Antonio Gramsci

Last updated

Antonio Gramsci
Gramsci in 1916
Antonio Francesco Gramsci

(1891-01-22)22 January 1891
Ales, Sardinia, Italy
Died27 April 1937 (aged 46)
Rome, Italy
Alma mater University of Turin
Notable work Prison Notebooks
Era 20th-century philosophy
Region Western philosophy
Main interests
  • Politics
  • ideology
  • culture
Notable ideas
Secretary of the Communist Party of Italy
In office
14 August 1924 8 November 1926

Gramsci was one of the most influential Marxist thinkers of the 20th century, and a particularly key thinker in the development of Western Marxism. He wrote more than 30 notebooks and 3,000 pages of history and analysis during his imprisonment. These writings, known as the Prison Notebooks , contain Gramsci's tracing of Italian history and nationalism, as well as some ideas in Marxist theory, critical theory and educational theory associated with his name, such as:


Hegemony was a term previously used by Marxists such as Vladimir Lenin to denote the political leadership of the working class in a democratic revolution. [46] :15–17 Gramsci greatly expanded this concept, developing an acute analysis of how the ruling capitalist class – the bourgeoisie – establishes and maintains its control. [46] :20

Orthodox Marxism had predicted that socialist revolution was inevitable in capitalist societies. By the early 20th century, no such revolution had occurred in the most advanced nations. Rather, capitalism seemed more entrenched than ever. Capitalism, Gramsci suggested, maintained control not just through violence and political and economic coercion, but also through ideology. The bourgeoisie developed a hegemonic culture, which propagated its own values and norms so that they became the "common sense" values of all. People in the working class (and other classes) identified their own good with the good of the bourgeoisie and helped to maintain the status quo rather than revolting.

To counter the notion that bourgeois values represented natural or normal values for society, the working class needed to develop a culture of its own. Lenin held that culture was ancillary to political objectives, but for Gramsci, it was fundamental to the attainment of power that cultural hegemony be achieved first. In Gramsci's view, a class cannot dominate in modern conditions by merely advancing its own narrow economic interests; neither can it dominate purely through force and coercion. [47] Rather, it must exert intellectual and moral leadership, and make alliances and compromises with a variety of forces. [47] Gramsci calls this union of social forces a "historic bloc", taking a term from Georges Sorel. This bloc forms the basis of consent to a certain social order, which produces and re-produces the hegemony of the dominant class through a nexus of institutions, social relations, and ideas. [47] In this way, Gramsci's theory emphasized the importance of the political and ideological superstructure in both maintaining and fracturing relations of the economic base.

Gramsci stated that bourgeois cultural values were tied to folklore, popular culture and religion, and therefore much of his analysis of hegemonic culture is aimed at these. He was also impressed by the influence Roman Catholicism had and the care the Church had taken to prevent an excessive gap developing between the religion of the learned and that of the less educated. Gramsci saw Marxism as a marriage of the purely intellectual critique of religion found in Renaissance humanism and the elements of the Reformation that had appealed to the masses. For Gramsci, Marxism could supersede religion only if it met people's spiritual needs, and to do so people would have to think of it as an expression of their own experience.

Intellectuals and education

Gramsci gave much thought to the role of intellectuals in society. [48] He stated that all men are intellectuals, in that all have intellectual and rational faculties, but not all men have the social function of intellectuals. [49] He saw modern intellectuals not as talkers, but as practical-minded directors and organisers who produced hegemony through ideological apparatuses such as education and the media. Furthermore, he distinguished between a traditional intelligentsia which sees itself (wrongly) as a class apart from society, and the thinking groups which every class produces from its own ranks "organically". [48] Such "organic" intellectuals do not simply describe social life in accordance with scientific rules, but instead articulate, through the language of culture, the feelings and experiences which the masses could not express for themselves. To Gramsci, it was the duty of organic intellectuals to speak to the obscured precepts of folk wisdom, or common sense (senso comune), of their respective political spheres. These intellectuals would represent excluded social groups of a society, what Gramsci referred to as the subaltern. [50]

In line with Gramsci's theories of hegemonic power, he argued that capitalist power needed to be challenged by building a counter-hegemony. By this he meant that, as part of the war of position, the organic intellectuals and others within the working-class, need to develop alternative values and an alternative ideology in contrast to bourgeois ideology. He argued that the reason this had not needed to happen in Russia was because the Russian ruling class did not have genuine hegemonic power. So the Bolsheviks were able to carry out a war of manoeuvre (the 1917 revolution) relatively easily, because ruling-class hegemony had never been fully achieved. He believed that a final war of manoeuvre was only possible, in the developed and advanced capitalist societies, when the war of position had been won by the organic intellectuals and the working-class building a counter-hegemony.

The need to create a working-class culture and a counter-hegemony relates to Gramsci's call for a kind of education that could develop working-class intellectuals, whose task was not to introduce Marxist ideology into the consciousness of the proletariat as a set of foreign notions but to renovate the existing intellectual activity of the masses and make it natively critical of the status quo. His ideas about an education system for this purpose correspond with the notion of critical pedagogy and popular education as theorized and practised in later decades by Paulo Freire in Brazil, and have much in common with the thought of Frantz Fanon. For this reason, partisans of adult and popular education consider Gramsci's writings and ideas important to this day. [51]

State and civil society

Gramsci's theory of hegemony is tied to his conception of the capitalist state. Gramsci does not understand the state in the narrow sense of the government. Instead, he divides it between political society (the police, the army, legal system, etc.) – the arena of political institutions and legal constitutional control – and civil society (the family, the education system, trade unions, etc.) – commonly seen as the private or non-state sphere, which mediates between the state and the economy. [52] However, he stresses that the division is purely conceptual and that the two often overlap in reality. [53] Gramsci claims the capitalist state rules through force plus consent: political society is the realm of force and civil society is the realm of consent.

Gramsci proffers that under modern capitalism the bourgeoisie can maintain its economic control by allowing certain demands made by trade unions and mass political parties within civil society to be met by the political sphere. Thus, the bourgeoisie engages in passive revolution by going beyond its immediate economic interests and allowing the forms of its hegemony to change. Gramsci posits that movements such as reformism and fascism, as well as the scientific management and assembly line methods of Frederick Taylor and Henry Ford respectively, are examples of this.

Drawing from Machiavelli, he argues that The Modern Prince – the revolutionary party – is the force that will allow the working-class to develop organic intellectuals and an alternative hegemony within civil society. For Gramsci, the complex nature of modern civil society means that a war of position, carried out by revolutionaries through political agitation, the trade unions, advancement of proletarian culture, and other ways to create an opposing civil society was necessary alongside a war of manoeuvre – a direct revolution – in order to have a successful revolution without danger of a counter-revolution or degeneration.

Despite his claim that the lines between the two may be blurred, Gramsci rejects the state-worship that results from equating political society with civil society, as was done by the Jacobins and Fascists. He believes the proletariat's historical task is to create a "regulated society", where political society is diminished and civil society is expanded. He defines the "withering away of the state" as the full development of civil society's ability to regulate itself. [52]


Like the early Marx, Gramsci was an emphatic proponent of historicism. [54] In Gramsci's view, all meaning derives from the relation between human practical activity (or praxis) and the objective historical and social processes of which it is a part. Ideas cannot be understood outside their social and historical context, apart from their function and origin. The concepts by which we organise our knowledge of the world do not derive primarily from our relation to objects, but rather from the social relations between the users of those concepts. As a result, there is no such thing as an unchanging human nature, but only historically variable social relationships. Furthermore, philosophy and science do not reflect a reality independent of man. Rather, a theory can be said to be true when, in any given historical situation, it expresses the real developmental trend of that situation.

For the majority of Marxists, truth was truth no matter when and where it was known, and scientific knowledge (which included Marxism) accumulated historically as the advance of truth in this everyday sense. In this view, Marxism (or the Marxist theory of history and economics) did not belong to the illusory realm of the superstructure because it is a science. In contrast, Gramsci believed Marxism was true in a socially pragmatic sense: by articulating the class consciousness of the proletariat, Marxism expressed the truth of its times better than any other theory. This anti-scientistic and anti-positivist stance was indebted to the influence of Benedetto Croce. However, it should be underlined that Gramsci's absolute historicism broke with Croce's tendency to secure a metaphysical synthesis in historical destiny. Although Gramsci repudiates the charge, his historical account of truth has been criticised as a form of relativism. [55]

Critique of "economism"

In a pre-prison article titled "The Revolution against Das Kapital ", Gramsci wrote that the October Revolution in Russia had invalidated the idea that socialist revolution had to await the full development of capitalist forces of production. [56] This reflected his view that Marxism was not a determinist philosophy. The principle of the causal primacy of the forces of production was a misconception of Marxism. Both economic changes and cultural changes are expressions of a basic historical process, and it is difficult to say which sphere has primacy over the other.

The belief from the earliest years of the workers' movement that it would inevitably triumph due to "historical laws" was a product of the historical circumstances of an oppressed class restricted mainly to defensive action. This fatalistic doctrine must be abandoned as a hindrance once the working-class becomes able to take the initiative. Because Marxism is a philosophy of praxis, it cannot rely on unseen historical laws as the agents of social change. History is defined by human praxis and therefore includes human will. Nonetheless, will-power cannot achieve anything it likes in any given situation: when the consciousness of the working-class reaches the stage of development necessary for action, it will encounter historical circumstances that cannot be arbitrarily altered. It is not predetermined by historical inevitability as to which of several possible developments will take place as a result.

His critique of economism also extended to that practised by the syndicalists of the Italian trade unions. He believed that many trade unionists had settled for a reformist, gradualist approach in that they had refused to struggle on the political front in addition to the economic front. For Gramsci, much as the ruling class can look beyond its own immediate economic interests to reorganise the forms of its own hegemony, so must the working class present its own interests as congruous with the universal advancement of society. While Gramsci envisioned the trade unions as one organ of a counter-hegemonic force in a capitalist society, the trade union leaders simply saw these organizations as a means to improve conditions within the existing structure. Gramsci referred to the views of these trade unionists as vulgar economism, which he equated to covert reformism and even liberalism.

Critique of materialism

By virtue of his belief that human history and collective praxis determine whether any philosophical question is meaningful or not, Gramsci's views run contrary to the metaphysical materialism and copy theory of perception advanced by Friedrich Engels, [57] [58] and Lenin, [59] though he does not explicitly state this. For Gramsci, Marxism does not deal with a reality that exists in and for itself, independent of humanity. [60] The concept of an objective universe outside of human history and human praxis was analogous to belief in God. [61] Gramsci defined objectivity in terms of a universal intersubjectivity to be established in a future communist society. [61] Natural history was thus only meaningful in relation to human history. In his view philosophical materialism resulted from a lack of critical thought, [62] and could not be said to oppose religious dogma and superstition. [63] Despite this, Gramsci resigned himself to the existence of this arguably cruder form of Marxism. Marxism was a philosophy for the proletariat, a subaltern class, and thus could often only be expressed in the form of popular superstition and common sense. [64] Nonetheless, it was necessary to effectively challenge the ideologies of the educated classes, and to do so Marxists must present their philosophy in a more sophisticated guise, and attempt to genuinely understand their opponents' views.


Gramsci's thought emanates from the organized left, but he has also become an important figure in current academic discussions within cultural studies and critical theory. Political theorists from the center and the right have also found insight in his concepts; his idea of hegemony, for example, has become widely cited. His influence is particularly strong in contemporary political science (see Neo-Gramscianism). His work also heavily influenced intellectual discourse on popular culture and scholarly popular culture studies in which many have found the potential for political or ideological resistance to dominant government and business interests.[ citation needed ]

His critics charge him with fostering a notion of power struggle through ideas. They find the Gramscian approach to philosophical analysis, reflected in current academic controversies, to be in conflict with open-ended, liberal inquiry grounded in apolitical readings of the classics of Western culture.

As a socialist, Gramsci's legacy has been disputed. [46] :6–7 Togliatti, who led the Party (renamed as Italian Communist Party, PCI) after World War II and whose gradualist approach was a forerunner to Eurocommunism, claimed that the PCI's practices during this period were congruent with Gramscian thought. It is speculated that he would likely have been expelled from his Party if his true views had been known, particularly his growing hostility to Stalin. [41]




See also

Related Research Articles

<span class="mw-page-title-main">Cultural hegemony</span> Marxist theory of cultural dominance

In Marxist philosophy, cultural hegemony is the dominance of a culturally diverse society by the ruling class who manipulate the culture of that society—the beliefs and explanations, perceptions, values, and mores—so that the worldview of the ruling class becomes the accepted cultural norm. As the universal dominant ideology, the ruling-class worldview misrepresents the social, political, and economic status quo as natural, inevitable, and perpetual social conditions that benefit every social class, rather than as artificial social constructs that benefit only the ruling class.

<span class="mw-page-title-main">Nicos Poulantzas</span> Marxist political sociologist and philosopher

Nicos Poulantzas was a Greek-French Marxist political sociologist and philosopher. In the 1970s, Poulantzas was known, along with Louis Althusser, as a leading structural Marxist; while at first a Leninist, he eventually became a proponent of democratic socialism. He is best known for his theoretical work on the state, but he also offered Marxist contributions to the analysis of fascism, social class in the contemporary world, and the collapse of dictatorships in Southern Europe in the 1970s.

<span class="mw-page-title-main">Marxism</span> Economic and sociopolitical worldview

Marxism is a left-wing to far-left method of socioeconomic analysis that uses a materialist interpretation of historical development, better known as historical materialism, to understand class relations and social conflict and a dialectical perspective to view social transformation. It originates from the works of 19th-century German philosophers Karl Marx and Friedrich Engels. As Marxism has developed over time into various branches and schools of thought, no single, definitive Marxist theory exists.

<span class="mw-page-title-main">Antonio Labriola</span> Italian marxist theoretician

Antonio Labriola was an Italian Marxist theoretician and philosopher. Although an academic philosopher and never an active member of any Marxist political party, his thought exerted influence on many political theorists in Italy during the early 20th century, including the founder of the Italian Liberal Party, Benedetto Croce, and the leaders of the Italian Communist Party, Antonio Gramsci and Amadeo Bordiga. He also influenced Bolshevik and Left Oppositionist Leon Trotsky.

<span class="mw-page-title-main">Passive revolution</span> Years-long change in political order, in Gramscian discourse

Passive revolution is a transformation of the political and institutional structures without strong social processes by ruling classes for their own self-preservation. The phrase was coined by the Marxist politician and philosopher Antonio Gramsci during the interwar period in Italy.

<i>Prison Notebooks</i> Series of essays by Antonio Gramsci

The Prison Notebooks are a series of essays written by the Italian Marxist Antonio Gramsci. Gramsci was imprisoned by the Italian Fascist regime in 1926. The notebooks were written between 1929 and 1935, when Gramsci was released from prison to a medical center on grounds of ill-health. His friend, Piero Sraffa, had supplied the writing implements and notebooks. Gramsci died in April 1937.

<span class="mw-page-title-main">Marxist schools of thought</span> Group perspectives regarding Marxism

Marxism is a method of socioeconomic analysis that originates in the works of 19th century German philosophers Karl Marx and Friedrich Engels. Marxism analyzes and critiques the development of class society and especially of capitalism as well as the role of class struggles in systemic, economic, social and political change. It frames capitalism through a paradigm of exploitation and analyzes class relations and social conflict using a materialist interpretation of historical development – materialist in the sense that the politics and ideas of an epoch are determined by the way in which material production is carried on.

<i>LOrdine Nuovo</i>

L'Ordine Nuovo was a weekly newspaper established on 1 May 1919, in Turin, Italy, by a group, including Antonio Gramsci, Angelo Tasca and Palmiro Togliatti, within the Italian Socialist Party. The paper was the successor of La Città futura, a broadsheet newspaper. The founders of L'Ordine Nuovo were admirers of the Russian Revolution and strongly supported the immediate creation of soviets in Italy. They believed that existing factory councils of workers could be strengthened so that they could become the basis of a communist revolution. However, Amadeo Bordiga, who would become the founder of the Communist Party of Italy, criticised the plan as syndicalism, saying that soviets should only be created after Italy had come under communist control.

<span class="mw-page-title-main">Chris Harman</span> British journalist and political activist (1942–2009)

Chris Harman was a British journalist and political activist, and a member of the Central Committee of the Socialist Workers Party. He was an editor of International Socialism and Socialist Worker.

<span class="mw-page-title-main">Base and superstructure</span> Model of society in Marxist theory

In Marxist theory, society consists of two parts: the base and superstructure. The base refers to the mode of production which includes the forces and relations of production into which people enter to produce the necessities and amenities of life. The superstructure refers to society's other relationships and ideas not directly relating to production including its culture, institutions, political power structures, roles, rituals, religion, media, and state. The relation of the two parts is not strictly unidirectional. The superstructure can affect the base. However the influence of the base is predominant.

<span class="mw-page-title-main">Eurocommunism</span> Political ideology

Eurocommunism, also referred to as democratic communism or neocommunism, was a trend in the 1970s and 1980s within various Western European communist parties which said they had developed a theory and practice of social transformation more relevant for Western Europe. During the Cold War, they sought to reject the influence of the Soviet Union and the Communist Party of the Soviet Union. The trend was especially prominent in Italy, Spain, and France.

Livio Maitan was an Italian Trotskyist, a leader of Associazione Bandiera Rossa and of the Fourth International. He was born in Venice.

State derivation has been understood since the 1970s as an attempt within Marxism and neo-Marxism to explain the emergence and extent of the state and its law within the bourgeois, modern economic system and therewith to derive the relationship between economics and politics from the structure of capitalist production.

<span class="mw-page-title-main">Marxist philosophy</span> Philosophy influenced by Marxist political thought

Marxist philosophy or Marxist theory are works in philosophy that are strongly influenced by Karl Marx's materialist approach to theory, or works written by Marxists. Marxist philosophy may be broadly divided into Western Marxism, which drew from various sources, and the official philosophy in the Soviet Union, which enforced a rigid reading of Marx called dialectical materialism, in particular during the 1930s. Marxist philosophy is not a strictly defined sub-field of philosophy, because the diverse influence of Marxist theory has extended into fields as varied as aesthetics, ethics, ontology, epistemology, theoretical psychology and philosophy of science, as well as its obvious influence on political philosophy and the philosophy of history. The key characteristics of Marxism in philosophy are its materialism and its commitment to political practice as the end goal of all thought. The theory is also about the struggles of the proletariat and their reprimand of the bourgeoisie.

<span class="mw-page-title-main">György Lukács</span> Hungarian philosopher and critic

György Lukács was a Hungarian Marxist philosopher, literary historian, critic, and aesthetician. He was one of the founders of Western Marxism, an interpretive tradition that departed from the Marxist ideological orthodoxy of the Soviet Union. He developed the theory of reification, and contributed to Marxist theory with developments of Karl Marx's theory of class consciousness. He was also a philosopher of Leninism. He ideologically developed and organised Lenin's pragmatic revolutionary practices into the formal philosophy of vanguard-party revolution.

<span class="mw-page-title-main">False consciousness</span> Marxist term; methods by which capitalist society conceals the exploitation of workers

In Marxist theory, false consciousness is a term describing the ways in which material, ideological, and institutional processes are said to mislead members of the proletariat and other class actors within capitalist societies, concealing the exploitation intrinsic to the social relations between classes. Friedrich Engels (1820–1895) used the term "false consciousness" in an 1893 letter to Franz Mehring to address the scenario where a subordinate class willfully embodies the ideology of the ruling class. Engels dubs this consciousness "false" because the class is asserting itself towards goals that do not benefit it.

<span class="mw-page-title-main">Orthodox Marxism</span> Official philosophy of the majority of the socialist movement until World War I in 1914

Orthodox Marxism is the body of Marxist thought that emerged after the death of Karl Marx (1818–1883) and which became the official philosophy of the majority of the socialist movement as represented in the Second International until the First World War in 1914. Orthodox Marxism aims to simplify, codify and systematize Marxist method and theory by clarifying the perceived ambiguities and contradictions of classical Marxism.

<span class="mw-page-title-main">Western Marxism</span> Current of Marxist theory

Western Marxism is a current of Marxist theory that arose from Western and Central Europe in the aftermath of the 1917 October Revolution in Russia and the ascent of Leninism. The term denotes a loose collection of theorists who advanced an interpretation of Marxism distinct from both classical and Orthodox Marxism and the Marxism-Leninism of the Soviet Union.

<span class="mw-page-title-main">Outline of Marxism</span> Overview of and topical guide to Marxism

The following outline is provided as an overview of and topical guide to Marxism:

<span class="mw-page-title-main">Marxist cultural analysis</span> Anti-capitalist cultural critique

Marxist cultural analysis is a form of cultural analysis and anti-capitalist cultural critique, which assumes the theory of cultural hegemony and from this specifically targets those aspects of culture which are profit driven and mass-produced under capitalism.


  1. "Gramsci's Humanist Marxism". 23 June 2016.
  2. Anderson, Perry (1976). Considerations on Western Marxism. Bristol: New Left Books. p. 57.
  3. d'Orsi, Angelo (2018). Gramsci. Una nuova biografia (in Italian). Milano: Universale Economica Feltrinelli. p. 132. ISBN   978-88-07-89134-2.
  4. Althusser 1971, p. 142n7.
  5. Dunn, Hopeton S. (2014). "A Tribute to Stuart Hall". Critical Arts. 28 (4): 758. doi:10.1080/02560046.2014.929228. ISSN   1992-6049. S2CID   144415843.
  6. "Gramsci, Antonio". Lexico UK English Dictionary. Oxford University Press. Archived from the original on 14 May 2021.
  7. "Gramsci". The American Heritage Dictionary of the English Language (5th ed.). HarperCollins. Retrieved 3 May 2019.
  8. Sassoon 1991d, p. 446.
  9. Haralambos & Holborn 2013, pp. 597–598.
  10. Atto di nascita di Gramsci Antonio Francesco Archived 9 November 2016 at the Wayback Machine
  11. "IGSN 9 – Nuove notizie sulla famiglia paterna di Gramsci". Retrieved 15 March 2017.
  12. "Italiani di origine albanese che si sono distinti nei secoli | Il Torinese | Quotidiano on line di Informazione Società Cultura". (in Italian). 8 January 2016. Retrieved 5 May 2018.
  13. Pipa, Arshi (1989). The politics of language in socialist Albania. Boulder, Colorado: East European Monographs. p. 234. ISBN   978-0-88033-168-5. "I myself have no race. My father is of recent Albanian origin. The family escaped from Epirus after or during the 1821 wars <of Greek Independence> and Italianized itself rapidly." Lettere dal carcere (Letters from Prison), ed. S. Capriogloi & E Fubini (Einaudi, Turin, 1965), pp. 507–08."
  14. International Gramsci Society
  15. Genealogia dei Gramsci
  16. Manzelli, Gianguido (2004). "Italiano e albanese: affinità e contrasti". In Ghezzi, Chiara; Guerini, Federica; Molinelli, Piera (eds.). Italiano e lingue immigrate a confronto: riflessioni per la pratica didattica, Atti del Convegno-Seminario, Bergamo, 23–25 giugno 2003. Guerra Edizioni. p. 161. ISBN   9788877157072. "Antonio Gramsci, nato ad Ales (Oristano) nel 1891, fondatore del Partito Comunista d'ltalia nel 1921, arrestato nel 1926, morto a Roma nel 1937, portava nel proprio cognome la manifesta origine albanese della famiglia (Gramsh o Gramshi, con l'articolo determinativo finale in -i, è il nome di una cittadina dell'Albania centrale)."
  17. Germino, Dante L. (1990). Antonio Gramsci: Architect of a New Politics. Baton Rouge, Louisiana: Louisiana State University Press. p. 157. ISBN   978-0-8071-1553-4.
  18. Hoare & Smith 1971, p. xviii.
  19. Hoare & Smith 1971, pp. xviii–xix.
  20. Crehan, Kate (2002). Gramsci, Culture, and Anthropology. University of California Press. p. 14. ISBN   0520236025.
  21. Markowicz, Daniel M. (2011) "Gramsci, Antonio," in The Encyclopedia of Literary and Cultural Theory, ed. Michael Ryan, ISBN   9781405183123
  22. Santangelo 2021, p. 216.
  23. Hoare & Smith 1971, p. xix.
  24. Antonio Gramsci, Dizionario di Storia Treccani. (8 November 1926). Retrieved on 24 April 2017.
  25. Antonio Gramsci e la questione sarda, a cura di Guido Melis, Cagliari, Della Torre, 1975
  26. Biography of Antonio Gramsci, Nicki Lisa Cole
  27. Hall, Stuart (June 1986). Gramsci's relevance for the study of race and ethnicity. Journal of Communication Inquiry 10 (2), 5–27, Sage Journals
  28. (in Italian) Gramsci e l'isola laboratorio, La Nuova Sardegna. (3 May 2004). Retrieved on 24 April 2017.
  29. Hoare & Smith 1971, p. xx.
  30. Hoare & Smith 1971, p. xxv.
  31. Deiana, Gian Luigi (23 June 2017). "The Legacy of Antonio Gramsci".
  32. Hoare & Smith 1971, p. xxi.
  33. Hoare & Smith 1971, p. xxx.
  34. Hoare & Smith 1971, pp. xxx–xxxi.
  35. Leszek Kolakowski – Main Currents of Marxism – Its Rise, Growth and, Dissolution – Volume III – The Breakdown. Oxford University Press. 1978. pp.  223. ISBN   978-0-19-824570-4.
  36. Picture of Gramsci's wife and their two sons at the Italian-language Antonio Gramsci Website.
  37. Crehan, Kate (2002). Gramsci, Culture, and Anthropology. University of California Press. p. 17. ISBN   0520236025.
  38. Giuseppe Vacca.Vita e Pensieri Di Antonio Gramsci.Einaudi.Torino 2012
  39. Hoare & Smith 1971, p. lxxxix.
  40. Hoare & Smith 1971, p. xcii.
  41. 1 2 Jones 2006, p. 25.
  42. Hoare & Smith 1971, p. xciii.
  43. 1 2 Hoare & Smith 1971, p. xciv.
  44. Michael Ebner, Ordinary Violence in Mussolini's Italy, Cambridge, Cambridge University Press, 2011.
  45. access 20.11.2022
  46. 1 2 3 Anderson, Perry (November–December 1976). "The Antinomies of Antonio Gramsci". New Left Review . New Left Review. I (100): 5–78.
  47. 1 2 3 Sassoon 1991c, p. 230.
  48. 1 2 Kiernan 1991, p. 259.
  49. Gramsci 1971, p. 9.
  50. Crehan, Kate (2016). Gramsci's Common Sense: Inequality and Its Narratives . Duke University Press. ISBN   978-0-8223-6219-7.
  51. Mayo, Peter (June 2008). "Antonio Gramsci and his Relevance for the Education of Adults" (PDF). Educational Philosophy & Theory. 40 (3): 418–435. doi:10.1111/j.1469-5812.2007.00357.x. S2CID   143570823.
  52. 1 2 Sassoon 1991b, p. 83.
  53. Gramsci 1971, p. 160.
  54. Gramsci 1971, pp. 404–407.
  55. Leszek Kolakowski – Main Currents of Marxism – Its Rise, Growth and, Dissolution – Volume III – The Breakdown. Oxford University Press. 1978. pp.  228–231. ISBN   978-0-19-824570-4.
  56. Sassoon 1991a, p. 221.
  57. Friedrich Engels: Anti-Duehring
  58. Friedrich Engels: Dialectics of Nature
  59. Lenin: Materialism and Empirio-Criticism.
  60. Gramsci 1971, pp. 440–448.
  61. 1 2 Gramsci 1971, p. 445.
  62. Gramsci 1971, pp. 444–445.
  63. Gramsci 1971, p. 420.
  64. Gramsci 1971, pp. 419–425.
  65. "Gramsci – Everything That Concerns People (1987)".
  66. Andrew Russeth (2 July 2013). "Thomas Hirschhorn's 'Gramsci Monument' Opens at Forest Houses in the Bronx". The New York Observer .

Cited sources

Further reading


Texts by Gramsci

Articles on Gramsci