croatia.svg  Croatia [250] [251] 1990–1999 Franjo Tuđman
Flag of the Czech Republic.svg  Czechoslovakia 1938–1939 Party of National Unity
Flag of Egypt.svg  Egypt [252] 1952–2011 Gamal Abdel Nasser, Anwar Sadat, and Hosni Mubarak
Flag of Equatorial Guinea.svg  Equatorial Guinea 1968–1979 Francisco Macias Nguema
Flag of Ethiopia.svg  Ethiopia 1974–1987 Mengistu Haile Mariam and the Workers' Party of Ethiopia [253]
Flag of Ethiopia.svg  Ethiopia 1991–2019 Ethiopian People's Revolutionary Democratic Front [254]
Flag of The Gambia.svg  Gambia 1994–2017 Yahya Jammeh Jammeh is overthrown by democratic elections and is forced to resign
Flag of Germany (1935-1945).svg  Nazi Germany 1933–1945 Adolf Hitler See also Nazism.
Flag of Guinea.svg  Guinea 1958–2021 Ahmed Sekou Touré, Lansana Conté, Moussa Dadis Camara and Alpha Condé Guinea was marked by a series of authoritarian generations
Flag of Guinea-Bissau.svg  Guinea-Bissau 1980–1999 Joao Bernardo Vieira Nino Vieira would govern in an authoritarian manner in the 80s and 90s until his overthrow, in 2005 he returned to the presidency until his assassination.
Flag of Hungary (1915-1918, 1919-1946).svg  Hungary [255] 1920–1944 Miklós Horthy and the Unity Party
Flag of Indonesia.svg  Indonesia 1966–1998 Suharto and the Golkar Party It started in 1966 de facto and 1967 de jure. See also the New Order and the Fall of Suharto.
State Flag of Iran (1925).svg  Iran 1925–1979 Pahlavi dynasty [256]
Flag of Iraq (1991-2004).svg Iraq 1968–2003 Ahmed Hassan al-Bakr and Saddam Hussein
Flag of Liberia.svg  Liberia 1980–1990 Samuel Doe The Liberian president ends up captured and executed for a long time in the middle of a Civil war.
Flag of Italy (1861-1946) crowned.svg Fascist Italy 1922–1943 Benito Mussolini [257]
Flag of Libya (1977-2011).svg Libya [258] 1969–2011 Muammar Gaddafi It started with the 1969 Libyan coup d'état and ended with the 2011 Libyan Civil War.
Flag of Lithuania.svg  Lithuania [259] 1926–1940 Antanas Smetona See also the 1940 Soviet ultimatum to Lithuania.
Flag of North Macedonia.svg  FYR Macedonia [260] [261] 2006–2016 Nikola Gruevski
Flag of Malaysia.svg  Malaysia 1957–2018 United Malays National Organisation See also the 1988 Malaysian constitutional crisis.
Flag of Mali.svg  Mali 1968–1991 Moussa Traoré Moussa is deposed in the 1991 Malian coup d'état and sentenced to death twice, exonerated in May 2002.
Flag of the Ottoman Empire (1844-1922).svg Ottoman Empire 1878–1908 Abdul Hamid II
1913–1918The Three Pashas
Flag of Nicaragua.svg  Nicaragua 1936–1979 Somoza Family The Somoza clan loses power in the Sandinista revolution.
Flag of the Philippines.svg  Philippines 1965–1986 Ferdinand Marcos It ended with the People Power Revolution.
2016–2022 Rodrigo Duterte [262] [263] It ended on June 30, term limited.
Flag of Poland (1928-1980).svg  Poland 1926–1939 Sanation See also the May Coup.
Flag of Portugal.svg  Portugal [264] 1926–1933Military governmentSee the National Dictatorship.
1933–1974 Estado Novo regime under António de Oliveira Salazar and Marcelo Caetano It ended with the Carnation Revolution.
Flag of Rwanda (1962-2001).svg  Rwanda 1961–1994 Gregoire Kayibanda and Juvenal Habyarimana
Flag of Somalia.svg  Somalia 1969–1991 Siad Barre
Flag of South Africa (1928-1994).svg South Africa [265] [266] 1948–1994 National Party It ended with the end of apartheid.
Flag of South Korea.svg  South Korea [267] [268] 1948–1960 Syngman Rhee
1961–1987 Park Chung-hee and Chun Doo-hwan
Flag of Spain (1945 - 1977).svg Francoist Spain [269] 1936–1975 Francisco Franco See also the Spanish transition to democracy.
Flag of Sudan.svg  Sudan [167] 1989–2019 Omar al-Bashir
Flag of the Republic of China.svg  Taiwan [270] 1945–1987 Kuomintang (Chiang Kai-shek and Chiang Ching-kuo)The Republic of China (1927–1949) is listed further above.
Flag of Tunisia.svg  Tunisia 1987–2011 Zine El Abidine Ben Ali See also Tunisian Revolution
Flag of Turkey.svg  Turkey [271] [272] 1923–1950 Republican People's Party
Flag of the Soviet Union.svg  Soviet Union 1922–1991 Communist Party of the Soviet Union See also authoritarian socialism.
Flag of Yugoslavia (1918-1943).svg  Kingdom of Yugoslavia 1929–1934Under Alexander I and the JRSD See also the 6 January Dictatorship.
1934–1941Under Milan Stojadinović and the JRZ
Flag of Yugoslavia (1946-1992).svg  SFR Yugoslavia [273] [274] 1944–1980Under Josip Broz Tito See also the death and state funeral of Josip Broz Tito.
Flag of Yugoslavia (1992-2003); Flag of Serbia and Montenegro (2003-2006).svg  FR Yugoslavia [275] [276] 1989–2000Under Slobodan Milošević See also the overthrow of Slobodan Milošević.
Flag of Zaire (1971-1997).svg Zaïre 1965–1997 Mobutu Sese Seko [249] The Democratic Republic of the Congo after 1997 is listed above.

See also

Related Research Articles

<span class="mw-page-title-main">Dictator</span> Political leader who possesses absolute power

A dictator is a political leader who possesses absolute power. A dictatorship is a state ruled by one dictator or by a small clique. The word originated as the title of a Roman dictator elected by the Roman Senate to rule the republic in times of emergency.

A dictatorship is a form of government characterized by an unelected leader or group of leaders that hold government power with few to no limitations. The leader of a dictatorship is called a dictator. Politics in a dictatorship take place between the dictator, the inner circle, and the opposition, which may be peaceful or violent. Dictatorships can be formed by a military coup that overthrows the previous government through force or by a self-coup in which elected leaders make their rule permanent. Dictatorships can be classified as military dictatorships, one-party dictatorships, personalist dictatorships, or absolute monarchies.

<span class="mw-page-title-main">Totalitarianism</span> Extreme form of authoritarianism

Totalitarianism is a form of government and a political system that prohibits all opposition parties, outlaws individual and group opposition to the state and its claims, and exercises an extremely high degree of control and regulation over public and private life. It is regarded as the most extreme and complete form of authoritarianism. In totalitarian states, political power is often held by autocrats, such as dictators and absolute monarchs, who employ all-encompassing campaigns in which propaganda is broadcast by state-controlled mass media in order to control the citizenry. By 1950, the term and concept of totalitarianism entered mainstream Western political discourse. Furthermore this era also saw anti-communist and McCarthyist political movements intensify and use the concept of totalitarianism as a tool to convert pre-World War II anti-fascism into Cold War anti-communism.

<span class="mw-page-title-main">Autocracy</span> Form of government

Autocracy is a system of government in which absolute power over a state is concentrated in the hands of one person, whose decisions are subject neither to external legal restraints nor to regularized mechanisms of popular control.

<span class="mw-page-title-main">Democratization</span> Trend towards democratic norms in a society

Democratization, or democratisation, is the transition to a more democratic political regime, including substantive political changes moving in a democratic direction. It may be the transition from an authoritarian regime to a full democracy, a transition from an authoritarian political system to a semi-democracy or transition from a semi-authoritarian political system to a democratic political system.

<span class="mw-page-title-main">Rudolph Rummel</span> American political scientist (1932–2014)

Rudolph Joseph Rummel was an American political scientist and professor at the Indiana University, Yale University, and University of Hawaiʻi. He spent his career studying data on collective violence and war with a view toward helping their resolution or elimination. Contrasting genocide, Rummel coined the term democide for murder by government, such as the genocide of indigenous peoples and colonialism, Nazi Germany, the Stalinist purges, Mao Zedong's Cultural Revolution, and other authoritarian, totalitarian, or undemocratic regimes, coming to the conclusion that democratic regimes result in the least democides.

An illiberal democracy describes a governing system in which, although elections take place, citizens are cut off from knowledge about the activities of those who exercise real power because of the lack of civil liberties; thus it does not constitute an open society.

<span class="mw-page-title-main">Democracy in China</span> Overview of political concepts

The debate over democracy in China has been a major ideological battleground in Chinese politics since the 19th century. Currently, political scientists do not recognize China as a democracy. Instead they categorize China as an authoritarian state which has been characterized as a dictatorship.

<i>Democracy Index</i> Measure of the state of democracy in 167 countries

The Democracy Index is an index compiled by the Economist Intelligence Unit (EIU), the research division of the Economist Group, a UK-based private company which publishes the weekly newspaper The Economist. Akin to a Human Development Index but centrally concerned with political institutions and freedoms, the index attempts to measure the state of democracy in 167 countries and territories, of which 166 are sovereign states and 164 are UN member states.

In political science, the waves of democracy are major surges of democracy which have occurred in history. Although the term appears at least as early as 1887, it was popularized by Samuel P. Huntington, a political scientist at Harvard University in his article published in the Journal of Democracy and further expounded in his 1991 book The Third Wave: Democratization in the Late Twentieth Century. Democratization waves have been linked to sudden shifts in the distribution of power among the great powers, which creates openings and incentives to introduce sweeping domestic reforms.

<span class="mw-page-title-main">Coup d'état</span> Deposition of a government

A coup d'état, also known as a coup or overthrow, is an illegal seizure of power or removal of a government and its powers by a political faction, politician, cult, rebel group, military, or a dictator. Many scholars consider a coup successful when the usurpers seize and hold power for at least seven days.

Feudal fascism, also revolutionary-feudal totalitarianism, were official terms used by the post-Mao Zedong Chinese Communist Party to designate the ideology and rule of Lin Biao and the Gang of Four during the Cultural Revolution. The chairman of the Standing Committee of the National People's Congress, Ye Jianying, in 1979 described Mao Zedong's reign as a “feudal-fascist dictatorship” due to his revolutionary terror based cult of personality, nationalism and authoritarianism despite superficially socialist policies.

Authoritarian socialism, or socialism from above, is an economic and political system supporting some form of socialist economics while rejecting political liberalism. As a term, it represents a set of economic-political systems describing themselves as socialist and rejecting the liberal-democratic concepts of multi-party politics, freedom of assembly, habeas corpus and freedom of expression, either due to fear of the counter-revolution or as a means to socialist ends. Several countries, most notably the Soviet Union, China and their allies, have been described by journalists and scholars as authoritarian socialist states.

Anocracy or semi-democracy is a form of government that is loosely defined as part democracy and part dictatorship, or as a "regime that mixes democratic with autocratic features." Another definition classifies anocracy as "a regime that permits some means of participation through opposition group behavior but that has incomplete development of mechanisms to redress grievances." The term "semi-democratic" is reserved for stable regimes that combine democratic and authoritarian elements. Scholars have also distinguished anocracies from autocracies and democracies in their capability to maintain authority, political dynamics, and policy agendas. Similarly, the regimes have democratic institutions that allow for nominal amounts of competition.

A hybrid regime, of which the most common type is competitive authoritarianism, is a mixed type of political regime that is often created as a result of an incomplete transition from an authoritarian regime to a democratic one. Hybrid regimes combine autocratic features with democratic ones and can simultaneously hold political repressions and regular elections. The term hybrid regime arises from a polymorphic view of political regimes that opposes the dichotomy of autocracy or democracy. Hybrid regimes are characteristic of resource countries such as petro-states. Those regimes are stable and tenacious.

<span class="mw-page-title-main">Democratic backsliding</span> Phenomenon where liberal democracies may gradually become authoritarian

Democratic backsliding, also called autocratization, is the decline in the democratic characteristics of a political system: the opposite of democratization.

Authoritarian capitalism, or illiberal capitalism, is an economic system in which a capitalist market economy exists alongside an authoritarian government. Related to and overlapping with state capitalism, a system in which the state undertakes commercial activity, authoritarian capitalism combines private property and the functioning of market forces with repression of dissent, restrictions on freedom of speech and either a lack of elections or an electoral system with a single dominant political party.

Democratic backsliding, also known as autocratization, is the decline in democratic qualities of a political regime.

Electoral autocracy is a hybrid regime, in which democratic institutions are imitative and adhere to authoritarian methods. In these regimes, regular elections are held, but they fail to reach democratic standards of freedom and fairness.

References

Notes

  1. 1 2 Furio Cerutti (2017). Conceptualizing Politics: An Introduction to Political Philosophy. Routledge. p. 17. Political scientists have outlined elaborated typologies of authoritarianism, from which it is not easy to draw a generally accepted definition; it seems that its main features are the non-acceptance of conflict and plurality as normal elements of politics, the will to preserve the status quo and prevent change by keeping all political dynamics under close control by a strong central power, and lastly, the erosion of the rule of law, the division of powers, and democratic voting procedures.
  2. 1 2 Natasha M. Ezrow & Erica Frantz (2011). Dictators and Dictatorships: Understanding Authoritarian Regimes and Their Leaders. Continuum. p. 17.
  3. 1 2 3 Brian Lai; Dan Slater (2006). "Institutions of the Offensive: Domestic Sources of Dispute Initiation in Authoritarian Regimes, 1950–1992". American Journal of Political Science. 50 (1): 113–126. doi:10.1111/j.1540-5907.2006.00173.x. JSTOR   3694260.
  4. Levitsky, Steven; Way, Lucan A. (2010). Competitive Authoritarianism: Hybrid Regimes after the Cold War. Problems of International Politics. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. doi:10.1017/cbo9780511781353. ISBN   978-0-521-88252-1.
  5. Diamond, Larry (2002). "Elections Without Democracy: Thinking About Hybrid Regimes". Journal of Democracy. 13 (2): 21–35. doi:10.1353/jod.2002.0025. ISSN   1086-3214. S2CID   154815836.
  6. Gunitsky, Seva (2015). "Lost in the Gray Zone: Competing Measures of Democracy in the Former Soviet Republics". Ranking the World: Grading States as a Tool of Global Governance. Cambridge University Press. doi:10.1017/CBO9781316161555.006. SSRN   2506195.
  7. Richard Shorten, Modernism and Totalitarianism: Rethinking the Intellectual Sources of Nazism and Stalinism, 1945 to the Present Archived 2020-01-09 at the Wayback Machine (Palgrave Macmillan, 2012), p. 256 (note 67): "For a long time the authoritative definition of authoritarianism was that of Juan J. Linz."
  8. Juan J. Linz, "An Authoritarian Regime: The Case of Spain," in Erik Allardt and Yrjö Littunen, eds., Cleavages, Ideologies, and Party Systems: Contributions to Comparative Political Sociology (Helsinki: Transactions of the Westermarck Society), pp. 291–342. Reprinted in Erik Allardt & Stine Rokkan, eds., Mas Politics: Studies in Political Sociology (New York: Free Press, 1970), pp. 251–283, 374–381.[ ISBN missing ]
  9. Gretchen Casper, Fragile Democracies: The Legacies of Authoritarian Rule Archived 2020-01-09 at the Wayback Machine (University of Pittsburgh Press, 1995), pp. 40–50 (citing Linz 1964).[ ISBN missing ]
  10. Milan W. Svolik (2012). The Politics of Authoritarian Rule. Cambridge University Press. pp. 22–23. Archived from the original on 2019-10-21. Retrieved 2019-10-21. I follow Przeworski et al. (2000), Boix (2003), and Cheibub et al. (2010) in defining a dictatorship as an independent country that fails to satisfy at least one of the following two criteria for democracy: (1) free and competitive legislative elections and (2) an executive that is elected either directly in free and competitive presidential elections or indirectly by a legislature in parliamentary systems. Throughout this book, I use the terms dictatorship and authoritarian regime interchangeably and refer to the heads of these regimes' governments as simply dictators or authoritarian leaders, regardless of their formal title.
  11. Geddes, Barbara; Wright, Joseph; Frantz, Erica (2014). "Autocratic Breakdown and Regime Transitions: A New Data Set". Perspectives on Politics. 12 (2): 313–331. doi:10.1017/S1537592714000851. ISSN   1537-5927. S2CID   145784357.
  12. Gehlbach, Scott; Sonin, Konstantin; Svolik, Milan W. (2016). "Formal Models of Nondemocratic Politics". Annual Review of Political Science. 19 (1): 565–584. doi:10.1146/annurev-polisci-042114-014927. ISSN   1094-2939. S2CID   143064525.
  13. Cheibub, José Antonio; Gandhi, Jennifer; Vreeland, James Raymond (2010). "Democracy and dictatorship revisited". Public Choice. 143 (1/2): 67–101. doi:10.1007/s11127-009-9491-2. ISSN   0048-5829. JSTOR   40661005. S2CID   45234838.
  14. Milan W. Svolik (2012). The Politics of Authoritarian Rule. Cambridge University Press. p. 20. Archived from the original on 2019-10-21. Retrieved 2019-10-21. More demanding criteria may require that governments respect certain civil liberties—such as the freedom of religion (Schmitter and Karl 1991; Zakaria 1997)—or that the incumbent government and the opposition alternate in power at least once after the first seemingly free election (Huntington 1993; Przeworski et al. 2000; Cheibib et al. 2010).
  15. 1 2 3 4 5 Milan W. Svolik (2012). The Politics of Authoritarian Rule. Cambridge University Press. pp. 8, 12, 22, 25, 88, 117. Archived from the original on 2019-10-21. Retrieved 2019-10-21.
  16. Milan W. Svolik (2012). The Politics of Authoritarian Rule. Cambridge University Press. p. 25. Archived from the original on 2019-10-21. Retrieved 2019-10-21.
  17. 1 2 3 4 5 6 Theodore M. Vesta, Ethiopia: A Post-Cold War African State . Greenwood, 1999, p. 17.
  18. Przeworski, Adam (1991). Democracy and the Market: Political and Economic Reforms in Eastern Europe and Latin America . Cambridge University Press. p.  58. ISBN   978-0521423359.
  19. Bell, Daniel A.; Wang, Pei (4 August 2021). "Just Hierarchy". American Purpose. Retrieved 12 December 2021.
  20. Michael Albertus & Victor Menaldo, "The Political Economy of Autocratic Constitutions", in Constitutions in Authoritarian Regimes (eds. Tom Ginsburg & Alberto Simpser: Cambridge University Press, 2014), p. 80.
  21. Tom Ginsburg & Alberto Simpser, Constitutions in Authoritarian Regimes (Cambridge University Press, 2014), pp. 3–10.
  22. Michael Albertus & Victor Menaldo, Constitutions in Authoritarian Regimes (eds. Tom Ginsburg & Alberto Simpser: Cambridge University Press, 2014), p. 54.
  23. Davis S. Law & Mila Versteeg, "Constitutional Variation Among Strains of Authoritarianism" in Constitutions in Authoritarian Regimes (eds. Tom Ginsburg & Alberto Simpser: Cambridge University Press, 2014), p. 173.
  24. Michael Albertus & Victor Menaldo, Constitutions in Authoritarian Regimes (eds. Tom Ginsburg & Alberto Simpser: Cambridge University Press, 2014), pp. 54, 80.
  25. "Constitution of 1918". Encyclopedia.com. Retrieved 30 May 2022.
  26. 1 2 3 Tushnet, Mark (January 2015). "Authoritarian Constitutionalism" Archived 2020-01-17 at the Wayback Machine . Cornell Law Review. Cambridge University Press. 100 (2): 36–50. doi : 10.1017/CBO9781107252523.004.
  27. Lipset, Seymour Martin (1959). "Some Social Requisites of Democracy: Economic Development and Political Legitimacy". The American Political Science Review. 53 (1): 69–105. doi:10.2307/1951731. ISSN   0003-0554. JSTOR   1951731. S2CID   53686238.
  28. Boix, Carles; Stokes, Susan C. (July 2003). "Endogenous Democratization". World Politics. 55 (4): 517–549. doi:10.1353/wp.2003.0019. ISSN   0043-8871. S2CID   18745191.
  29. Capitalist Development and Democracy. University Of Chicago Press. 1992.
  30. Przeworski, Adam; Limongi, Fernando (1997). "Modernization: Theories and Facts". World Politics. 49 (2): 155–183. doi:10.1353/wp.1997.0004. ISSN   0043-8871. JSTOR   25053996. S2CID   5981579.
  31. Bellin, Eva (January 2000). "Contingent Democrats: Industrialists, Labor, and Democratization in Late-Developing Countries". World Politics. 52 (2): 175–205. doi:10.1017/S0043887100002598. ISSN   1086-3338. S2CID   54044493.
  32. Magaloni, Beatriz (2006). Voting for Autocracy: Hegemonic Party Survival and its Demise in Mexico. Cambridge Core. doi:10.1017/CBO9780511510274. ISBN   978-0511510274. Archived from the original on 2020-04-05. Retrieved 2019-12-17.
  33. Albertus, Michael (2021). Property without Rights: Origins and Consequences of the Property Rights Gap. Cambridge University Press. doi:10.1017/9781108891950. ISBN   978-1108835237. S2CID   241385526.
  34. Gandhi, Jennifer; Noble, Ben; Svolik, Milan (2020). "Legislatures and Legislative Politics Without Democracy". Comparative Political Studies. 53 (9): 1359–1379. doi: 10.1177/0010414020919930 . ISSN   0010-4140.
  35. Gandhi, Jennifer; Lust-Okar, Ellen (2009). "Elections Under Authoritarianism". Annual Review of Political Science. 12 (1): 403–422. doi:10.1146/annurev.polisci.11.060106.095434. ISSN   1094-2939.
  36. 1 2 3 4 5 Geddes, Barbara; Wright, Joseph; Frantz, Erica (2018). How Dictatorships Work. Cambridge University Press. pp. 137–140. doi:10.1017/9781316336182. ISBN   978-1316336182. S2CID   226899229.
  37. Trinh, Minh (2022). "Tea Leaf Elections: Inferring Purpose for Authoritarian Elections from Postelection Responses to Defeats". The Journal of Politics: 000. doi:10.1086/720306. ISSN   0022-3816. S2CID   248188721.
  38. Martinez-Bravo, Monica; Padró i Miquel, Gerard; Qian, Nancy; Yao, Yang (2022). "The Rise and Fall of Local Elections in China". American Economic Review. 112 (9): 2921–2958. doi:10.1257/aer.20181249. ISSN   0002-8282. S2CID   251969906.
  39. Hong, Hao; Wong, Tsz-Ning (2020). "Authoritarian election as an incentive scheme". Journal of Theoretical Politics. 32 (3): 460–493. doi:10.1177/0951629820910563. ISSN   0951-6298. S2CID   13901166.
  40. Lueders, Hans (2022). "Electoral Responsiveness in Closed Autocracies: Evidence from Petitions in the former German Democratic Republic". American Political Science Review. 116 (3): 827–842. doi:10.1017/S0003055421001386. ISSN   0003-0554. S2CID   238714950.
  41. 1 2 Milan W. Svolik (2012). The Politics of Authoritarian Rule. Cambridge University Press. pp. 2, 15, 23. Archived from the original on 2019-10-21. Retrieved 2019-10-21.
  42. Albertus, Michael; Fenner, Sofia; Slater, Dan (2018). Coercive Distribution by Michael Albertus. Elements in the Politics of Development. doi:10.1017/9781108644334. ISBN   978-1108644334. Archived from the original on 25 April 2020. Retrieved 5 November 2019.
  43. Frye, Timothy (2021). Weak Strongman: The Limits of Power in Putin's Russia. Princeton University Press. ISBN   978-0691216980.
  44. Mesquita, Bruce Bueno de; Smith, Alastair; Morrow, James D.; Siverson, Randolph M. (2005). The Logic of Political Survival. MIT Press. ISBN   978-0262524407.
  45. Guriev, Sergei; Treisman, Daniel (2019). "Informational Autocrats". Journal of Economic Perspectives. 33 (4): 100–127. doi: 10.1257/jep.33.4.100 . ISSN   0895-3309.
  46. 1 2 Andrew J. Nathan, "Authoritarian Resilience" Archived 2018-10-05 at the Wayback Machine , Journal of Democracy, 14.1 (2003), pp. 6–17.
  47. Quinlivan, James T. (1999). "Coup-Proofing: Its Practice and Consequences in the Middle East". International Security. 42 (2): 131–165. doi:10.1162/016228899560202. S2CID   57563395. Archived from the original on 2019-10-21. Retrieved 2019-10-21.
  48. Powell, Jonathan (1 December 2012). "Determinants of the Attempting and Outcome of Coups d'état". Journal of Conflict Resolution. 56 (6): 1017–1040. doi:10.1177/0022002712445732. ISSN   0022-0027. S2CID   54646102.
  49. Braithwaite, Jessica Maves; Sudduth, Jun Koga (1 January 2016). "Military purges and the recurrence of civil conflict". Research & Politics. 3 (1): 2053168016630730. doi: 10.1177/2053168016630730 . ISSN   2053-1680.
  50. Chin, John; Song, Wonjun; Wright, Joseph (2022). "Personalization of Power and Mass Uprisings in Dictatorships". British Journal of Political Science: 1–20. doi:10.1017/S0007123422000114. ISSN   0007-1234. S2CID   249976554.
  51. Talmadge, Caitlin (2015). The Dictator's Army: Battlefield Effectiveness in Authoritarian Regimes. Cornell University Press. ISBN   978-1-5017-0175-7.
  52. Narang, Vipin; Talmadge, Caitlin (31 January 2017). "Civil-military Pathologies and Defeat in War". Journal of Conflict Resolution. 62 (7): 1379–1405. doi:10.1177/0022002716684627. S2CID   151897298.
  53. Brown, Cameron S.; Fariss, Christopher J.; McMahon, R. Blake (1 January 2016). "Recouping after Coup-Proofing: Compromised Military Effectiveness and Strategic Substitution". International Interactions. 42 (1): 1–30. doi:10.1080/03050629.2015.1046598. ISSN   0305-0629. S2CID   214653333.(subscription required)
  54. Bausch, Andrew W. (2018). "Coup-proofing and Military Inefficiencies: An Experiment". International Interactions. 44 (ja): 1–32. doi:10.1080/03050629.2017.1289938. ISSN   0305-0629. S2CID   157891333.
  55. Leon, Gabriel (1 April 2014). "Soldiers or politicians? Institutions, conflict, and the military's role in politics". Oxford Economic Papers. 66 (2): 533–556. CiteSeerX   10.1.1.1000.7058 . doi:10.1093/oep/gpt024. ISSN   0030-7653.
  56. 1 2 Frantz, Erica; Stein, Elizabeth A. (4 July 2016). "Countering Coups Leadership Succession Rules in Dictatorships". Comparative Political Studies. 50 (7): 935–962. doi:10.1177/0010414016655538. ISSN   0010-4140. S2CID   157014887.
  57. Curtis Bell; Jonathan Powell (30 July 2016). "Will Turkey's coup attempt prompt others nearby?". Washington Post. Archived from the original on 21 October 2019. Retrieved 21 October 2019.
  58. Böhmelt, Tobias; Ruggeri, Andrea; Pilster, Ulrich (1 April 2017). "Counterbalancing, Spatial Dependence, and Peer Group Effects*" (PDF). Political Science Research and Methods. 5 (2): 221–239. doi:10.1017/psrm.2015.55. ISSN   2049-8470. S2CID   56130442. Archived (PDF) from the original on 22 September 2017. Retrieved 21 October 2019.
  59. Easton, Malcolm R.; Siverson, Randolph M. (2018). "Leader survival and purges after a failed coup d'état". Journal of Peace Research. 55 (5): 596–608. doi:10.1177/0022343318763713. S2CID   117585945.
  60. Escribà-Folch, Abel; Böhmelt, Tobias; Pilster, Ulrich (2019-04-09). "Authoritarian regimes and civil–military relations: Explaining counterbalancing in autocracies". Conflict Management and Peace Science. 37 (5): 559–579. doi:10.1177/0738894219836285. hdl: 10230/46774 . ISSN   0738-8942. S2CID   159416397.
  61. Frantz, Erica; Kendall-Taylor, Andrea; Wright, Joseph; Xu, Xu (2020). "Personalization of Power and Repression in Dictatorships". The Journal of Politics. 82: 372–377. doi:10.1086/706049. ISSN   0022-3816. S2CID   203199813.
  62. "Definition of authoritarian". Merriam Webster. Retrieved 11 April 2022.
  63. 1 2 3 Sondrol, P. C. (2009). "Totalitarian and Authoritarian Dictators: A Comparison of Fidel Castro and Alfredo Stroessner". Journal of Latin American Studies. 23 (3): 599. doi:10.1017/S0022216X00015868. S2CID   144333167.
  64. 1 2 Todd Landman, Studying Human Rights (Routledge, 2003), p. 71 (citing Linz 1964 and others).
  65. "Definition of totalitarian". Merriam Webster. Retrieved 11 April 2022.
  66. "Totalitarianism and autocracy". Britannica. Retrieved 11 April 2022.
  67. 1 2 3 (according to Hannah Arendt)
  68. "Definition of fascism". Merriam Webster. Retrieved 11 April 2022.
  69. 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 Mark J. Gasiorowski, The Political Regimes Project, in On Measuring Democracy: Its Consequences and Concomitants (ed. Alex Inketes), 2006, pp. 110–111.
  70. Geddes, Barbara; Wright, Joseph; Frantz, Erica (2014). "Autocratic Breakdown and Regime Transitions: A New Data Set". Perspectives on Politics. 12 (2): 313–331. doi:10.1017/S1537592714000851. ISSN   1537-5927. S2CID   145784357.
  71. Heinrich, Andreas; Pleines, Heiko (2018). "The Meaning of 'Limited Pluralism' in Media Reporting under Authoritarian Rule". Politics and Governance. 6 (2): 103. doi: 10.17645/pag.v6i2.1238 .
  72. Maire O'Brien (1998). "Dissent and the emergence of civil society in post‐totalitarian China". Journal of Contemporary China. 7 (17): 153–166. doi:10.1080/10670569808724310.
  73. H. H. Lai (2006). "Religious policies in post-totalitarian China: Maintaining political monopoly over a reviving society". Journal of Chinese Political Science. 11: 55–77. doi: 10.1007/BF02877033 . S2CID   154504959.
  74. Paul Mozur; Aaron Krolik (December 17, 2019). "A Surveillance Net Blankets China's Cities, Giving Police Vast Powers". New York Times. Archived from the original on March 3, 2020. Retrieved February 27, 2020.
  75. Xiao Qiang (February 21, 2018). "The rise of China as a digital totalitarian state". Washington Post. Archived from the original on March 28, 2020. Retrieved February 27, 2020.
  76. Michael Clarke (March 10, 2018). "In Xinjiang, China's 'Neo-Totalitarian' Turn Is Already a Reality". The Diplomat. Archived from the original on February 27, 2020. Retrieved February 27, 2020.
  77. Juan de Onis, "After Chavez, Authoritarianism Still Threatens Latin America" [Usurped!], World Affairs (May 15, 2013): "the followers of the late President Hugo Chávez continue to apply the playbook of authoritarian populism throughout Latin America in their pursuit of more power...one of the Mercosur partners are challenging the basic political practices of authoritarian populism implanted in Venezuela."
  78. Kurt Weyland, "Latin America's Authoritarian Drift: The Threat from the Populist Left" Archived 2018-11-25 at the Wayback Machine , Journal of Democracy , Vol. 23, Issue 3 (July 2013), pp. 18–32.
  79. Duckitt, J. (1989). "Authoritarianism and Group Identification: A New View of an Old Construct". Political Psychology. 10 (1): 63–84. doi:10.2307/3791588. JSTOR   3791588.
  80. Kemmelmeier, M.; Burnstein, E.; Krumov, K.; Genkova, P.; Kanagawa, C.; Hirshberg, M. S.; Erb, H. P.; Wieczorkowska, G.; Noels, K. A. (2003). "Individualism, Collectivism, and Authoritarianism in Seven Societies". Journal of Cross-Cultural Psychology. 34 (3): 304. doi:10.1177/0022022103034003005. S2CID   32361036.
  81. Levitsky, Steven; Way, Lucan (2022). Revolution and Dictatorship: The Violent Origins of Durable Authoritarianism. Princeton University Press. ISBN   978-0691169521.
  82. Frantz, Erica (2018). "Authoritarian Politics: Trends and Debates". Politics and Governance. 6 (2): 87–89. doi: 10.17645/pag.v6i2.1498 .
  83. Citizens and the State in Authoritarian Regimes: Comparing China and Russia. Oxford, New York: Oxford University Press. 2020. ISBN   978-0190093495. Archived from the original on 2020-02-27. Retrieved 2020-02-27.
  84. "In South Carolina, Democrats debated when a dictator is really a dictator. So what's the answer?". The Washington Post. 2020. Archived from the original on 2020-02-27. Retrieved 2020-02-27.
  85. Truex, Rory (2016). Making Autocracy Work: Representation and Responsiveness in Modern China. Cambridge University Press. doi:10.1017/cbo9781316771785. ISBN   978-1107172432.
  86. Lueders, Hans (2022). "Electoral Responsiveness in Closed Autocracies: Evidence from Petitions in the former German Democratic Republic". American Political Science Review. 116 (3): 827–842. doi:10.1017/S0003055421001386. ISSN   0003-0554. S2CID   245452279.
  87. Thomas H. Henriksen, American Power after the Berlin Wall (Palgrave Macmillan: 2007), p. 199: "experts emphasize that elections alone, without the full democratic panoply of an independent judiciary, free press, and viable political parties, constitute, in reality, illiberal democracies, which still menace their neighbors and destabilize their regions."
  88. David P. Forsythe, Human Rights in International Relations (Cambridge University Press, 2012), p. 231: "Illiberal democracies may have reasonably free and fair national elections based on broad suffrage, but they do not counteract the tyranny of the majority with effective protections for ethnic and religious minorities or various types of dissenters."
  89. Rod Hague & Martin Harrop, Political Science: A Comparative Introduction (7th ed.: Palgrave Macmillan: 2007), p. 259: "The gradual implementation of the rule of law and due process is an accomplishment of liberal politics, provide a basis for distinguishing liberal from illiberal democracies, and both from authoritarian regimes."
  90. Vladimir Popov, "Circumstances versus Policy Choices: Why Has the Economic Performance of the Soviet Successor States Been So Poor" in After the Collapse of Communism: Comparative Lessons of Transition (eds. Michael McFaul & Kathryn Stoner-Weiss: Cambridge University Press, 2004), p. 20: "The least efficient institutions are in illiberal democracies combining poor rule of law with democracy ... Less democratic regimes with weak rule of law ... appear to do better than illiberal democracies in maintaining institutional capacity."
  91. Hegre, Håvard; Tanja Ellington; Scott Gates & Nils Petter Gleditsch (2001). "Towards A Democratic Civil Peace? Opportunity, Grievance and Civil War 1816–1992". American Political Science Review. 95: 33–48. doi:10.1017/S0003055401000119. S2CID   7521813. Archived from the original on 2004-04-06.
  92. Ray, James Lee (2013). Colin Elman; Miriam Fendius Elman (eds.). A Lakatosian View of the Democratic Peace Research Program From Progress in International Relations Theory (PDF). MIT Press. Archived from the original (PDF) on 2006-06-25.
  93. R. J. Rummel (1997). Power kills: democracy as a method of nonviolence. New Brunswick, New Jersey: Transaction Publishers. ISBN   978-1560002970.
  94. Daniel Lederman, Norman Loayza, & Rodrigo Res Soares, "Accountability and Corruption: Political Institutions Matter" Archived 2021-01-19 at the Wayback Machine , World Bank Policy Research Working Paper No. 2708 (November 2001).
  95. Alberto Abadie (May 2006). "Poverty, Political Freedom, and the Roots of Terrorism". American Economic Review. 96 (2): 50–56. doi:10.1257/000282806777211847. Archived from the original on 2019-10-24. Retrieved 2019-10-24.
  96. 1 2 3 Amichai Magen (January 2018). "Fighting Terrorism: The Democracy Advantage". Journal of Democracy. 29 (1): 111–125. doi:10.1353/jod.2018.0009. S2CID   158598818. Archived from the original on 2020-03-24. Retrieved 2020-03-24.
  97. 1 2 3 Levitsky, Steven; Way, Lucan A. (2010). Competitive Authoritarianism: Hybrid Regimes After the Cold War. Cambridge University Press. pp. 5–7. ISBN   978-1139491488. Archived from the original on 2020-06-12. Retrieved 2019-07-03.
  98. Mufti, Mariam (2018). "What Do We Know about Hybrid Regimes after Two Decades of Scholarship?". Politics and Governance. 6 (5): 112–119. doi: 10.17645/pag.v6i2.1400 .
  99. Tomasky, Michael (1 July 2019). "Do the Republicans Even Believe in Democracy Anymore?". New York Times. Archived from the original on 2 July 2019. Retrieved 3 July 2019.
  100. Levitsky & Way (2010), pp. 7–12.
  101. Nolte, Ernst (1965). The Three Faces of Fascism: Action Française, Italian Fascism, National Socialism. Translated by Leila Vennewitz. London: Weidenfeld and Nicolson. p. 300. ISBN   978-0030522406.
  102. Turner, Henry Ashby (1975). Reappraisals of Fascism. New Viewpoints. p. 162. ISBN   978-0531055793. "[Fascism]'s goals of radical and authoritarian nationalism".
  103. Hagtvet, Bernt; Larsen, Stein Ugelvik; Myklebust, Jan Petter, eds. (1984). Who Were the Fascists: Social Roots of European Fascism. Columbia University Press. p. 424. ISBN   978-8200053316. "[...] organized form of integrative radical nationalist authoritarianism".
  104. Paxton, Robert (2004). The Anatomy of Fascism . Alfred A. Knopf. pp. 32, 45, 173. ISBN   978-1400040940.
  105. Weber, Eugen (1964). Varieties of fascism : doctrines of revolution in the twentieth century (reprint ed.). New York: Van Nostrand. ISBN   978-0898744446.
  106. Laclau, Ernesto (1977). Politics and ideology in Marxist theory : capitalism, fascism, populism (English-language ed.). London: Verso. ISBN   978-1844677887.
  107. Fritzsche, Peter (1990). Rehearsals for fascism : populism and political mobilization in Weimar Germany (1st printing ed.). New York: Oxford Univ. Press. ISBN   978-0195057805.
  108. Griffin, Roger (1991). The nature of fascism (1st American ed.). New York: St. Martin's Press. ISBN   978-0312071325.
  109. Payne, Stanley G. (1995). A history of fascism, 1914–45. London: UCL Press. ISBN   978-0299148744.
  110. Eatwell, Roger (1996). Fascism : a history (1st American ed.). New York: Allen Lane. ISBN   978-0713991475.
  111. Laqueur, Walter (1996). Fascism : past, present, future (reprint ed.). New York: Oxford University Press. ISBN   978-0195117936.
  112. Reich, Wilhelm (2000). The mass psychology of fascism (3rd revised and enlarged ed.). New York: Farrar, Straus & Giroux. ISBN   978-0374508845.
  113. Paxton, Robert (2004). The Anatomy of Fascism (1st ed.). New York: Knopf Imprint. ISBN   978-1400040940.
  114. 1 2 3 Radu Cinpoes, Nationalism and Identity in Romania: A History of Extreme Politics from the Birth of the State to EU Accession, p. 70.
  115. "Putin's War in Ukraine Shatters an Illusion in Russia". New York Times. 9 April 2022.
  116. Przeworski, Adam; Limongi, Fernando (1993). "Political Regimes and Economic Growth". Journal of Economic Perspectives. 7 (3): 51–69. doi:10.1257/jep.7.3.51. hdl:10438/12235. ISSN   0895-3309.
  117. Rodrik, Dani (2010-08-09). "The Myth of Authoritarian Growth | by Dani Rodrik". Project Syndicate. Retrieved 2022-01-07.
  118. Acemoglu, Daron; Naidu, Suresh; Restrepo, Pascual; Robinson, James A. (2019). "Democracy Does Cause Growth". Journal of Political Economy. 127 (1): 47–100. doi:10.1086/700936. hdl:1721.1/124287. ISSN   0022-3808. S2CID   222452675.
  119. Sen, A. K. (1999). "Democracy as a Universal Value". Journal of Democracy. 10 (3): 3–17. doi:10.1353/jod.1999.0055. S2CID   54556373.
  120. Gerring, John; Gjerløw, Haakon; Knutsen, Carl Henrik (2022). "Regimes and industrialization". World Development. 152: 105791. doi:10.1016/j.worlddev.2021.105791. hdl:10852/89922. ISSN   0305-750X.
  121. 1 2 Morton H. Halperin, Joseph T. Siegle, & Michael M. Weinstein, The Democracy Advantage: How Democracies Promote Prosperity and Peace Archived 2015-10-07 at the Wayback Machine (Council on Foreign Relations/Psychology Press, 2005).
  122. Franco, Á.; Álvarez-Dardet, C.; Ruiz, M. T. (2004). "Effect of democracy on health: ecological study". BMJ. 329 (7480): 1421–1423. doi:10.1136/bmj.329.7480.1421. PMC   535957 . PMID   15604165.
  123. The Federal Police Archived 2018-10-05 at the Wayback Machine . Federal Ministry of the Interior, Building and Community of Germany
  124. Cox, David (2005). Sign Wars: The Culture Jammers Strike Back!. LedaTape Organisation. p. 108. ISBN   978-0980770155 . Retrieved 22 October 2011.
  125. "Retired Site PBS Programs". pbs.org. Archived from the original on 7 July 2007. Retrieved 4 September 2016.
  126. "The way of the hippie is antithetical to all repressive hierarchical power structures since they are adverse to the hippie goals of peace, love and freedom ... Hippies don't impose their beliefs on others. Instead, hippies seek to change the world through reason and by living what they believe."Skip Stone. "The Way of the Hippy". www.hipplanet.com.
  127. McLaughlin, Paul (2007). Anarchism and Authority. Aldershot: Ashgate. p. 10. ISBN   978-0754661962.
  128. "The challenge of the past". The Economist. 22 October 1998. Archived from the original on 18 October 2018. Retrieved 17 October 2018.
  129. 1 2 Tharoor, Ishaan (9 February 2017). "The man who declared 'the end of history' fears for democracy's future". Washington Post. Archived from the original on 30 November 2018. Retrieved 4 October 2018.
  130. 1 2 3 4 Ignatieff, Michael (10 July 2014). "Are the Authoritarians Winning?". New York Review of Books. Archived from the original on 22 September 2018. Retrieved 4 October 2018.
  131. Fairbanks, Jr., Charles H. (16 January 2014). "Causes of Authoritarianism in the Former Soviet Republics". Heinrich Boell Stiftung. Archived from the original on 6 October 2018. Retrieved 5 October 2018.
  132. Matt Bradley (December 19, 2020). "10 years after Arab Spring, autocratic regimes hold the upper hand". NBC News.
  133. Kali Robinson (December 2, 2020). "The Arab Spring at Ten Years: What's the Legacy of the Uprisings?". Council on Foreign Relations.
  134. 1 2 Levitsky, Steven; Way, Lucan (January 2015). "The Myth of Democratic Recession" (PDF). Journal of Democracy. 26 (1): 45–58. doi:10.1353/jod.2015.0007. S2CID   154831503. Archived from the original (PDF) on 28 August 2018. Retrieved 4 October 2018.
  135. "Freedom in the World 2018 Democracy in Crisis". Freedom House. Archived from the original on 7 October 2019. Retrieved 4 October 2018.
  136. "New Report: Freedom in the World 2020 finds established democracies are in decline". Freedom House. Archived from the original on 15 September 2020. Retrieved 20 September 2020.
  137. Tsourapas, Gerasimos (2020). "Global Autocracies: Strategies of Transnational Repression, Legitimation, and Co-Optation in World Politics". International Studies Review. 23 (3): 616–644. doi: 10.1093/isr/viaa061 . ISSN   1521-9488.
  138. Leonhardt, David (17 September 2022). "DEMOCRACY CHALLENGED 'A Crisis Coming': The Twin Threats to American Democracy". New York Times. Retrieved 20 September 2022.
  139. "DEMOCRACY REPORT 2022 Autocratization Changing Nature?" (PDF). V-Dem. Retrieved 20 September 2022.
  140. Frum, David (November 2018). "The Republican Party Needs to Embrace Liberalism". Atlantic. Archived from the original on 4 October 2018. Retrieved 4 October 2018.
  141. Ruthven, Malise (23 June 2016). "How to Understand ISIS". New York Review of Books. 63 (11). Archived from the original on 7 August 2016. Retrieved 12 June 2016.
  142. Yun Ru Phua. "After Every Winter Comes Spring: Tunisia's Democratic Flowering – Berkeley Political Review". Bpr.berkeley.edu. Archived from the original on 29 July 2017. Retrieved 11 February 2017.
  143. "Middle East review of 2012: the Arab Winter". The Telegraph. Archived from the original on 10 June 2019. Retrieved 19 July 2014.
  144. "Analysis: Arab Winter is coming to Baghdad". The Telegraph. The Jerusalem Post. Archived from the original on 14 July 2019. Retrieved 8 October 2014.
  145. "Expert Warns of America's Coming 'Arab Winter'". CBN. 8 September 2014. Archived from the original on 9 December 2018. Retrieved 8 October 2014.
  146. "The Arab Winter". The New Yorker. 28 December 2011. Archived from the original on 25 September 2018. Retrieved 8 October 2014.
  147. "Arab Spring or Arab Winter?". The New Yorker. Archived from the original on 18 July 2019. Retrieved 8 October 2014.
  148. Bhagavan, Manu (21 March 2016). "We are witnessing the rise of global authoritarianism on a chilling scale". Qz.com. Archived from the original on 4 October 2018. Retrieved 4 October 2018.
  149. Cowen, Tyler (April 3, 2017). "China's Success Explains Authoritarianism's Allure". Bloomberg. Archived from the original on 2018-08-18. Retrieved 4 October 2018.
  150. Cowen, Tyler (4 April 2017). "Why is authoritarianism on the rise?". marginalrevolution.com. Archived from the original on 5 October 2018. Retrieved 4 October 2018.
  151. "Can it Happen Here? review: urgent studies in rise of authoritarian America (Review of Cass Sunstein book Can It Happen Here?: Authoritarianism in America)". The Guardian. 8 April 2018. Archived from the original on 4 October 2018. Retrieved 4 October 2018.
  152. 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 "Sectors of the U.S. Right Active in the Year 2011". The Public Eye. Political Research Associates . Retrieved 9 September 2019.
  153. 1 2
      Zaitchik, Alexander (19 October 2006). "The National Socialist Movement Implodes". SPLCenter.org. Montgomery, Alabama: Southern Poverty Law Center. Archived from the original on 19 September 2015. Retrieved 28 December 2020. The party's problems began last June, when Citizens Against Hate discovered that NSM's Tulsa post office box was shared by The Joy of Satan Ministry, in which the wife of NSM chairman emeritus Clifford Herrington is High Priestess. [...] Within NSM ranks, meanwhile, a bitter debate was sparked over the propriety of Herrington's Joy of Satan connections. [...] Schoep moved ahead with damage-control operations by nudging chairman emeritus Herrington from his position under the cover of "attending to personal matters." But it was too late to stop NSM Minister of Radio and Information Michael Blevins, aka Vonbluvens, from following White out of the party, citing disgust with Herrington's Joy of Satan ties. "Satanism," declared Blevins in his resignation letter, "affects the whole prime directive guiding the [NSM] – SURVIVAL OF THE WHITE RACE." [...] NSM was now a Noticeably Smaller Movement, one trailed in extremist circles by a strong whiff of Satanism and related charges of sexual impropriety associated with Joy of Satan initiation rites and curiously strong teen recruitment efforts.
      "National Socialist Movement". SPLCenter.org. Montgomery, Alabama: Southern Poverty Law Center. 2020. Archived from the original on 8 September 2015. Retrieved 28 December 2020. The NSM has had its share of movement scandal. In July 2006, it was rocked by revelations that co-founder and chairman emeritus Cliff Herrington's wife was the "High Priestess" of the Joy of Satan Ministry, and that her satanic church shared an address with the Tulsa, Okla., NSM chapter. The exposure of Herrington's wife's Satanist connections caused quite a stir, particularly among those NSM members who adhered to a racist (and heretical) variant of Christianity, Christian Identity. Before the dust settled, both Herringtons were forced out of NSM. Bill White, the neo-Nazi group's energetic spokesman, also quit, taking several NSM officials with him to create a new group, the American National Socialist Workers Party.
  154. 1 2 "The National Socialist Movement". Adl.org. New York City: Anti-Defamation League. 2020. Archived from the original on 22 September 2017. Retrieved 28 December 2020.
  155. 1 2 3 Upchurch, H. E. (22 December 2021). Cruickshank, Paul; Hummel, Kristina (eds.). "The Iron March Forum and the Evolution of the "Skull Mask" Neo-Fascist Network" (PDF). CTC Sentinel . West Point, New York: Combating Terrorism Center. 14 (10): 27–37. Archived (PDF) from the original on 27 December 2021. Retrieved 19 January 2022.
  156. "Freedom in the World Angola Report". Archived from the original on 6 February 2018. Retrieved 19 April 2018.
  157. Vincent, Rebecca (19 May 2013). "When the music dies: Azerbaijan one year after Eurovision". Al Jazeera. Archived from the original on 7 June 2013. Retrieved 10 June 2013. Over the past several years, Azerbaijan has become increasingly authoritarian, as the authorities have used tactics such as harassment, intimidation, blackmail, attack and imprisonment to silence the regime's critics, whether journalists, bloggers, human rights defenders, political activists or ordinary people taking to the streets in protest.
  158. Nebil Husayn, Authoritarianism in Bahrain: Motives, Methods and Challenges Archived 2020-07-28 at the Wayback Machine , AMSS 41st Annual Conference (September 29, 2012); Parliamentary Elections and Authoritarian Rule in Bahrain Archived 2013-12-17 at the Wayback Machine (January 13, 2011), Stanford University
  159. Rausing, Sigrid (7 October 2012). "Belarus: inside Europe's last dictatorship". The Guardian. London. Archived from the original on 26 July 2014. Retrieved 7 August 2014.
  160. "Belarus's Lukashenko: "Better a dictator than gay"". Reuters . Berlin. 4 March 2012. Archived from the original on 6 October 2015. Retrieved 30 June 2017. ...German Foreign Minister's branding him 'Europe's last dictator'
  161. "Profile: Alexander Lukashenko". BBC News. BBC. 9 January 2007. Archived from the original on 23 October 2007. Retrieved 7 August 2014. ..an authoritarian ruling style is characteristic of me [Lukashenko]
  162. "Belarus: Events of 2004". Essential Background – Belarus. Human Rights Watch. 2005. Archived from the original on 13 July 2012. Retrieved 26 March 2006.
  163. "Human rights by country – Belarus". Amnesty International Report 2007. Amnesty International. 2007. Archived from the original on 12 December 2007. Retrieved 22 December 2007.
  164. Schudel, Matt (June 10, 2020). "Pierre Nkurunziza, Burundian president who led authoritarian regime, dies at 55". The Washington Post . Retrieved June 10, 2020.
  165. Elisabeth Bumiller (November 16, 2012). "In Cambodia, Panetta Reaffirms Ties With Authoritarian Government". The New York Times . Archived from the original on May 2, 2019. Retrieved February 26, 2017.
  166. Morgenbesser, Lee (2020). The Rise of Sophisticated Authoritarianism in Southeast Asia. Cambridge University Press. doi:10.1017/9781108630061. ISBN   978-1108630061. S2CID   219095209. Archived from the original on 1 May 2020. Retrieved 1 May 2020.
  167. 1 2 3 Freedom House (2016). Freedom in the World 2016: Anxious Dictators, Wavering Democracies: Global Freedom Under Pressure (PDF).
  168. "Amnesty International Report 2009: State of the World's Human Rights". Amnesty International. 2009. Archived from the original on 2011-10-08.
  169. Ming Xia, China Rises Companion: Political Governance Archived 2017-02-21 at the Wayback Machine , The New York Times. See also Cheng Li, The End of the CCP's Resilient Authoritarianism? A Tripartite Assessment of Shifting Power in China Archived 2015-03-27 at the Wayback Machine (September 2012), The China Quarterly, Vol. 211; Perry Link and Joshua Kurlantzick, China's Modern Authoritarianism Archived 2017-07-16 at the Wayback Machine (May 25, 2009), The Wall Street Journal; Ariana Eunjung Cha, China, Cuba, Other Authoritarian Regimes Censor News From Iran Archived 2020-09-18 at the Wayback Machine (June 27, 2009), The Washington Post.
  170. Kennedy, John; Nagao, Haruka; Liu, Hongyan (2018). "Voting and Values: Grassroots Elections in Rural and Urban China". Politics and Governance. 6 (2): 90. doi: 10.17645/pag.v6i2.1331 .
  171. "Freedom in the World Republic of Congo Report". Archived from the original on 21 April 2018. Retrieved 19 April 2018.
  172. Ariana Eunjung Cha, China, Cuba, Other Authoritarian Regimes Censor News From Iran Archived 2020-09-18 at the Wayback Machine (June 27, 2009), The Washington Post; Shanthi Kalathil and Taylor Boas, Internet and State Control in Authoritarian Regimes: China, Cuba and the Counterrevolution Archived 2020-07-28 at the Wayback Machine (July 16, 2001), Carnegie Endowment for International Peace.
  173. Metelits, Claire; Matti, Stephanie (2015). "Authoritarianism and Geostrategic Policies in Djibouti". Democratic Contestation on the Margins: Regimes in Small African Countries. Lanham, Maryland: Lexington Books. pp. 99–122. ISBN   978-0739193433.
  174. Metelits, Claire; Matti, Stephanie (July 12, 2013). "Deserting Democracy: Authoritarianism and Geo-Strategic Politics in Djibouti". Presented at the African Studies Association Annual Conference, November 2013.
  175. Amr Adly, The Economics of Egypt's Rising Authoritarian Order Archived 2020-07-28 at the Wayback Machine , Carnegie Middle East Center, June 18, 2014; Nathan J. Brown & Katie Bentivoglio, Egypt's Resurgent Authoritarianism: It's a Way of Life Archived 2020-07-28 at the Wayback Machine , Carnegie Endowment for International Peace, October 9, 2014; Roula Khalaf, Sisi's Egypt: The march of the security state Archived 2020-07-26 at the Wayback Machine , Financial Times (December 19, 2016); Peter Hessler, Egypt's Failed Revolution Archived 2020-07-02 at the Wayback Machine , New Yorker, January 2, 2017.
  176. Vivanco, José Miguel; Pappier, Juan (18 May 2021). "The U.S. can stop El Salvador's slide to authoritarianism. Time to act". The Washington Post . Archived from the original on 22 June 2021. Retrieved 22 June 2021.
  177. Goldberg, Mark Leon (20 June 2021). "Better Know Nayib Bukele, the Hipster, Millennial and Authoritarian President of El Salvador". UN Dispatch. UN Dispatch. Archived from the original on 22 June 2021. Retrieved 20 June 2021.
  178. "Freedom in the World Equatorial Guinea Report". Archived from the original on 24 June 2018. Retrieved 19 April 2018.
  179. "Freedom in the World Gabon Report". Archived from the original on 4 January 2018. Retrieved 19 April 2018.
  180. 1 2 Maerz, Seraphine F.; Lührmann, Anna; Hellmeier, Sebastian; Grahn, Sandra; Lindberg, Staffan I. (17 August 2020). "State of the world 2019: autocratization surges – resistance grows". Democratization. 27 (6): 909–927. doi: 10.1080/13510347.2020.1758670 .
  181. 1 2 Rohac, Dalibor. "Hungary and Poland Aren't Democratic. They're Authoritarian". Foreign Policy. Archived from the original on 2018-02-05. Retrieved 2019-10-23.
  182. Mounk, Yascha (2018-04-09). "Hungary's Election Was a Milestone in the Decline of Democracy". Slate Magazine. Archived from the original on 2018-04-10. Retrieved 2019-10-23.
  183. Viktor Orbán Is Exploiting Anti-Semitism Archived 2020-06-18 at the Wayback Machine . Ira Forman, The Atlantic , 14 December 2018
  184. Ding, Iza; Slater, Dan (2 January 2021). "Democratic decoupling". Democratization. 28 (1): 63–80. doi:10.1080/13510347.2020.1842361. ISSN   1351-0347. S2CID   231643689.
  185. Welzel, Christian Peter (2017). "A Tale of Culture-Bound Regime Evolution". Democratization. doi:10.1080/13510347.2018.1542430. ISSN   1351-0347. S2CID   148625260.
  186. Finzel, Lydia (24 February 2020). "Democratic Backsliding in India, the World's Largest Democracy | V-Dem". www.v-dem.net. V-Dem Institute. Archived from the original on 27 February 2021. Retrieved 27 November 2020.
  187. Mehrdad Kia, The Making of Modern Authoritarianism in Contemporary Iran, in Modern Middle East Authoritarianism: Roots, Ramifications, and Crisis (Routledge: 2013; eds. Noureddine Jebnoun, Mehrdad Kia & Mimi Kirk), pp. 75–76.
  188. Mehran Tamadonfar, Islamic Law and Governance in Contemporary Iran: Transcending Islam for Social, Economic, and Political Order (Lexington Books, 2015), pp. 311–313.
  189. Juan José Linz, Totalitarian and Authoritarian Regimes Archived 2020-07-26 at the Wayback Machine (Lynne Rienner, 2000), p. 36.
  190. 1 2 Yom, Sean (16 May 2017). "Why Jordan and Morocco are doubling down on royal rule". The Washington Post . Archived from the original on 2 October 2017. Retrieved 27 September 2017.
  191. Beckert, Jen. "Communitarianism." International Encyclopedia of Economic Sociology. London: Routledge, 2006. 81.
  192. "Governance of Morocco". Fanack.com. Archived from the original on 2018-07-19. Retrieved 2018-07-19.
  193. "Morocco: The Promise of Democracy and the Reality of Authoritarianism". IAI Istituto Affari Internazionali (in Italian). 27 April 2016. Archived from the original on 28 July 2020. Retrieved 19 July 2018.
  194. "Montenegro's Prime Minister Resigns, Perhaps Bolstering Country's E.U. Hopes". The New York Times. 26 October 2016. Archived from the original on 3 June 2019. Retrieved 12 December 2018.
  195. "Montenegro's Djukanovic Declares Victory In Presidential Election". Radio Free Europe. 16 April 2018. Archived from the original on 26 July 2020. Retrieved 12 December 2018.
  196. "Djukanovic si riprende il Montenegro con la benedizione di Bruxelles". eastwest.eu. 17 April 2018. Archived from the original on 2 May 2019. Retrieved 12 December 2018.
  197. "Đukanović - posljednji autokrat Balkana". Deutsche Welle. 18 June 2013. Archived from the original on 26 July 2020. Retrieved 12 December 2018.
  198. "Montenegro veteran PM Djukanovic to run for presidency". France 24. 19 March 2018. Archived from the original on 18 April 2020. Retrieved 12 December 2018.
  199. "Timeline: How the crackdown on Myanmar's Rohingya unfolded". www.aljazeera.com. Archived from the original on 2020-10-25. Retrieved 2020-10-03.
  200. "Two years after Nicaragua's mass uprising started, why is Daniel Ortega still in power?". The Washington Post . Archived from the original on 2020-12-23. Retrieved 2020-10-01.
  201. "Human rights vs. authoritarianism in Nicaragua". openDemocracy. Archived from the original on 2020-10-20. Retrieved 2020-10-03.
  202. "Oman". freedomhouse.org. 2017-01-24. Archived from the original on 2017-05-09. Retrieved 2019-10-23.
  203. "Authoritarianism in Palestine". Middle East Monitor. 2014-10-11. Archived from the original on 2017-09-23. Retrieved 2019-10-23.
  204. Gross, Terry (September 22, 2018) "Poland's Shift Toward Authoritarianism Is A 'Red Flag' For Democracy" NPR
  205. The Washington Post editorial Board (December 21, 2018) "Poland is sliding into authoritarianism. Now we see if the E.U. can stop the drift" The Washington Post
  206. Staff (May 15, 2019) "Authoritarian right: Poland" Corporate European Observatory
  207. Easton, Adam (April 30, 2020) "Polish state becoming authoritarian, top judge Gersdorf says" BBC
  208. Junes, Tom (May 19, 2020) "In Poland, Authoritarianism May Turn Out Half-Baked" Balkan Insight
  209. Przybylski, Wojciech (July 14, 2020) "How the EU can manage Poland's authoritarian government " Politico
  210. "Dictators Continue to Score in International Sporting Events". Freedom House. Archived from the original on 2019-11-11. Retrieved 2017-10-19.
  211. Nikolay Petrov and Michael McFaul, The Essence of Putin's Managed Democracy Archived 2020-07-28 at the Wayback Machine (October 18, 2005), Carnegie Endowment for International Peace; Tom Parfitt, Billionaire tycoon Mikhail Prokhorov who is running in the 4 March election says it is time for evolution not revolution Archived 2020-07-26 at the Wayback Machine (January 11, 2012), The Guardian; Richard Denton, Russia's 'managed democracy' Archived 2020-07-26 at the Wayback Machine (May 11, 2006), BBC News.
  212. "Nations in Transit 2014 – Russia". Freedom House. Archived from the original on 2014-06-30. Retrieved 2014-10-05.
  213. "The Myth of the Authoritarian Model – How Putin's Crackdown Holds Russia Back" (PDF). The Freeman Spogli Institute for International Studies, Stanford. Archived from the original (PDF) on 2014-10-06. Retrieved 2014-10-05.
  214. "Freedom in the World Rwanda Report". Archived from the original on 6 January 2018. Retrieved 19 April 2018.
  215. Toby Craig Jones, Desert Kingdom: How Oil and Water Forged Modern Saudi Arabia (2011), Harvard University Press, pp. 5, 14–15; Kira D. Baiasu, Sustaining Authoritarian Rule Archived January 2, 2013, at the Wayback Machine Fall 2009, Volume 10, Issue 1 (September 30, 2009), Northwestern Journal of International Affairs.
  216. "Serbia election: Pro-EU Prime Minister Vucic claims victory". BBC. 24 April 2016. Archived from the original on 24 April 2016. Retrieved 12 December 2018.
  217. "A Serbian Election Erodes Democracy". The New York Times. 9 April 2017. Archived from the original on 15 December 2018. Retrieved 12 December 2018.
  218. "Thousands march against Serbian president's autocratic rule". The Washington Post. 8 December 2018. Archived from the original on 9 December 2018. Retrieved 12 December 2018.
  219. Eror, Aleks (9 March 2018). "How Aleksandar Vucic Became Europe's Favorite Autocrat". Foreign Policy. Archived from the original on 9 March 2018. Retrieved 12 December 2018.
  220. "Lee Kuan Yew leaves a legacy of authoritarian pragmatism". TheGuardian.com . 23 March 2015. Retrieved 5 May 2017.
  221. "January 5, 2017 Fear, smear and the paradox of authoritarian politics in Singapore". 5 January 2017. Retrieved 5 May 2017.
  222. "Freedom in the World South Sudan Report". Archived from the original on 21 April 2018. Retrieved 19 April 2018.
  223. Bieber, Florian (July 2018). "Patterns of competitive authoritarianism in the Western Balkans". East European Politics. 38 (3): 337–354. doi: 10.1080/21599165.2018.1490272 .
  224. "Milorad Dodik Wants to Carve Up Bosnia. Peacefully, if Possible". The New York Times. 16 February 2018. Archived from the original on 16 February 2018. Retrieved 5 January 2019.
  225. "Correction: Bosnia-Journalist Beaten story". Associated Press. 28 September 2018. Archived from the original on 27 August 2018. Retrieved 5 January 2019.
  226. Heydemann, Steven; Leenders, Reinoud (2013). Middle East Authoritarianisms: Governance, Contestation, and Regime Resilience in Syria and Iran. Stanford University Press. p. 13. ISBN   978-0804793339.
  227. "Freedom in the World Tajikistan Report". Archived from the original on 20 April 2018. Retrieved 19 April 2018.
  228. Jakubowski, Andrzej (2016). Cultural Rights as Collective Rights: An International Law Perspective. Brill – Nijhoff. p. 196. ISBN   978-9004312012.
  229. Esena, Berk; Gumuscu, Sebnem (2016). "Rising competitive authoritarianism in Turkey". Third World Quarterly . 37 (9): 1581–1606. doi:10.1080/01436597.2015.1135732. hdl: 11693/36632 . S2CID   155983134.; Ramazan Kılınç, Turkey: from conservative democracy to popular authoritarianism Archived 2016-07-22 at the Wayback Machine , openDemocracy (December 5, 2015).
  230. "The dark side of the United Arab Emirates". newint.org. 7 September 2015. Archived from the original on 10 September 2015. Retrieved 22 October 2017.
  231. "United Arab Emirates profile". 29 August 2017. Archived from the original on 27 February 2014. Retrieved 22 October 2017 via www.bbc.com.
  232. "The subtleties of authoritarianism in Museveni's Uganda - Africa Research Institute".
  233. Neil J. Melvin, Uzbekistan: Transition to Authoritarianism on the Silk Road Archived 2021-01-19 at the Wayback Machine (Harwood Academic, 2000), pp. 28–30.
  234. Shahram Akbarzadeh, "Post-Soviet Central Asia: The Limits of Islam" in Constitutionalism in Islamic Countries: Between Upheaval and Continuity (Oxford University Press, 2012: eds. Rainer Grote & Tilmann J. Röder), p. 428.
  235. "An Uzbek spring has sprung, but summer is still a long way off". The Economist. 2017-12-14. ISSN   0013-0613. Archived from the original on 2019-08-07. Retrieved 2019-10-23.
  236. Human Rights Watch, Venezuela: Chávez's Authoritarian Legacy: Dramatic Concentration of Power and Open Disregard for Basic Human Rights Archived 2015-06-10 at the Wayback Machine , March 5, 2013; Kurt Weyland, Latin America's Authoritarian Drift: The Threat from the Populist Left Archived 2018-10-01 at the Wayback Machine , Journal of Democracy, Vol. 24, No. 3 (July 2013), pp. 18–32.
  237. Thomas Fuller, In Hard Times, Open Dissent and Repression Rise in Vietnam (April 23, 2013), The New York Times
  238. Daniel Compagnon, A Predictable Tragedy: Robert Mugabe and the Collapse of Zimbabwe Archived 2016-11-14 at the Wayback Machine (University of Pennsylvania Press, 2011).
  239. "Zimbabwe's slither towards increased authoritarianism". The Zimbabwean. 2019-03-07. Archived from the original on 2020-10-28. Retrieved 2020-10-03.
  240. "Freedom in the World Algeria Report". Archived from the original on 21 April 2018. Retrieved 19 April 2018.
  241. Todd L. Edwards, Argentina: A Global Studies Handbook (2008), pp. 45–46; Steven E. Sanderson, The Politics of Trade in Latin American Development (1992), Stanford University Press, p. 133; William C. Smith, Reflections on the Political Economy of Authoritarian Rule and Capitalist Reorganization in Contemporary Argentina, in Generals in Retreat: The Crisis of Military Rule in Latin America (1985), eds. Philip J. O'Brien & Paul A. Cammack, Manchester University Press.
  242. Guillermo A. O'Donnell, Bureaucratic Authoritarianism: Argentina, 1966–1973, in Comparative Perspective (University of California Press, 1988); James M. Malloy, Authoritarianism and Corporatism in Latin America: The Modal Pattern , in Democracy in Latin America: Patterns and Cycles (1996; ed. Roderic A. Camp), p. 122; Howard J. Wiards, Corporatism and Comparative Politics: The Other Great "ism" (1997), pp. 113–114.
  243. James M. Malloy, Authoritarianism and Corporatism in Latin America: The Modal Pattern, in Democracy in Latin America: Patterns and Cycles (ed. Roderic A. Camp), p. 122; Thomas E. Skidmore, The Political Economy of Policy-making in Authoritarian Brazil, 1967–70, in Generals in Retreat: The Crisis of Military Rule in Latin America (1985), eds. Philip J. O'Brien & Paul A. Cammack, Manchester University Press.
  244. Thomas Carothers, Q&A: Is Burma Democratizing? (April 2, 2012), Carnegie Endowment for International Peace; President Discusses Burma/Myanmar in Transition at World Affairs Council Sacramento (April 3, 2013), Asia Foundation; Louise Arbour, In Myanmar, Sanctions Have Had Their Day (March 5, 2012), The New York Times.
  245. McCurry, Stephanie (21 June 2020). "The Confederacy Was an Antidemocratic, Centralized State". The Atlantic. The Atlantic . Retrieved 10 July 2022.
  246. Dal Lago, Enrico (2018). Civil War and Agrarian Unrest: The Confederate South and Southern Italy. Cambridge University Press. p. 79. ISBN   9781108340625. ...The slaveholding elites' project of Confederate nation building... the idea that the Confederacy was a "herrenvolk democracy" or "democracy of the white race"
  247. "Freedom in the World Chad Report". Archived from the original on 4 January 2018. Retrieved 19 April 2018.