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Christian nationalism is a form of religious nationalism that focuses on promoting the Christian views of its followers, in order to achieve prominence or dominance in political and social life. [1] [2]
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| Nationalism |
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Christian nationalism is a form of religious nationalism that focuses on promoting the Christian views of its followers, in order to achieve prominence or dominance in political and social life. [1] [2]
Some branches of Christian nationalism seek to establish an exclusivist version of Christianity as the dominant moral and cultural order. [3]
Christian nationalism overlaps with but is distinct from theonomy, with it being more populist in character. [4] : xxi
In countries with a state church, Christian nationalists seek to preserve the status of a Christian state. [5] [6]
Whether or not someone should be labeled a Christian nationalist can be contentious, with some scholars arguing that the term is applied to people who do not follow Christian principles or who simply call their political rivals demons. [2] The ambiguity in what the term means can lead to confusion as to where to draw the line, with researcher Paul Djupe creating the Christian Nationalism Scale to measure how many Christian nationalist beliefs a person had. [7] Matthew D. Taylor prefers to use the term Christian supremacy to Christian nationalism citing the anti-democratic tendencies within the movement. [7] Professor Whitney Phillips thinks the label is too often applied to a faction who should be referred to as "demonologists" due to the focus on claiming that liberals are satanic and inhabited by demons, which he finds too radical and dangerous to be considered Christian. [8] Brian Kaylor believes that some of the rhetoric, such as around comparing Trump to Jesus, would be historically be considered blasphemous by many Christians. [8]
In Brazil, Christian nationalism, a result of a Catholic-Evangelical coalition, has a goal of curbing the influence of "moral relativism, social liberalism, alleged neo-Marxism in its various forms, and LBGTQ rights." [9]
The COVID-19 pandemic saw a rise in Christian nationalist activity with many groups using anti-lockdown sentiments to expand their reach to more people. [10] The group Liberty Coalition Canada has garnered support from many elected politicians across Canada. [11] In their founding documents they argue that "it is only in Christianized nations that religious freedom has ever flourished." [12] Their rallies have attracted the support of Alex Jones and Canada First, a spin-off of Nick Fuentes' group America First. [13] Many of Liberty Coalition Canada's leaders are pastors who have racked up millions in potential fines for violating COVID protocols and in many cases express ultra-conservative views. [14]
The far-right and pro-Russian Power Belongs to the People (VKK) party has been described as Christian nationalist by Helsingin Sanomat . [15] Sanan- ja uskonnonvapaus ry (Freedom of Speech and Religion Association), associated with MP Päivi Räsänen of the Christian Democrats, has also supported openly fascist candidates of Blue-and-Black Movement that seek to ban the LGBT movement and "non-native religions". The association also supports VKK and Freedom Alliance. [16] The Blue-and-Black movement itself is also inspired by the Christian fascist Patriotic People's Movement. [17] Aforementioned local far-right pro-Russian parties have recruited combatants for the Russian side in Ukraine, who have then after gone to the Russian Imperial Movement's training camps in St. Petersburg and become fighters in the Russo-Ukrainian War. [18] [19] [15] [20] [21] [22] [23]
In Ghana, Christian nationalists seek to uphold what they see as "traditional markers of Ghanaian identity including, Christianity, social conservatism, and antagonism to 'progressive' 'Western' ideas, such as LGBTQ+ equality." [24]
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The Kingdom of Hungary under the leadership of Miklós Horthy is often seen by many historians as Christian nationalist in nature. Historian István Deák described the Horthy regime in the following way:
Between 1919 and 1944 Hungary was a rightist country. Forged out of a counter-revolutionary heritage, its governments advocated a "nationalist Christian" policy; they extolled heroism, faith, and unity; they despised the French Revolution, and they spurned the liberal and socialist ideologies of the 19th century. The governments saw Hungary as a bulwark against bolshevism and bolshevism's instruments: socialism, cosmopolitanism, and Freemasonry. They perpetrated the rule of a small clique of aristocrats, civil servants, and army officers, and surrounded with adulation the head of the state, the counterrevolutionary Admiral Horthy. [25]
Hungarian Prime Minister Viktor Orbán has often advocated for Christian nationalism, both within Hungary and as a kind of international movement including Other European and American Christian nationalists. [26]
President of Russia Vladimir Putin has been described as a global leader of the Christian nationalist and Christian right movements. [27] As President, Putin has increased the power of the Russian Orthodox Church and proclaimed his staunch belief in Eastern Orthodoxy, [28] as well as maintaining close contacts with Patriarchs of Moscow and all Rus' Alexy II and Kirill.
The Russian Imperial Movement is a prominent neo-Nazi Christian nationalist group that trains militants all over Europe and has recruited thousands of fighters for its paramilitary group, the Imperial Legion, which is participating in the invasion of Ukraine. The group also works with the Atomwaffen Division in order to network with and recruit extremists from the United States. [29] [30]
In Scotland, the Scottish Family Party has been described as Christian nationalist. The party was formed as a push-back movement, based on a rejection of LGBT+ topics being taught in schools, with the political party claiming it to be an overly sexualized topic and ideology. They believe it to be an attack on traditional Christian family values, promoted by the Scottish National Party.[ citation needed ]
The future leader of the National Party and Apartheid Prime Minister of South Africa, B. J. Vorster in 1942 declared: "We stand for Christian Nationalism which is an ally of National Socialism. You can call this anti-democratic principle dictatorship if you wish. In Italy, it is called Fascism; in Germany, National Socialism and in South Africa, Christian Nationalism." [31]
While the National Party was primarily concerned about the nationalist interest of Afrikaners, there was a strong adherence to Calvinist interpretations of Christianity as the bedrock of the state. Moreover, by advancing ideas of Christian Nationalism, the National Party could incorporate other "nations" in their programme of racial hierarchies and segregation. [32] The Dutch Reformed Church in South Africa provided much of the theological [33] and moral justification for Apartheid and the basis for racial hierarchy. [34]
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Christian nationalism asserts that the United States is a country founded by and for Christians. [35] Christian nationalists in the United States advocate "a fusion of identitarian Christian identity and cultural conservatism with American civic belonging." [1] : 3–4 It has been noted to bear overlap with Christian fundamentalism, white supremacy, [36] the Seven Mountain Mandate movement, and dominionism. [1] : 5 Most researchers have described Christian nationalism as "authoritarian" and "boundary-enforcing" but recent research has focused on how libertarian, small-government ideology and neoliberal political economics have become part of the American Christian political identity. [1] : 3–4 Christian nationalism also overlaps with but is distinct from theonomy, with it being more populist in character. Theocratic Christians seek to have the Bible inform national laws and have religious leaders in positions of government; while in America, Christian nationalists view the country's founding documents as "divinely inspired" and supernaturally revealed to Christian men to preference Christianity, and are willing to elect impious heads of state if they support right-wing causes. [4] : xxi
Christian nationalism supports the presence of Christian symbols in the public square, and state patronage for the practice and display of religion, such as Christmas as a national holiday, school prayer, singing God Bless America, the exhibition of nativity scenes during Christmastide, and the Christian Cross on Good Friday. [37] [4] : 7–10 [35] Christian nationalism draws political support from the broader Christian right, but not exclusively, given the broad support for observing Christmas as a national holiday in many countries. [38] During the Cold War, church attendance reached a highpoint in the 1950s, which was also when the United States added phrases like 'Under God' in the Pledge of Allegiance and on currency, described at the time as a 'civil religion' that was motivated in part to show distance from communism. [39] [40] [41] [42] [43] Christian nationalism also influenced the constitution of the Confederacy, which mentioned God overtly in contrast with the US Constitution. [44] [45]
Christian nationalism has been linked to prejudice towards minority groups. [4] : 4 Christian nationalism has been loosely defined as a belief that "celebrate[s] and privilege[s] the sacred history, liberty, and rightful rule of white conservatives." [46] : 770 Christian nationalism prioritizes an ethno-cultural, ethno-religious, and ethno-nationalist framing around fear of "the other", those being immigrants, racial, and sexual minorities. Studies have associated Christian nationalism with xenophobia, homophobia, misogyny, political tolerance of racists, opposition to interracial unions, support for gun rights, pronatalism, and restricting the civil rights of those who fail to conform to traditional ideals of whiteness, citizenship, and Protestantism. [47] : 6 The Christian nationalist belief system includes elements of patriarchy, white supremacy, nativism, and heteronormativity. [47] : 7 It has been associated with a "conquest narrative", premillennial apocalypticism, and of frequent "rhetoric of blood, specifically, of blood sacrifice to an angry God." [47] : 16
American Christian nationalism is based on a worldview that America is superior to other countries, and that such superiority is divinely established. It posits that only Christians are "true Americans." Christian nationalism also bears overlap with the American militia movement. The 1992 Ruby Ridge standoff and the 1993 Waco siege served as a catalyst for the growth of militia activity among Christian nationalists. [36] Christian nationalists believe that the US is meant to be a Christian nation, and that it was founded as a Christian nation, and want to "take back" the US for God. [48] [49]
Christian nationalists feel that their values and religion are threatened and marginalized, and fear their freedom to preach their moral values will be no longer dominant at best or outlawed at worst. [4] : 5 Experimental research found that support of Christian nationalism increased when Christian Americans were told of their demographic decline. [50] Studies have shown Christian nationalists to exhibit higher levels of anger, depression, anxiety, and emotional distress. It has been theorized that Christian nationalists fear that they are "not living up to" God's expectations, and "fear the wrath and punishment" of not creating the country desired by God. [47] : 19–20
Adherence to Christian nationalism has been associated with high levels of distrust of science, especially parts that are perceived as challenging biblical authority. [3] During the COVID-19 pandemic, Christian nationalists frequently opposed measures including lockdowns, restrictions on social gatherings and mask-wearing. [1] : 5 In a 2020 study, it was found that "even after accounting for sociodemographic, religious, and political characteristics", Christian nationalism was a "leading predictor" that individuals "prioritize the economy and deprioritize the vulnerable" due to a "pervasive ideology that blends Christian identity with conceptions of economic prosperity and individual liberty." [1] : 16 Christian nationalism has also been associated with belief in conspiracy theories. [8]
Analysis of Christian nationalists in America found that "Christian nationalism is the strongest predictor that Americans fail to affirm factually correct answers." When asked about Christianity's place in American founding documents, policies, and court decisions, those that embraced Christian nationalism had more confident incorrect answers while those that rejected it had more confident correct answers. A 2021 research article theorized that like conservative Christians that incorrectly answer science questions that are "religiously contested", Christian nationalism inclines individuals to "affirm factually incorrect views about religion in American political history, likely through their exposure to certain disseminators of such misinformation, but also through their allegiance to a particular political-cultural narrative they wish to privilege." [51]
Christian nationalism has been linked towards support for political violence. Such support is conditioned by support for conspiratorial information sources, white identity, perceived victimhood, and support for the QAnon movement. A 2021 survey of 1100 U.S. adults found that respondents who combined Christian nationalism with these factors exhibited increased support for political violence. [52]
On October 12, 2024, during the Jewish holy day of Yom Kippur, tens of thousands of people attended a rally at the National Mall in Washington, D.C. It was sponsored by Jennifer Donnelly, a marketing professional, and Lou Engle and other Dominist pro-Trump members of the New Apostolic Reformation movement. Engle is described by the Southern Poverty Law Center as "an anti-LGBTQ+ extremist". A newsletter mentioned "the Lord's authority over the election process and our nation's leadership", and flyers promoted a meeting by Turning Point USA Faith. [53]
The Christian Liberty Party and the American Redoubt movement—both organized and inspired by members of the Constitution Party—are early 21st-century examples of political tendencies rooted in Christian nationalism, with the latter advocating a degree of separatism. [54] [55] The New Columbia Movement is an organization in the United States that identifies as being aligned with Christian nationalism. [56] [57] Another group is the New Apostolic Reformation, which includes Christian nationalist themes in its goal to bring about dominionism. [58]
In the 1980s and 1990s, the religious right in America featured religious traditionalists who advocated for religious liberty, racial equality, democratic values and the separation of church and state while also working to maintain white Protestant dominance. By the mid-1990s and especially following the 9/11 attacks, religious traditionalists gave way to Christian nationalists who sought explicit state favor and the exclusion of national and racial minorities. Islamophobia soon spread to include Latinos, Asians, and other immigrants as threats to Christian democracy, and Christian nationalists embraced ethonationalist white nativism and racism. The ethno-nationalist developments saw a majority of white conservative Christians support the presidency of Donald Trump, the QAnon movement and the January 6 United States Capitol attack. [46] : 774–776
Author Bradley Onishi, a vocal critic of Christian nationalism, has described this theologically infused political ideology as a "national renewal project that envisions a pure American body that is heterosexual, white, native-born, that speaks English as a first language, and that is thoroughly patriarchal." [55] Commentators say that Christian-associated support for right-wing politicians and social policies, such as legislation which is related to immigration, gun control and poverty is best understood as Christian nationalism, rather than evangelicalism per se. [48] [59] Some studies of white evangelicals show that, among people who self-identify as evangelical Christians, the more they attend church, the more they pray, and the more they read the Bible, the less support they have for nationalist (though not socially conservative) policies. [59] Non-nationalistic evangelicals ideologically agree with Christian nationalists in areas such as gender roles, and sexuality. [59]
A study which was conducted in May 2022 showed that the strongest base of support for Christian nationalism comes from Republicans who identify as Evangelical or born again Christians. [60] [61] Of this demographic group, 78% are in favor of formally declaring that the United States should be a Christian nation, versus only 48% of Republicans overall. Age is also a factor, with over 70% of Republicans from the Baby Boomer and Silent Generations supporting the United States officially becoming a Christian nation. According to Politico, the polling also found that sentiments of white grievance are highly correlated with Christian nationalism: "White respondents who say that members of their race have faced more discrimination than others are most likely to embrace a Christian America. Roughly 59% of all Americans who say white people have been discriminated against ... favor declaring the U.S. a Christian nation, compared to 38% of all Americans." [60] [62]
Congresswoman Marjorie Taylor Greene has referred to herself as a Christian nationalist. Fellow congresswoman Lauren Boebert also expressed support for Christian nationalism. [63] Politician Doug Mastriano is a prominent figure in the fundamentalist Christian nationalist movement, and has called the separation of church and state a myth. [64] [65]
Andrew Torba, the CEO of the alt-tech platform Gab, supported Mastriano's failed 2022 bid for office, [66] in order to build a grass-roots Christian nationalist political movement to help "take back" government power for "the glory of God"; he has argued that "unapologetic Christian Nationalism is what will save the United States of America". [67] [68] Torba is also a proponent of the great replacement conspiracy theory, and he has said that "The best way to stop White genocide and White replacement, both of which are demonstrably and undeniably happening, is to get married to a White woman and have a lot of White babies". [67] White nationalist Nick Fuentes has also expressed support for Christian nationalism. [69] [70]
Author Katherine Stewart has called the combined ideology and political movement of Christian nationalism "an organized quest for power" and she says that Florida governor Ron DeSantis has identified with and promoted this system of values in order to gain votes in his bid for political advancement. [71] According to the Tampa Bay Times, DeSantis has also promoted a civics course for educators, which emphasized the belief that "the nation's founders did not desire a strict separation of state and church"; the teacher training program also "pushed a judicial theory, favored by legal conservatives like DeSantis, that requires people to interpret the Constitution as the framers intended it, not as a living, evolving document". [72] [73] [74] [61]
Some Christian nationalists also engage in spiritual warfare and militarized forms of prayers in order to defend and advance their beliefs and political agenda. [75] According to American Studies professor S. Jonathon O'Donnell: "A key idea in spiritual warfare is that demons don't only attack people, as in depictions of demonic possession, but also take control of places and institutions, such as journalism, academia, and both municipal and federal bureaucracies. By doing so, demons are framed as advancing social projects that spiritual warriors see as opposing God's plans. These include advances in reproductive and LGBTQ rights and tolerance for non-Christian religions (especially Islam)." [76]
In the wake of the January 6 attack on the Capitol, the term "Christian nationalism" has become synonymous with white Christian identity politics, a belief system that asserts itself as an integral part of American identity overall. [67] [77] The New York Times notes that historically, "Christian nationalism in America has ... encompassed extremist ideologies". [67] [78] Critics have argued that Christian nationalism promotes racist tendencies, male violence, anti-democratic sentiment, and revisionist history. [79] [80] Christian nationalism in the United States is also linked to political opposition to gun control laws and strong cultural support for interpretations of the Second Amendment that protect the right of individuals to keep and bear arms. [81]
Political analyst Jared Yates Sexton has said: "Republicans recognize that QAnon and Christian nationalism are invaluable tools" and that these belief systems "legitimize antidemocratic actions, political violence, and widespread oppression", which he calls an "incredible threat" that extends beyond Trumpism. [82]
The Baptist Joint Committee for Religious Liberty and the Freedom From Religion Foundation (FFRF) released a 66-page report on February 9, 2022, titled "Christian Nationalism and the January 6, 2021 Insurrection." [83] It chronicled the use of Christian imagery and language by protestors on January 6, detailed the "various nonprofit groups, lawmakers and clergy who worked together to adorn Jan. 6 and Donald Trump's effort to overturn his electoral loss with theological fervor," and discussed the important role that race had to play. [84] The Congressional Freethought Caucus hosted a virtual briefing of the report on March 17, 2022, called "God is On Our Side: White Christian Nationalism and the Capitol Insurrection." Speakers included Amanda Tyler, executive director, Baptist Joint Committee for Religious Liberty; Dr. Samuel L. Perry, Professor of Sociology, University of Oklahoma; Dr. Jemar Tisby, speaker, historian, and author of The Color of Compromise: The Truth about the American Church's Complicity in Racism; and Andrew Seidel, Vice President of Strategic Communications at Americans United for the Separation of Church and State. On March 18, 2022, Seidel delivered written testimony to the Select Committee to Investigate the January 6th Attack on the United States Capitol, and opened by quoting a statement he originally made on September 19, 2019, at the Religion News Association conference in Las Vegas: "Christian Nationalism is the biggest threat to America today. An existential threat to a government of the people, for the people, and by the people." [85]
The Washington Post reported that God & Country , a documentary film produced by Rob Reiner, was released in early 2024 to "wake up churchgoing American Christians" to the "threat of anti-democratic religious extremism in the United States". [86]
Responding to media analysis about the effects of Trumpism and Christian nationalism following the 2020 presidential election, Professor Daniel Strand, writing for The American Conservative , said that there was a "superficially Christian presence at the January 6 protest" and he criticized claims that Christian nationalism played a central role in the attack on the Capitol. He cited a University of Chicago study which found that "those arrested on January 6 were motivated by the belief that the election was stolen and [influenced by] what they call 'the great replacement' " theory. Strand says the study failed to mention "any explicit religious motivation, let alone theological beliefs about America being a Christian nation". [87] [88]
The Public Religion Research Institute found that in 2023, 10% of Americans identified as "adherents" of Christian nationalism, while 20% identified as "sympathizers". In the red states traditionally aligned with the Republican Party these numbers rose to 14% and 24% respectively, while among Trump supporters they further rose to 21% "adherents" and 34% "sympathizers". [89]
Freedom of religion or religious liberty, also known as freedom of religion or belief (FoRB), is a principle that supports the freedom of an individual or community, in public or private, to manifest religion or belief in teaching, practice, worship, and observance. It also includes the right not to profess any religion or belief or "not to practise a religion".
The Christian right, otherwise referred to as the religious right, are Christian political factions characterized by their strong support of socially conservative and traditionalist policies. Christian conservatives seek to influence politics and public policy with their interpretation of the teachings of Christianity.
Christian fundamentalism, also known as fundamental Christianity or fundamentalist Christianity, is a religious movement emphasizing biblical literalism. In its modern form, it began in the late 19th and early 20th centuries among British and American Protestants as a reaction to theological liberalism and cultural modernism. Fundamentalists argued that 19th-century modernist theologians had misunderstood or rejected certain doctrines, especially biblical inerrancy, which they considered the fundamentals of the Christian faith.
Religious nationalism can be understood in a number of ways, such as nationalism as a religion itself, a position articulated by Carlton Hayes in his text Nationalism: A Religion, or as the relationship of nationalism to a particular religious belief, dogma, ideology, or affiliation. This relationship can be broken down into two aspects: the politicisation of religion and the influence of religion on politics.
Christian terrorism, a form of religious terrorism, refers to terrorist acts which are committed by groups or individuals who profess Christian motivations or goals. Christian terrorists justify their violent tactics through their interpretation of the Bible and Christianity, in accordance with their own objectives and worldview.
Dominion theology, also known as dominionism, is a group of Christian political ideologies that seek to institute a nation governed by Christians and based on their understandings of biblical law. Extents of rule and ways of acquiring governing authority are varied. For example, dominion theology can include theonomy but does not necessarily involve advocacy of adherence to the Mosaic Law as the basis of government. The label is primarily applied to groups of Christians in the United States.
The New Apostolic Reformation (NAR) is a theological belief and controversial movement that combines elements of Pentecostalism, evangelicalism and the Seven Mountain Mandate to advocate for spiritual warfare to bring about Christian dominion over all aspects of society, and end or weaken the separation of church and state. NAR leaders often call themselves apostles and prophets. The movement was founded by and is heavily associated with C. Peter Wagner. Long a fringe movement of the American Christian right, it has been characterized as "one of the most important shifts in Christianity in modern times." The NAR's prominence and power have increased since the 2016 election of Donald Trump as US president. Theology professor André Gagné, author of a 2024 book on the movement, has characterized it as "inherently political" and said it threatens to "subvert democracy." American Republican politicians such as Mike Johnson, Doug Mastriano, Marjorie Taylor Greene, and Lauren Boebert and activists such as Charlie Kirk have aligned with it. Some groups within the broader Apostolic-Prophetic movement have distanced themselves from the NAR due to various criticism and controversies.
The Baptist Joint Committee for Religious Liberty (BJC) is a US faith-based organization which focuses on upholding the historic Baptist principle of religious liberty.
In the United States, evangelicalism is a movement among Protestant Christians who believe in the necessity of being born again, emphasize the importance of evangelism, and affirm traditional Protestant teachings on the authority as well as the historicity of the Bible. Comprising nearly a quarter of the U.S. population, evangelicals are a diverse group drawn from a variety of denominational backgrounds, including nondenominational churches, Pentecostal, Baptist, Lutheran, Reformed, Methodist, Mennonite, Plymouth Brethren, Quaker.
Black nationalism is a nationalist movement which seeks representation for Black people as a distinct national identity, especially in racialized, colonial and postcolonial societies. Its earliest proponents saw it as a way to advocate for democratic representation in culturally plural societies or to establish self-governing independent nation-states for Black people. Modern Black nationalism often aims for the social, political, and economic empowerment of Black communities within white majority societies, either as an alternative to assimilation or as a way to ensure greater representation and equality within predominantly Eurocentric cultures.
Social conservatism in the United States is a political ideology focused on the preservation of traditional values and beliefs. It focuses on a concern with moral and social values which proponents of the ideology see as degraded in modern society by liberalism. In the United States, one of the largest forces of social conservatism is the Christian right.
Kinism is the belief that the divinely ordained social order is tribal and familial as opposed to imperial and propositional. The term is often used to refer to a "movement of anti-immigrant, 'Southern heritage' separatists who splintered off from Christian Reconstructionism to advocate that God's intended order is 'loving one's own kind' by separating people along 'tribal and ethnic' lines to live in large, extended-family groups."
Katherine Stewart is an American journalist and author who often writes about issues related to the separation of church and state, the rise of religious nationalism, and global movements against liberal democracy. Her books include The Good News Club: The Christian Right's Stealth Assault on America's Children (2012), The Power Worshippers: Inside the Dangerous Rise of Religious Nationalism (2020), which also served as the basis for the documentary film God & Country (2024); and the forthcoming Money Lies and God: Inside the Movement to Destroy American Democracy.
The Jericho March is a loose, pro-Trump, Christian coalition who pray, fast, and march for what they claim to be election integrity and transparency in response to Donald Trump's accusations of voter fraud in the 2020 presidential election, in which then-President Donald Trump lost to Joe Biden. Following this, people affiliated with the movement started fasting, praying, and marching daily around their state capitols, and sought divine intervention to overturn the election results. Other groups held their own independent events as part of the 2020–21 United States election protests.
Exvangelical is a social movement of people who have left evangelicalism, especially white evangelical churches in the United States, for atheism, agnosticism, progressive Christianity, or any other religious belief, or lack thereof. People in the movement are called "exvangelicals" or "exvies". The term prodigals is sometimes used for exvangelicals by people who remain evangelical.
The Seven Mountain Mandate, also Seven Mountains Mandate, 7M, 7MM, or Seven Mountains Dominionism, is a dominionist conservative Christian movement within Pentecostal and evangelical Christianity, and particularly independent Charismatic groups. It holds that there are seven aspects of society that believers seek to influence or dominate: family, religion, education, media, arts and entertainment, business, and government.
God & Country is a 2024 American documentary film directed by Dan Partland and produced by Rob Reiner. The film discusses the emergence of Christian nationalism and its close relationship with far-right politics in the United States, exploring its perceived threat to democracy and the politicization of Christianity. The documentary is based on Katherine Stewart's book The Power Worshippers (2020). It is distributed by Oscilloscope Laboratories.
The Power Worshippers: Inside the Dangerous Rise of Religious Nationalism is a 2020 nonfiction book by American journalist and author Katherine Stewart. The book describes Christian nationalism in the United States as a regressive political ideology with historical ties to opposition to abolitionism in the 19th century, hostility towards Franklin D. Roosevelt's New Deal programs in the 1930s, and resistance to the civil rights movement in the 1950s. Christian nationalists, Stewart argues, falsely believe that America was founded on the Bible and vocally reject the principle of separation of church and state established by the Founding Fathers of the United States, desiring instead to impose their version of theocracy and authoritarianism in its place, often by force.
Lance Wallnau is an American evangelical preacher and televangelist based in Dallas, Texas. He is associated with the New Apostolic Reformation (NAR) and the Seven Mountain Mandate.
Christian supremacy is the belief that Christianity is superior to other religions or referring to a form of identity politics that asserts that Christians are superior and are better suited to rule thus marginalising religious minorities. Christian supremacy overlaps with and can be considered a core tenet of Christian nationalism. The New Apostolic Reformation, a dominionist political movement, is described by The Washington Post and scholar Bradley Onishi as promoting Christian supremacy through a mix of hard-right politics and prophecy. Joseph Wiinikka-Lydon of the Southern Poverty Law Center and religion scholar Matthew D. Taylor points to the Seven Mountain Mandate as the plan for Christian dominance and supremacy.
The concept of Christian nationalism — technically, the belief that the secular government should favor Christianity or even be replaced by it — existed long before Trump's rise to power.
Christian nationalism demands Christianity be privileged by the State...
As against both Christian nationalists who wanted an established church and French-republican-style secular nationalists who wanted a homogenous public square devoid of religion, Dutch pluralists led by Kuyper defended a model of institutional pluralism or "sphere sovereignty".
Green's comments captured an essential element of Christian nationalism: The idea that America belongs to and exists for the benefit of Christians.
"Johan Backman says that he continues to help Finns who have gone to Eastern Ukraine to fight. He does not feel responsible for the people he recruits." Johan Bäckman is an important central figure for Finnish fighters, who had organized their travel from Finland to the Donbas and engaged them in illegal activities there. Janus Kostia Putkonen arrived in Donbas from Moscow via Rostov, southern Russia, in March 2015.
The majority of Americans do not embrace Christian nationalism. Even so, its echoes appear everywhere from American flags in church pulpits, to the Pledge of Allegiance, to 'In God We Trust' on money, license plates and government vehicles.
Like the insertion of "under God" in the Pledge of Allegiance, "In God We Trust" was made the national motto during the Cold War to pose America's civil religion against the atheistic communist faith. Hawley's assault on the left's alternative civil religion harks back to that historical moment precisely.
Judging from church-membership figures, the nineteen-fifties may have been the most pious period in American history; it was the decade when the phrase 'under God' was added to the Pledge of Allegiance (1954), and when 'In God we trust' was adopted as the country's official motto (1956). By then, politicians were talking less about heathenism and more about a new adversary; many, like Senator Joseph McCarthy, believed that America was 'engaged in a final, all-out battle between Communistic atheism and Christianity.'
While Christian nationalism is strongly related to support for specific and abstract political violence on its own, it appears to be most potent when combined with other individual characteristics. ... Christian nationalism in the United States is associated with increased support for political violence like that seen at the U.S. Capitol in January 2021. ... The conditional nature of these effects should not be misunderstood to minimize the extent of the risks associated with Christian nationalism.
We need to be the party of nationalism and I'm a Christian, and I say it proudly, we should be Christian nationalists," Greene said in an interview while she was attending the Turning Point USA Student Action Summit in Florida. She is not alone in doing so. Greene's embrace of Christian nationalism follows closely after troubling remarks from Colorado Republican Rep. Lauren Boebert: "The church is supposed to direct the government, the government is not supposed to direct the church," she said at a church two days before her primary election (and victory) in late June 2022. "I'm tired of this separation of church and state junk.
Mr. Mastriano's ascension in Pennsylvania is perhaps the most prominent example of right-wing candidates for public office who explicitly aim to promote Christian power in America. The religious right has long supported conservative causes, but this current wave seeks more: a nation that actively prioritizes their particular set of Christian beliefs and far-right views ...
Fuentes has repeatedly recited antisemitic tropes about alleged Jewish control of the media, and has called for embracing Christian nationalism as official policy in the United States.
A review of more than 200 pages of the state's presentations show that the founding fathers' intent and the 'misconceptions' about their thinking were a main theme of the training ... Several presentation slides emphasized that it was a 'misconception' that the 'Founders desired strict separation of church and state and the Founders only wanted to protect Freedom of worship.'
Combining research with data analysis, Gorski and Perry argue that white Christian nationalists share a set of common anti-democratic beliefs and principles. 'These are beliefs that ... reflect a desire to restore and privilege the myths, values, identity, and authority of a particular ethnocultural tribe,' they write. 'These beliefs add up to a political vision that privileges the tribe. And they seek to put other tribes in their proper place'.
That ends-justify-the means approach is a key part of White Christian nationalism", says Du Mez. It's why so many rallied behind former President Trump on January 6 ... But with few exceptions, White Christian nationalists do not accept this 'militant masculinity' when exhibited by Black, Middle Eastern and Latino men ... Aggression by people of color 'is seen as a threat to the stability of home and nation,' she writes.
