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Liberation theology is a theological approach emphasizing the "liberation of the oppressed". It engages in socio-economic analyses, with social concern for the poor and "political liberation for oppressed peoples" [1] and addresses other forms of perceived inequality.
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Liberation theologies were first being discussed in the Latin American context, especially within Catholicism in the 1960s after the Second Vatican Council. There, it became the political praxis of theologians such as Frei Betto, Gustavo Gutiérrez, Leonardo Boff, and Jesuits Juan Luis Segundo and Jon Sobrino, who popularized the phrase "preferential option for the poor". [2] [3]
The option for the poor is simply the idea that, as reflected in canon law, "The Christian faithful are also obliged to promote social justice and, mindful of the precept of the Lord, to assist the poor." It indicates an obligation, on the part of those who would call themselves Christian, first and foremost to care for the poor and vulnerable. [4]
Its roots can be traced to precursors like Catholic Action and the influence of the Second Vatican Council, which inspired new approaches to addressing systemic poverty and inequality in Latin America. [5] [6] (Büschges et al., 2021; Chávez, 2014). While its theological framework centers on interpreting the Gospel through the lens of the oppressed, liberation theology also drew from broader socialist and anti-imperialist movements [7] (Rowland, 2007)
Latin America also produced Protestant advocates of liberation theology, such as Rubem Alves, [8] [9] José Míguez Bonino, and C. René Padilla, who in the 1970s called for integral mission, emphasizing evangelism and social responsibility.
The movement's theoretical foundations drew heavily from Marxist social analysis, particularly its critique of structural inequality and class oppression. While liberation theology did not adopt Marxism wholesale, its use of concepts like class struggle and the critique of global capitalism led to significant controversy within the Church. Pope John Paul II and the Vatican’s Congregation for the Doctrine of the Faith, led by Cardinal Joseph Ratzinger (later Pope Benedict XVI), criticized the movement for what they perceived as excessive politicization and alignment with communist ideologies. [7] [6] (Rowland 2007) (Chávez 2014)
Despite this opposition, liberation theology influenced political and social movements across Latin America. It was a driving force in the rise of grassroots ecclesial communities (comunidades eclesiales de base), which mobilized marginalized populations to advocate for land reform, labor rights, and democratic governance. These communities often served as spaces for political consciousness-raising, blending religious practices with calls for systemic change. Liberation theology was particularly influential in countries like El Salvador, where figures such as Archbishop Óscar Romero became symbols of resistance against military regimes and human rights abuses. [5] [6] (Büschges, Müller, and Oehri 2021)(Chávez 2014)
Theologies of liberation have also developed in other parts of the world such as black theology in the United States and South Africa, Palestinian liberation theology, Dalit theology in India, Minjung theology in South Korea, as well as liberation theology in Ireland.
In South Africa, the movement's principles resonated with Christian opposition to apartheid, providing a theological framework for resistance against racial oppression. The writings of theologians like Allan Boesak and Desmond Tutu show how liberation theology shaped anti-apartheid activism, emphasizing themes of reconciliation, justice, and the moral imperative to dismantle systemic racism. [10] (Mor 2022) Similarly, liberationist ideas influenced Islamic thought, notably through figures like Ali Shari’ati in Iran, who adapted these principles to critique Western imperialism and promote economic justice within a Shi’a framework. [11] [12] (Altinors 2021)(Arif Pribadi 2023)
While its prominence has waned since its height in the 1970s and 1980s, liberation theology continues to influence contemporary theological and social movements. In the context of globalization, its critique of neoliberal policies and emphasis on solidarity among oppressed groups remain relevant. Pope Francis, the first Latin American pope, has drawn from liberationist ideas, particularly in his advocacy for economic justice and environmental stewardship, as seen in his encyclical Laudato Si’. This development signals a renewed engagement with the movement’s principles within the institutional Church. [5] [13] (Büschges, Müller, and Oehri 2021)(Linden 2022).
Liberation theology's legacy also includes its impact on academic discourse, where it has fostered interdisciplinary approaches to theology, sociology, and political science. Scholars have analyzed its role in decolonizing knowledge and creating counter-hegemonic narratives, particularly within the Global South. This scholarship highlights the movement’s enduring relevance in addressing systemic inequality and advocating for transformative social change. [10] [7] (Mor 2022)(Rowland 2007)
Despite its contributions, liberation theology has faced significant criticism. Some within the Catholic Church questioned its alignment with Marxist ideologies, particularly its use of class analysis and its perceived politicization of theology [5] [7] (Büschges et al., 2021; Rowland, 2007). Others argued that its political activism blurred the boundaries between religion and politics, raising concerns about the church's role in revolutionary movements [10] (Mor, 2022). Nevertheless, it has left a lasting legacy, inspiring contemporary movements that challenge systemic injustice. Its influence extends to ongoing critiques of global capitalism [11] [13] (Altinors, 2021; Linden, 2022), solidarity efforts across the Global South [10] (Mor, 2022), and theological reimaginings that prioritize the voices of the oppressed [6] [12] (Chávez, 2014; Arif Pribadi, 2023). As a movement that bridges faith and activism, liberation theology continues to serve as a powerful call to action for those seeking to reconcile spirituality with the fight for a more equitable world [7] (Rowland, 2007). Today, liberation theology’s legacy endures in contemporary critiques of global capitalism and as a source of inspiration for ongoing struggles for justice [13] (Linden, 2022).
Liberation theology developed within the Catholic Church in Latin America in the 1960s, as a reaction to the poverty and social injustice in the region, which CEPAL deemed the most unequal in the world. [14] The term was coined in 1971 by the Peruvian priest Gustavo Gutiérrez, who wrote one of the movement's defining books, A Theology of Liberation . Other exponents include Leonardo Boff of Brazil, and Jesuits Jon Sobrino of El Salvador and Juan Luis Segundo of Uruguay. [15] [16]
Latin American liberation theology influenced parts of the evangelical movement and Catholic bishops in the United States. [17] Its reliance on "Marxism" led in the mid-1980s to an admonition by the Vatican's Congregation for the Doctrine of the Faith (CDF). While stating that "in itself, the expression 'theology of liberation' is a thoroughly valid term", [18] the prefect Cardinal Ratzinger rejected certain forms of Latin American liberation theology for focusing on institutionalized or systemic sin and for identifying Catholic Church hierarchy in South America as members of the same privileged class that had long been oppressing Indigenous populations from the arrival of Pizarro onward. [19]
More or less at the same time as the initial publications of Latin American liberation theology are also found voices of Black liberation theology and feminist liberation theology. [20] Black theology refers to a theological perspective which originated in some black churches in the United States and later in other parts of the world, which contextualizes Christianity in an attempt to help those of African descent overcome oppression. It especially focuses on the injustices committed against African Americans and black South Africans during American segregation and apartheid, respectively.
Black theology seeks to liberate people of colour from multiple forms of political, social, economic, and religious subjugation and views Christian theology as a theology of liberation—"a rational study of the being of God in the world in light of the existential situation of an oppressed community, relating the forces of liberation to the essence of the Gospel, which is Jesus Christ," writes James Hal Cone, one of the original advocates of the perspective. Black theology mixes Christianity with questions of civil rights, particularly as raised by the Black Power movement and the Black Consciousness Movement.
Dalit theology is a branch of Christian theology that emerged among the Dalit castes in the Indian subcontinent in the 1980s. It shares a number of themes with Latin American liberation theology, which arose two decades earlier, including a self-identity as a people undergoing Exodus. [21] Dalit theology sees hope in the "Nazareth Manifesto" of Luke 4, [22] where Jesus speaks of preaching "good news to the poor ... freedom for the prisoners and recovery of sight for the blind" and of releasing "the oppressed". [23]
Palestinian liberation theology is an expression of political theology and a contextual theology that represents an attempt by a number of independently working Palestinian Christian theologians from various denominations—mostly Protestant mainline churches—to articulate the gospel message in such a way as to make that liberating gospel relevant to the perceived needs of their Indigenous flocks. As a rule, this articulation involves a theological underpinning of Palestinian resistance to Israel as well as Palestinian national aspirations, and an intense valorization of Palestinian ethnic and cultural identity as guarantors of a truer grasp of the gospel by virtue of the fact that they are inhabitants of the land of Jesus and the Bible. The principal figure in Palestinian liberation theology is the Anglican cleric Naim Ateek, founder of the Sabeel Ecumenical Liberation Theology Center in Jerusalem. [24]
In Ireland, liberation theology has been associated with the ideas and praxis of the Belfast Roman Catholic priest Des Wilson. [25] [26] [27] Following the onset of the Northern Ireland Troubles, Wilson defended the right of communities systematically failed by the state, the churches and other institutions to create "alternative education, alternative welfare, alternative theatre, broadcasting, theological and political discussion, public inquiries and much else". More controversially, citing the example of Brazilian archbishop Hélder Câmara, [25] he argued that this right extended to "alternative police and alternative armies". [28]
During the military dictatorship in Brazil, Câmara, who called on clergy to engage in the struggle for justice without fear of identification with the revolutionary left ("When I give food to the poor, they call me a saint. When I ask why they are poor, they call me a communist"), refused to condemn armed resistance. In a famous interview with Italian journalist Oriana Fallaci, he explained that while it was not his choice ("not my road, not my way to apply the Gospels"), he would never say "to use weapons against an oppressor is immoral or anti-Christian". [29]
Wilson argued that a church, not itself pacifist (as a schoolchild he recalls being taught to revere General Franco as a soldier of Christ), needed to develop a new "theology of pacifism". Acknowledging the predicament of those who had "a duty to protect others--their families their homes", this would need to do more than satisfy the needs of "an oppressive government or of people seeking undemanding respectability". [30]
The Christian peace movement has been associated with liberation theology in many ways. Participating theologians have been in all continents and countries, including countries with Christian minorities. A central theme has been peace as a way of redemption and liberation. [31]
In politics, integralism, integrationism or integrism is an interpretation of Catholic social teaching that argues the principle that the Catholic faith should be the basis of public law and public policy within civil society, wherever the preponderance of Catholics within that society makes this possible. Integralism is anti-pluralist, seeking the Catholic faith to be dominant in civil and religious matters. Integralists uphold the 1864 definition of Pope Pius IX in Quanta cura that the religious neutrality of the civil power cannot be embraced as an ideal situation and the doctrine of Leo XIII in Immortale Dei on the religious obligations of states. In December 1965, the Second Vatican Council approved and Pope Paul VI promulgated the document Dignitatis humanae–the Council's "Declaration on Religious Freedom"–which states that it "leaves untouched traditional Catholic doctrine on the moral duty of men and societies toward the true religion and toward the one Church of Christ". However, they have simultaneously declared "that the human person has a right to religious freedom," a move that some traditionalist Catholics such as Archbishop Marcel Lefebvre, the founder of the Society of St. Pius X, have argued is at odds with previous doctrinal pronouncements.
The Christian left is a range of Christian political and social movements that largely embrace social justice principles and uphold a social doctrine or social gospel based on their interpretation of the teachings of Christianity. Given the inherent diversity in international political thought, the term Christian left can have different meanings and applications in different countries. While there is much overlap, the Christian left is distinct from liberal Christianity, meaning not all Christian leftists are liberal Christians and vice versa.
Christian socialism is a religious and political philosophy that blends Christianity and socialism, endorsing socialist economics on the basis of the Bible and the teachings of Jesus. Many Christian socialists believe capitalism to be idolatrous and rooted in the sin of greed. Christian socialists identify the cause of social inequality to be the greed that they associate with capitalism. Christian socialism became a major movement in the United Kingdom beginning in the 19th century. The Christian Socialist Movement, known as Christians on the Left since 2013, is one formal group, as well as a faction of the Labour Party.
Catholic social teaching (CST) is an area of Catholic doctrine which is concerned with human dignity and the common good in society. It addresses oppression, the role of the state, subsidiarity, social organization, social justice, and wealth distribution. CST's foundations are considered to have been laid by Pope Leo XIII's 1891 encyclical, Rerum novarum, which advocated distributism. Its roots can be traced to Catholic theologians such as Thomas Aquinas and Augustine of Hippo. CST is also derived from the Bible and cultures of the ancient Near East.
Gustavo Gutiérrez-Merino Díaz was a Peruvian philosopher, Catholic theologian, and Dominican priest who was one of the founders of liberation theology in Latin America. His 1971 book A Theology of Liberation is considered pivotal to the formation of liberation theology. He held the John Cardinal O'Hara Professorship of Theology at the University of Notre Dame and was a visiting professor at universities in North America and Europe.
Black theology, or black liberation theology, refers to a theological perspective which originated among African-American seminarians and scholars, and in some black churches in the United States and later in other parts of the world. It contextualizes Christianity in an attempt to help those of African descent overcome oppression. It especially focuses on the injustices committed against African Americans and black South Africans during American segregation and apartheid, respectively.
Minjung theology emerged in the 1970s from the experience of South Korean Christians in the struggle for social justice. It is a people's theology, and, according to its authors, "a development of the political hermeneutics of the Gospel in terms of the Korean reality." It is part of a wider Asian theological ferment, but it was not designed for export. It "is firmly rooted in a particular situation, and growing out of the struggles of Christians who embrace their own history as well as the universal message of the Bible."
The Latin American and Caribbean Episcopal Council, better known as CELAM, is a council of the Catholic bishops in Latin America, created in 1955 in Rio de Janeiro, Brazil. It is based in Bogotá, Colombia.
The Second Episcopal Conference of Latin America was a bishops' conference held in 1968 in Medellín, Colombia, as a follow-up to the Second Vatican Council which it adapted in a creative way to the Latin American context. It took as the theme for its 16 documents “The Church in the Present Transformation of Latin America in the Light of the Council", with a focus on the poor and oppressed in society. It recognized that “the social situation demands an efficacious presence of the Church that goes beyond the promotion of personal holiness by preaching and the sacraments.” The bishops agreed that the church should take "a preferential option for the poor" and gave their approval to Christian "base communities" in which the poor might learn to read by reading the Bible. The goal of the bishops was to liberate the people from the "institutionalized violence" of poverty. They maintained that poverty and hunger were preventable.
Paulo Evaristo Arns OFM was a Brazilian prelate of the Catholic Church, who was made a cardinal and the Archbishop of São Paulo by Pope Paul VI, and later became cardinal protopriest. His ministry began with a twenty-year academic career, but when charged with responsibility for the Sao Paulo Archdiocese he proved a relentless opponent of Brazil's military dictatorship and its use of torture as well as an advocate for the poor and a vocal defender of liberation theology. In his later years he openly criticized the way Pope John Paul II governed the Catholic Church through the Roman Curia and questioned his teaching on priestly celibacy and other issues.
An ecclesial base community is a relatively autonomous Christian religious group that operates according to a particular model of community, worship, and Bible study. The 1968 Medellín, Colombia, meeting of Latin American Council of Bishops played a major role in popularizing them under the name basic ecclesial communities. These are small groups, originating in the Catholic Church in Latin America, who meet to reflect upon scripture and apply its lessons to their situation.
José Ivo Lorscheiter was a Brazilian prelate of the Catholic Church. He was a bishop from 1965 to his retirement in 2004. He was a leading proponent of liberation theology and denounced abuses of human rights by the military regime that controlled Brazil in the anos de chumbo from 1964 to 1985.
The option for the poor, or the preferential option for the poor, is a Catholic social teaching that the Bible gives priority to the well-being of the poor and powerless. It was first articulated by the proponents of Latin American liberation theology during the latter half of the 20th century, and was championed by many Latin American Christian democratic parties. It is also a theological emphasis in Methodism.
The post–Vatican II history of the Catholic Church is the recent history of the Catholic Church since the Second Vatican Council (1962–1965).
There have been a variety of Christian views on poverty and wealth. At one end of the spectrum is a view which casts wealth and materialism as an evil to be avoided and even combated. At the other end is a view which casts prosperity and well-being as a blessing from God.
Elected on 13 March 2013, Francis is the first member of the Society of Jesus to be appointed pope and the first non-European to hold the office since the 8th century. He described his papal name as pointing to what he wants to emulate in Saint Francis of Assisi: to have a poor church, for the poor, always going out to the margins, and to show concern for the natural environment. His papal motto Miserando atque eligendo contains a central theme of his papacy, God's mercy, which has led to conflict with some Catholics on issues such as reception of Communion by remarried Catholics. In addressing real life situations he often appeals directly to his experience, in continuity with his synodal way, which showed a renewed emphasis on listening and dialogue. He has placed greater emphasis on church synods and on widespread consultation and dialogue, uplifting the roles of laypersons and of women in the Catholic church and criticizing clericalism.
Christians for Socialism is a worldwide political and cultural movement focused on social inequality and economic injustice, inspired by liberation theology. The movement was founded in 1971 and was active in Chile until 1973. The movement was widely supported in Chile by those who supported Allende's government, as Allende offered to work with the Church in setting up his Socialist structure. The movement disbanded following the 1973 military coup in which Allende's government was overthrown.
José Míguez Bonino was an Argentine Methodist theologian.
Latin American liberation theology is a synthesis of Christian theology and Marxian socio-economic analyses, that emphasizes "social concern for the poor and political liberation for oppressed peoples". Beginning in the 1960s after the Second Vatican Council, liberation theology became the political praxis of Latin American theologians such as Gustavo Gutiérrez, Leonardo Boff, and Jesuits Juan Luis Segundo and Jon Sobrino, who popularized the phrase "preferential option for the poor". It arose principally as a moral reaction to the poverty and social injustice in the region, which Cepal deemed the most unequal in the world.
On Pope John Paul II's relationship to Liberation theology
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