Black nationalism reflects the idea that, in racialized societies, people of diverse African descent are often treated as a single racial, ethnic and cultural group (such as African Americans in the US or Black Britons in the UK).[14][15] Because of a shared history of oppression and a distinct culture shaped by that history, Black nationalism argues that Black people in the African diaspora therefore form a distinct nation (or multiple distinct nations) and so have a right to representation or self-governance.[16][17][18][19] Black nationalists therefore seek to acquire political and economic power to improve the quality of life and freedoms of Black people collectively.[1][10]
Modern Black nationalist ideas coalesced as a distinct movement during the era of racial segregation in America, as a response to centuries of institutionalized white supremacy, the discrimination African Americans experienced as a result, and the perceived failures of the nonviolent civil rights movement of the time.[1][21][11][5] After the assassination of Malcolm X in 1965, the Black nationalism movement gained increased traction in various African American communities. A focus on returning to Africa became less popular, giving way to the idea that Black people constituted a "nation within a nation," and therefore should seek better rights and political power within a multicultural US.[23]
Black nationalism, Black separatism and Black supremacy
There are similarities between Black separatism and Black nationalism, since they both advocate for the civil rights of Black people. While Black separatists believe that Black people should be physically separated from other races, primarily whites, Black nationalism focuses primarily on civil rights, self-determination, and democratic representation.[10]
These two ideologies can also overlap as "separatist nationalism", which typically manifests in the belief in a literal or metaphorical secession from white American society, and is especially popular among those who have become disillusioned with "deferred American racial equality". In this schema, Black nationalism without Black separatism is called "cultural nationalism". Separatist nationalism often rejects integration into white society—which may extend into rejection of existing political systems—preferring to organise alternative structures. Black nationalism, however, often focuses on engagement with societal and political structures to enact change, such as by attempting to elect Black representatives at the local and national level. Black cultural nationalism has broader support among African-Americans than separatist nationalism; the latter is more popular among young men and people of lower economic status. Examples of Black separatist organizations include the Nation of Islam and the New Black Panther Party.[10]
Black nationalists often reject conflation with Black supremacy, as well as comparisons with white supremacists, characterizing their movement as an anti-racist reaction to white supremacy and color-blind white liberalism as racist.[24][25][5] Additionally, while white nationalism often seeks to maintain or re-establish systems of white majority dominance, Black nationalism instead aims to challenge white supremacy through increased civil rights and representation (or independence) for black people as an oppressedminority.[3][6][8] According to the Southern Poverty Law Center, Black nationalist groups have "little or no impact on mainstream politics and no defenders in high office", unlike white supremacists.[11]
Revolutionary Black nationalism
Black nationalism may also be divided into revolutionary or reactionary Black nationalism. Revolutionary Black nationalism combines cultural nationalism with scientific socialism in order to achieve Black self-determination. Proponents of revolutionary Black nationalism say it rejects all forms of oppression, including class-based exploitation under capitalism.[26] Revolutionary Black nationalist organizations such as the Black Panther Party and the Revolutionary Action Movement also adopted a set of anti-colonialist politics inspired by the writings of notable revolutionary theorists including Frantz Fanon, Mao Zedong, and Kwame Nkrumah.[27] In the words of Ahmad Muhammad (formerly known as Max Stanford) the national field chairman of the Revolutionary Action Movement:
We are revolutionary black nationalist[s], not based on ideas of national superiority, but striving for justice and liberation of all the oppressed peoples of the world. ... There can be no liberty as long as black people are oppressed and the peoples of Africa, Asia, and Latin America are oppressed by Yankee imperialism and neo-colonialism. After four hundred years of oppression, we realize that slavery, racism and imperialism are all interrelated and that liberty and justice for all cannot exist peacefully with imperialism."[28]
Professor and author Harold Cruse said revolutionary Black nationalism was a necessary and logical progression from other leftist ideologies, as non-Black leftists could not properly assess the particular material conditions of the Black community and other colonized people:
Revolutionary nationalism has not waited for Western Marxian thought to catch up with the realities of the "underdeveloped" world...The liberation of the colonies before the socialist revolution in the West is not orthodox Marxism (although it might be called Maoism or Castroism). As long as American Marxists cannot deal with the implications of revolutionary nationalism, both abroad and at home, they will continue to play the role of revolutionaries by proxy.[29]
History
Overview
Historian Wilson Jeremiah Moses suggests the development of Black nationalism can be examined over three different periods, giving rise to the various ideological perspectives within today's Black nationalism.[30] The first period of pre-classical Black nationalism began when the first Africans were brought to the Americas as slaves through the American Revolutionary period.[31] Many of these slaves rebelled against their captors or formed independent Black societies, beyond the reach of Europeans.[32][33] The second period of Black nationalism began after the Revolutionary War, when educated Africans within the colonies became disgusted with the social conditions of Black people, and sought to create organizations that would unite Black people and improve their situation.[34] The third period of Black nationalism arose during the post-Reconstruction era, as community leaders began to articulate the need to separate Blacks from non-Blacks for safety and to collectivize resources. The new ideology of this third period informed the philosophy of groups like the Moorish Science Temple and the Nation of Islam.[30]
First period
In the New World, as early as 1512, African slaves escaped from Spanish captors and either joined indigenous peoples or eked out a living on their own.[35] The first recorded slave rebellion in the region occurred in what is today the Dominican Republic, on the sugar plantations owned by Admiral Diego Columbus, on 26 December 1522.[36] Especially in the Caribbean, escaped slaves began to form independent Black communities either in exile or with Indigenous American groups, becoming known as maroons. Maroons armed themselves to survive attacks by hostile colonists while also obtaining food for subsistence living and setting up their own communities.[37][38] Others enslaved Africans were freed or bought their freedom, and began to seek their own independence, away from white society. This often included calls to emigrate to Africa and help build independent Black nations there.[31][32][33]
Maroon communities
On some of the larger Caribbean islands, maroon communities were able to grow crops and hunt for food. As more slaves escaped from plantations, their numbers could grow. Seeking to separate themselves from colonisers, the maroons gained in power amid increasing hostility. They raided and pillaged plantations until the planters began to fear a massive slave revolt.[39]
As early as 1655, escaped Africans had formed communities in inland Jamaica, and by the 18th century, Nanny Town and other Jamaican maroon villages began to fight for independent recognition.[40] Jamaican Maroons consistently fought British colonists, leading to the First Maroon War (1728–1740). By 1740, the British governor of the Colony of Jamaica, Edward Trelawny had signed two treaties promising them 2,500 acres (1,012 ha) in Cudjoe's Town (Trelawny Town) and Crawford's Town, bringing an end to the warfare between the communities and effectively freeing the Maroons a century before the Slavery Abolition Act came into effect in 1838.[41]
In Cuba, maroon communities formed in the mountains when escaped African slaves joined the indigenous Taínos. Before roads were built into the mountains of Puerto Rico, heavy brush kept many escaped maroons hidden in the southwestern hills where many also intermarried with the natives. Escaped slaves sought refuge away from the coastal plantations of Ponce.[42] In the plantation colony of Suriname, escaped slaves revolted and started to build their own villages. On October 10, 1760, the Ndyuka signed a treaty with the Dutch recognising their territorial autonomy; it was drafted by Adyáko Benti Basiton of Boston, a formerly enslaved African from Jamaica.[43][44]
Second period
In the mid-to-late 18th century, Methodist and Baptist evangelists during the period of the First Great Awakening (c. 1730–1755) encouraged slave owners to free their slaves, in their belief that all men were equal before God. They converted many slaves to Christianity and approved Black leaders as preachers; Blacks developed their own churches.[45]
After the Revolutionary War, educated Africans within the colonies (specifically within New England and Pennsylvania) had become disgusted with the social conditions of Black people. Individuals such as Prince Hall, Richard Allen, Absalom Jones, James Forten, Cyrus Bustill and William Gray sought to create organizations that would unite Black people, who had been excluded from white society, and improve their situation collectively. Institutions such as Black Masonic lodges, the Free African Society, and the African Episcopal Church of St. Thomas lay the groundwork for the independent Black organizations and communities that would follow.[34]
Meanwhile, Black people were relocated from the Americas and Britain to new colonies in Sierra Leone and Liberia, paving the way for Black-led nations in those countries. Back in the Caribbean, the Haitian Revolution proved to disparate Black communities across the Americas that they could achieve independence or equality in the law, if they cooperated and worked together.[46][47][48][49][50]
The message of spiritual equality appealed to many enslaved people and, as African religious traditions continued to decline in North America, Black people accepted Christianity in large numbers for the first time. Black people even began to take active roles in these mixed churches, sometimes even preaching.[51][45] Many leaders of the revivals also proclaimed that enslaved people should be educated so that they could read and study the Bible. This helped establish a new class of educated black people in America.[52]
Revolutionary War
Before the American Revolutionary War of 1775–1783, few slaves were manumitted. On the eve of the American Revolution, there was an estimated 30,000 free African Americans in Colonial America which accounts for about 5% of the total African American population. The Revolutionary War greatly disrupted slave societies and showed Bl
With the 1775 proclamation of Lord Dunmore, governor of Virginia, the British began recruiting the slaves of American revolutionaries and promised them freedom in return.[53] Free Blacks like Prince Hall proposed that Blacks be allowed to join the American side, believing if they were involved in founding the new nation, it would aid in attaining freedom for all Black people.[54] The Continental Army gradually began to allow Blacks to fight in exchange for their freedom.[53]
Nova Scotia and Sierra Leone
Between 1713 and 1758, the Fortress of Louisbourg on Île-Royale (now Cape Breton Island) became the first Black community in Nova Scotia. During this early period, 381 Black people, some free and others enslaved, escaped or were brought to the Fortress, mostly from the Francophone Caribbean colonies.[55] It was home to a mix of freed and unfree enslaved Africans, who undertook a variety of trades and professions, such as gardeners, bakers, stonemasons, musicians, soldiers, sailors, fishermen, hospital workers, and more.[56][55]
After the Revolutionary War, General Washington urged the British to return the Black Loyalists as stolen property, under the Treaty of Paris (1783). The British attempted to keep their promise to the Loyalists by relocating them outside the US.[57] The British transported more than 3,000 Black Loyalists and Jamaican Maroons to resettle in Nova Scotia (part of present-day Ontario). Between 1749 and 1816, approximately 10,000 Black people settled in Nova Scotia.[58] Those settlers who remained in Nova Scotia would go on to found large communities of freed Black people, forming 52 black settlements in total, and would develop their own national identity as Black Nova Scotians.[59][60][61][62]
Meanwhile, in 1786, the Committee for the Relief of the Black Poor, a British organization with government support, launched its efforts to establish the Sierra LeoneProvince of Freedom, a colony in West Africa for London's "Black poor". After Nova Scotia proved a hostile environment for many of the new settlers, with extreme weather as well as racism from the white Nova Scotians, about a third of the Loyalists, and nearly all of the Jamaican Maroons, petitioned the British for passage to Sierra Leone as well, eventually leading to the founding of Freetown in 1792. Their descendants are known as the Sierra Leone Creole people.[63]
Since most sources of welfare at the time were controlled by whites, free blacks across the early United States created their own mutual aid societies. These societies offered cultural centers, spiritual assistance, and financial resources to their members.[64] The Free African Union Society, founded in 1780 in Newport, Rhode Island, was America's first African benevolent society. Founders and early members included Prince Amy, Lincoln Elliot, Bristol Yamma, Zingo Stevens and Newport Gardner. It became the model for multiple similar organizations across the Northeast.[65]
The FAS provided guidance, medical care, and financial advice. The last became particularly important, and would establish a model for later African American banks. It operated ten private schools for Blacks across Pennsylvania, performed burials and weddings, and recorded births and marriages. Its activity and open doors served as motivator for growth for the city, inspiring many other Black mutual aid societies to pop up.
In 1793, Jones and several other FAS members also founded the St. Thomas African Episcopal Church, a nondenominational church specifically for Black people. This in turn paved the way for the first independent Black churches in the United States.[68][69] The church and its members played a key role in the abolition/anti-slavery and equal rights movement of the 1800s and it would later be involved in the civil rights movement.[70][71]
Mutual aid became a foundation of social welfare in the United States until the early 20th century.[citation needed]
Following the American Revolutionary War, the population of free people of color in the US had grown from 60,000 in 1790 to 300,000 by 1830. The prevailing view of white people was that free people of color could not integrate into U.S. society and slaveowners feared these free Blacks might help their slaves to escape or rebel.[72] In addition, many White Americans believed that African Americans were inherently inferior and should be relocated.[73]
In Boston, Black Quaker and activist Paul Cuffe advocated settling freed American slaves in Africa. He was a successful ship owner and in 1815, he attempted a settlement for freedmen on Sherbro Island.[74] By 1811, he had transported some members of the Free African Society to Liberia. He also gained broad political support to take emigrants to Sierra Leone, and in 1816, Cuffe took 38 American Black people to Freetown.[75] He died in 1817 before undertaking other voyages.[76] By 1821, his Sherbro Island settlement had failed and the survivors also fled to Sierra Leone.[74]
By 1833, the Society had transported only 2,769 individuals out of the U.S. and close to half the arrivals in Liberia died from tropical diseases. During the early years, 22% of the settlers in Liberia died within one year.[86][81] According to Benjamin Quarles, however, the colonization movement "originated abolitionism" by arousing the free Black people and other opponents of slavery.[87]
Between 1822 and the outbreak of the American Civil War in 1861, more than 15,000 freed and free-born African Americans, along with 3,198 Afro-Caribbeans, relocated to Liberia.[88] The settlers carried their culture and tradition with them, gradually developing a Black national identity as Americo-Liberians.[89] Liberia declared independence on July 26, 1847, becoming the first African republic to proclaim its independence and Africa's first and oldest modern republic.[90] The U.S. did not recognize Liberia's independence until February 5, 1862.[89]
The Haitian Revolution was a successful insurrection by self-liberated slaves against French colonial rule in Saint-Domingue (now the sovereign state of Haiti). The revolt began on 22 August 1791,[91] and ended in 1804 with the former colony's independence. From the revolt, the ex-slave Toussaint Louverture emerged as Haiti's most prominent general. The revolution was the only slave uprising that led to the founding of a state which was both free from slavery (though not from forced labour)[92] and ruled by non-whites and former captives.[93]
The successful revolution was a defining moment in the history of the Atlantic World[49][50] and the revolution's effects on the institution of slavery were felt throughout the Americas. Independence and the abolition of slavery in the former colony was followed by a successful defense of the freedoms the former slaves had won, and with the collaboration of already free people of color, of their independence from white Europeans. This had the effect of encouraging other Black communities suffering under slavery or colonialism to imagine independence and self-rule.[46][47][48]
Third period
The third period of Black nationalism arose during the post-Reconstruction era, particularly among various African-American clergy circles. Separated circles were already established and accepted because African-Americans had long endured the oppression of slavery and Jim Crowism in the United States since its inception. The clerical phenomenon led to the birth of a modern form of Black nationalism that stressed the need to separate Blacks from non-Blacks and build separate communities that would promote racial pride and collectivize resources.[citation needed]
Martin Delany (1812–1885), an African American abolitionist, was arguably the first proponent of Black nationalism as we understand it today.[102][103] Delany is credited with the Pan-African slogan of "Africa for Africans."[104] Born as a free person of color in what is now West Virginia, and raised in Pennsylvania, Delany trained as a physician's assistant. In 1850, Delany was one of the first three Black men admitted to Harvard Medical School, but all were dismissed after a few weeks because of widespread protests by white students.[105][106] During the cholera epidemics of 1833 and 1854 in Pittsburgh, Delany treated patients, even though many doctors and residents fled the city out of fear of contamination.[107]
After the Civil War, Delany went to the South, settling in South Carolina, where he worked for the Freedmen's Bureau and became politically active, including in the Colored Conventions Movement. Delany ran unsuccessfully for Lieutenant Governor as an Independent Republican. He was appointed as a trial judge, but he was removed following a scandal. Delany later switched his party affiliation. He worked for the campaign of DemocratWade Hampton III, who won the 1876 election for governor in a season marked by violent suppression of Black Republican voters by Red Shirts and fraud in balloting.[citation needed]
After Emancipation, the back-to-Africa movement eventually began to decline. In 1877, at the end of the Reconstruction era, it would experience a revival as many Black people in the American South faced violence from groups such as the Ku Klux Klan.[109] Interest among the South's Black population in African emigration peaked during the 1890s, a time when racism reached its peak and the greatest number of lynchings in American history took place.[110]
New Imperialism and the Scramble for Africa
During the period known as New Imperialism (1833 to 1914), European nations colonized and occupied Africa in the "Scramble for Africa". This mobilized Black people in the diaspora to activism in their home nations. Ethiopia and Liberia were the only African countries to maintain their sovereignty and independence during this time.[111][112]The African Times and Orient Review would later encourage others to emigrate to Ethiopia as part of the back-to-Africa movement.[113] In 1919, Marcus Garvey became President of the Black Star Line, designed to forge a link between North America and Africa and facilitate African-American migration to Liberia.[114][115]
In 1914, Jamaican activist Marcus Garvey established the Universal Negro Improvement Association with his then-wife, Amy Ashwood Garvey, in Kingston. He moved to New York in 1916, and founded the first American UNIA chapter in Harlem in 1918. The UNIA is often considered one of the most powerful Black nationalist movements to date, claiming around a thousand chapters worldwide.[116][117]
Marcus Garvey encouraged African people around the world to be proud of their race and see beauty in their own kind. Garvey used his own personal magnetism and understanding of Black psychology to create a movement that appealed to working class African Americans. Garvey's movement, known as Garveyism, was opposed by mainstream Black leaders, and crushed by government action. However, its many alumni remembered its inspiring rhetoric.[116]
Writer Frantz Fanon fought on the side of the Allies during WWII, and spent several years in France, where his experiences of racism led him to write his first book, Black Skin, White Masks. An analysis of the impact of colonial subjugation on the African psyche, it changed the way people thought of Blackness more generally. While in North Africa, Fanon produced The Wretched of the Earth, where he analyzes the role of class, race, national culture and violence in the struggle for decolonization. Fanon expounded upon his views on the liberating role of violence for the colonized, as well as the general necessity of violence in the anti-colonial struggle. Fanon's books established him as one of the leading anti-colonial thinkers of the 20th century, influencing Black nationalist and decolonial movements worldwide.[121]
Black power
Ignited by the 1965 assassination of Malcolm X, and the urban riots of 1964 and 1965, the Black power movement emerged from the civil rights movement of the United States.[122] Seen as a reaction to the mainstream civil rights movement's more moderate tendencies and motivated by a desire for safety, the movement was partially inspired by ideologies and individuals from outside the United States, such as American expatriates in newly independent Ghana,[123] but it also impacted others outside of the United States, such as the Black Power Revolution in Trinidad and Tobago.[124] Black power organizations such as the Black Panther Party (BPP) emerged, supporting philosophies ranging from socialism to Black nationalism.[124] Black power activists founded black-owned bookstores,[125] food cooperatives,[126] farms,[127] media,[127]printing presses,[127] schools,[127][128] clinics and ambulance services.[129][130][131]
Modern Black nationalism encompasses multiple different movements, organizations and philosophies. In America, Black nationalists began to "do what other 'ethnic' groups had done" — i.e., "pursue their interests in a pluralistic political system, subsumed by a capitalistic economic one".[8] In Black Nationalism in America, John H. Bracey Jr., August Meier and Elliott Rudwick argue, "In the arena of politics, black nationalism at its mildest is bourgeois reformism, a view which assumes that the United States is politically pluralistic and that liberal values concerning democracy and the political process are operative."[134] Dean E. Robinson, meanwhile, argues that "modern black nationalism drew upon strategies for political and economic empowerment that had analogies in the wider political landscape."[8] According to the SPLC, Black nationalist groups face a "categorically different" environment than white nationalist groups in the United States; while white supremacy has been championed by influential figures within the Donald Trump administration, for example, Black nationalists have "little or no impact on mainstream politics and no defenders in high office".[11]
Patrisse Cullors, a co-founder of the Black Lives Matter Global Network Foundation, has called for reparations for slavery and historic racism in the form of "financial restitution, land redistribution, political self-determination, culturally relevant education programs, language recuperation, and the right to return (or repatriation)," and cited Frantz Fanon's work for "understanding the current global context for Black individuals on the African continent and in our multiple diasporas."[135]
The Not Fucking Around Coalition (NFAC) is a Black nationalist and Black separatist organization in the United States. The group advocates for Black liberation, and has been described by some news outlets as a "Black militia", though they have avoided violence.[136][137] The NFAC gained prominence during the 2020–2021 United States racial unrest, making its first reported appearance at a protest near Brunswick, Georgia, over the February 2020 murder of Ahmaud Arbery,[138] though they were identified by local media as "Black Panthers".[139] Historian Thomas Mockaitis said that, "In one sense it (NFAC) echoes the Black Panthers but they are more heavily armed and more disciplined... So far, they've coordinated with police and avoided engaging with violence."[140]
John Fitzgerald Johnson, also known as Grand Master Jay and John Jay Fitzgerald Johnson, claims leadership of the NFAC[140][141] and has stated that it is composed of "ex military shooters".[138] In 2019 Grand Master Jay told the Atlanta Black Star that the organization was formed to prevent another Greensboro Massacre.[142][143] Johnson expressed early third period Black nationalist views, putting forth the view that the United States should either hand over Texas to African-Americans so they may form an independent country, or allow African-Americans to depart the United States to another country that would provide land upon which to form an independent nation.[144]
Black nationalism in Africa largely refers to the ideology of black nationalism brought by black communities who have migrated to Africa from the diaspora. It should not be confused with indigenous African nationalism, which is an umbrella term for a group of political ideologies in sub-Saharan Africa, based on the idea of national self-determination and the creation of African nation states.[145]
Differences between black nationalism and African nationalism
The early African nationalists were elitist and believed in the supremacy of Western culture but sought a greater role for themselves in political decision-making.[146] They rejected African traditional religions and tribalism as "primitive" and embraced western ideas of Christianity, modernity, and the nation state.[146] One of the challenges faced by nationalists in unifying their nation after European rule were the divisions of tribes and the formation of ethnicism.
Repatriation and emigration
Ex-slave repatriation or the emigration of African-American, Caribbean, and Black British former slaves to Africa occurred mainly during the late 18th century to mid-19th century. In the cases of Sierra Leone and Liberia, both were established by former slaves who were repatriated to Africa within a 28-year period.[147][148][149]
Many Rastafari believe that Ethiopia is the Promised Land of the black people. While some take this to mean Africa in the figurative sense, others take it literally and seek to join or establish independent black nations in Africa. In the 1960s, a Rasta settlement was established in Shashamane, Ethiopia, on land made available by Haile Selassie's Ethiopian World Federation.[150] The community faced many problems; 500 acres were confiscated by the Marxist government of Mengistu Haile Mariam.[150] There were also conflicts with local Ethiopians, who largely regarded the incoming Rastas, and their Ethiopian-born children, as foreigners.[150] The Shashamane community peaked at a population of 2,000, although subsequently declined to around 200.[150]
Some Rastas have settled in Ghana, Nigeria, Gambia and Senegal.[150][151]
Born in 1848in Saint Andrew Parish, north of Kingston, Jamaica, Alexander Bedward was one of the most successful preachers of Jamaican Revivalism in the 1880s, and would become the central figure of the Jamaica Native Baptist Free Church, or "Bedwardism".[154] Bedward's version of Revivalism was motivated by the inequality he saw between Black and white workers while in Panama, and incorporated African influences.[155] Bedward drew large groups of followers by conducting services which included reports of mass healings. He identified himself with Paul Bogle, the Baptist leader of the Morant Bay rebellion, and he stressed the need for changes to the inequalities in race relations in Jamaican society.[156]
In 1889, Harrison "Shakespeare" Woods, an African-American immigrant, officially founded Bedwardism as a new religion in August Town, Saint Andrew Parish, with Bedward as its prophet—referred to as "That Prophet" and "Shepherd."[157][158][159] Bedwardian literature described it as the successor to Christianity and Judaism, though its teachings differed little from those of most Christian denominations. Even so, because the movement likened the ruling classes to the Pharisees, it met with disapproval and even suppression. Bedwardism originated the belief that August Town, Jamaica corresponds to Jerusalem for the Western world, which would influence Rastafari beliefs.[160] Bedward also variously claimed to be the reincarnation of prophets such as Moses, Jonah and John the Baptist, and was twice ruled insane by the colonial Jamaican courts.[161] Bedwardism later drew inspiration from the rise of Marcus Garvey and his Universal Negro Improvement Association (UNIA).[160][161]
The movement lost steam in 1921 after Bedward and hundreds of his followers marched into Kingston, where he failed to deliver on his claim to ascend into Heaven, and many were arrested. In 1930, Bedward died in his cell of natural causes.[162][163] Many of his followers became Garveyites and Rastafarians, and brought with them the experience of resisting systems of colonial and white supremacist oppression. While some Rastafari cast Marcus Garvey as a Messiah, Bedward sometimes takes the role of John the Baptist.[164][162]
Rastafari emerged from early Black nationalism and shaped the Black nationalism that followed.[165][166] It was influenced by the Great Revival of 1860–61, which converted large numbers of Black preachers in Jamaica;[166][167][168] and the Ethiopian movement within Black churches,[169][168] which regarded the biblical "Ethiopia" as a synonym for Africa as a whole.[168] By 1916, some Garveyists, Ethiopianists and Pan-Africanists believed Africa was poised for a great event, prophesied in Psalm 68:31 of the Bible: "Princes shall come of Egypt; Ethiopia shall soon stretch forth its hands unto God".[170][171][172][173] Black Christians saw this as a promise of God's plan to lift Black people from oppression, as with the Israelites and early Christians before them, while early Black nationalists saw it as a call to action.[172]
In August 1930, Marcus Garvey's play Coronation of an African King was performed in Kingston. Inspired by the coronation of Haile Selassie that same year, and drawing on Psalm 68, it featured the coronation of a fictional Sudanese prince.[115] When Haile Selassie was crowned Emperor of Ethiopia in November, his Ethiopian title was Nəgusä Nägäst (literally "King of Kings", a common epithet for Jesus). He was the first sovereign monarch crowned in crowned in Sub-Saharan Africa since 1891.[168][179][180] According to Ethiopian tradition, Haile Selassie was descended from King David, King Solomon, and the Queen of Sheba. Some Jamaican preachers, such as Archibald Dunkley and Joseph Hibbert, saw Selassie's coronation as proof he was the Black messiah they saw prophesied in the Book of Revelation, the Book of Daniel, and the Psalms.[168][179][180] That year, Dunkley proclaimed Rastafari was the name of God, after Haile Selassie's pre-regnal title and name: Ras Tafari Makonnen. In 1933, he founded the King of Kings Ethiopian Mission in Kingston.[181] In 1931, Hibbert, a former member of the Ancient Order of Ethiopia masonic lodge, concluded that Haile Selassie was divine after studying the Ethiopian Bible. He left the Ethiopian Baptist Church, founded by the 18th-century Jamaican Baptist George Lisle, and formed the Ethiopian Coptic Faith ministry, in St. Andrew Parish. When he later transferred his ministry to Kingston, he found Leonard Howell was already teaching similar doctrines.[182][183]
From 1933, Howell had begun preaching that Selassie was the "Messiah returned to earth"—an important symbol for the Africandiaspora.[184][185][186][166] Under his Hindu pen name G. G. Maragh (for Gangung Guru), Howell published The Promised Key, which synthesized material from the Royal Parchment Scroll of Black Supremacy and the Holy Piby.[187] Most significantly, the identities of "King Alpha and Queen Omega" were changed from Pettersburg and his wife to Selassie and Empress Menen Asfaw, solidifying the prophecy of Psalm 68. This Howellite innovation became an article of faith for many Rastafari.[187] Howell later formed the Pinnacle settlement in Saint Catherine Parish that became associated with Rastafari.[188][189] Rastafari's new Black religious canon—with its anti-colonial message, and promotion of a positive Black identity—threatened colonial authorities who attempted to quell the growing movement with the arrest, trial for sedition, and imprisonment of these early Black preachers.[166][181]
In 1937, the Ethiopian World Federation (EWF) was founded in New York City by Dr. Malaku Bayen and Dorothy E. Bayen, under the advice of Haile Selassie.[186] Dr. Bayen was the cousin and personal physician of the Emperor, and a prince.[190][191] Dunkley, Hibbert and Howell would also join the organization,[181] which aimed to mobilize African American support for the Ethiopians during the Italian invasion of 1935-41, and to embody the unity of Black people worldwide.[186][192] Ethiopia's resistance against European imperialism made it a source of pride and inspiration among Black people in the diaspora.[111][112][181]
Europe
Black Liberation Front
The Black Liberation Front (BLF) formed in London in 1971 and ceased activities in 1993.[193] Much more secretive than the British Black Panthers, most of their members remained anonymous,[194] but it was nevertheless considered one of the most effective Black Power organizations in the UK, despite threats and attacks from the National Front, the media and the police, as well as state surveillance.[193]
The BLF's politics were informed by Pan-Africansocialism and black nationalism.[194] The BLF had links with Pan-African groups worldwide, often sending money back to Africa, and helped organize the Africa Liberation Day celebrations in the 1970s and 1980s. They also published the Grassroots Newspaper, which often featured creative work, alongside news on anti-colonial movements back in Africa and the Caribbean.[193]
BLF was especially concerned with educational inequalities in the UK. Because black-authored books were extremely difficult to source in London at the time, the BLF established three book shops filled with black history, black politics and black literature. The Grassroots store front on Ladbroke Grove was one of these book shops, and became a community hub. The Headstart bookshop provided information for young people and at the weekends, volunteers ran math, English and black history classes there.[193]
BLF ran prisoner welfare schemes, and schemes to support black women. Ujima Housing Association was established by the BLF to address issues around discrimination in housing. Young people and mothers were especially welcome. By 2008, when Ujima was merged into London and Quadrant, its assets were valued at £2 billion.[193]
The British Black Panthers emerged after a 1967 visit by Stokey Carmichael and Malcolm X to London. The British chapter was officially formed the following year by Obi Egbuna and Darcus Howe. Egbuna had ambitions for the BBPM to be a militant, underground revolutionary organization. When Althea Jones-LeCointe later came to lead the organization, she wanted it to remain a grassroots organization, focused on the plight of workers, the unemployed, and young people. The BBPM also published a newspaper, Black Peoples News Service, and focused on injustice in education, policing, and government. The chapter was dissolved in 1972, but famous members included Neil Kenlock, Linton Kwesi Johnson, Olive Morris, Barbara Beese, Liz Obi and Beverley Bryan.[194]
The party was active in the United States between 1966 and 1982, with chapters in many major American cities, including San Francisco, New York City, Chicago, Los Angeles, Seattle, and Philadelphia.[199] They were also active in many prisons and had international chapters in the United Kingdom and Algeria.[200]
Between 1953 and 1964, while most African leaders worked in the civil rights movement to integrate African-American people into mainstream American life, Malcolm X was an avid advocate of Black independence and the reclaiming of Black pride and masculinity.[201] He initially maintained that Black people were better served by separatism—with control of politics and economics within their own communities—than the tactics of civil rights leader Rev. Martin Luther King Jr. and mainstream civil rights groups such as the SCLC, SNCC, NAACP, and CORE. Malcolm X believed that to achieve anything, African Americans would have to reclaim their national identity, embrace the rights covered by the Second Amendment, and defend themselves from white hegemony and extrajudicial violence.[202]
In April 1964, Malcolm X participated in a Hajj (pilgrimage to Mecca); Malcolm subsequently shifted to mainstream Islam and recanted many of his earlier opinions, including his prior commitment to Black separatism.[203] He still supported Black cultural nationalism and advocated for African Americans to proactively campaign for equal human rights, instead of relying on white citizens to change the laws. Malcolm X articulated his new philosophy in the charter of his Organization of Afro-American Unity (which he patterned after the Organization of African Unity), and he inspired some aspects of the future Black Panther Party.[204]
1964 photograph of Malcolm X
In 1965, Malcolm X expressed reservations about Black nationalism, saying, "I was alienating people who were true revolutionaries dedicated to overturning the system of exploitation that exists on this earth by any means necessary. So I had to do a lot of thinking and reappraising of my definition of black nationalism. Can we sum up the solution to the problems confronting our people as black nationalism? And if you notice, I haven't been using the expression for several months."[205]
Like Rastafari, Nation of Islam was partly influenced by Garveyism.[206]Wallace D. Fard founded the Nation of Islam in the 1930s as a reaction to the perceived white supremacy of Christianity.[207][208][206] Since 1977, it has been under Louis Farrakhan's leadership. High-profile members included the Black nationalist activist Malcolm X and the boxer Muhammad Ali. The group believed Christianity had been forced on Black people during slavery, that Islam was the original religion of Black people, and that Black identity could be reclaimed through Islam.[206]
Deviating significantly from mainstream Islam, Muhammad also taught that Fard was a Messiah and that he himself was sent by God to prepare Black people for global supremacy and destruction of "the white devil".[209] The Nation promoted economic self-sufficiency for Black people, and talked of establishing a separate Black nation in Georgia, Alabama, or Mississippi.[210]
Black nationalism in popular culture
Political hip hop
As hip hop is a music genre originally created and dominated by African-Americans, political rappers often reference and discuss black liberation, black nationalism and the black power movement. Numerous hip hop songs express anti-racist views, such as the popular The Black Eyed Peas song "Where Is the Love?", however, artists who advocate more radical black liberationist views have remained controversial. Artists such as Public Enemy, Tupac Shakur, Ice Cube, Game, and Kendrick Lamar have advocated black liberation in their lyrics and poetry. In Tupac Shakur's poem, "How Can We Be Free", Shakur discusses the sacrifices of black political prisoners and the rejection of patriotic symbols.
In the 2010s, artists such as Killer Mike and Kendrick Lamar, have released songs criticizing the war on drugs and the prison industrial complex from an anti-racist perspective. Hip hop music continues to draw the attention and support of the struggles of minority groups in a modern method of communication that attracts a young demographic of activists. Kendrick Lamar and many other rappers have been credited with creating discussions regarding "blackness" through their music.[211]
Criticism
General criticism
In his Letter from Birmingham Jail, Martin Luther King Jr. characterized black nationalism with "hatred and despair", writing that support for black nationalism "would inevitably lead to a frightening racial nightmare."[212]
Norm R. Allen Jr., former director of African Americans for Humanism, calls black nationalism a "strange mixture of profound thought and patent nonsense":
On the one hand, Reactionary Black Nationalists (RBNs) advocate self-love, self-respect, self-acceptance, self-help, pride, unity, and so forth—much like the right-wingers who promote 'traditional family values.' But—also like the holier-than-thou right-wingers—RBNs promote bigotry, intolerance, hatred, sexism, homophobia, anti-Semitism, pseudo-science, irrationality, dogmatic historical revisionism, violence, and so forth.[213]
Tunde Adeleke, Nigerian-born professor of History and Director of the African American Studies program at the University of Montana, argues in his book UnAfrican Americans: Nineteenth-Century Black Nationalists and the Civilizing Mission that 19th-century African American nationalism embodied the racist and paternalistic values of Euro-American culture and that black nationalist plans were not designed for the immediate benefit of Africans but to enhance their own fortunes.[214]
In Black Nationalism in America, John H. Bracey Jr., August Meier and Elliott Rudwick argue, "In the arena of politics, black nationalism at its mildest is bourgeois reformism, a view which assumes that the United States is politically pluralistic and that liberal values concerning democracy and the political process are operative."[134]
Dean E. Robinson, meanwhile, argues that "modern black nationalism drew upon strategies for political and economic empowerment that had analogies in the wider political landscape" and that, shaped by circumstances in America, black nationalists merely began to "do what other 'ethnic' groups had done" — i.e., "pursue their interests in a pluralistic political system, subsumed by a capitalistic economic one".[8]
Criticism by black feminist activists
Black feminists in the U.S., such as Barbara Smith, Toni Cade Bambara, and Frances Beal, have also lodged sustained criticism of certain strands of black nationalism, particularly the political programs which are advocated by cultural nationalists. Black cultural nationalists envisioned black women only in the traditional heteronormative role of the idealized wife-mother figure.
Patricia Hill Collins criticizes the limited imagining of black women in cultural nationalist projects, writing that black women "assumed a particular place in Black cultural nationalist efforts to reconstruct authentic Black culture, reconstitute Black identity, foster racial solidarity, and institute an ethic of service to the Black community."[215]
A major example of black women as only the heterosexual wife and mother can be found in the philosophy and practice called Kawaida exercised by the US Organization. Maulana Karenga established the political philosophy of Kawaida in 1965. Its doctrine prescribed distinct roles between black men and women. Specifically, the role of the black woman as "African Woman" was to "inspire her man, educate her children, and participate in social development."[216] Historian of black women's history and radical politics Ashley Farmer records a more comprehensive history of black women's resistance to sexism and patriarchy within black nationalist organizations, leading many Black Power era associations to support gender equality.[217]
The Southern Poverty Law Center (SPLC) said that while black nationalist and black separatisthate groups exist, "The black nationalist movement is a reaction to centuries of institutionalized white supremacy in America," and it also notes that there is a lack of high-level political support for black nationalist and black separatist groups as opposed to white supremacist groups.[11] According to the SPLC, black nationalist groups face a "categorically different" environment than white hate groups in the United States; while white supremacy has been championed by influential figures within the Donald Trump administration, black nationalists have "little or no impact on mainstream politics and no defenders in high office".[11]
The Southern Poverty Law Center has previously been criticized for conflating black nationalism with hate more generally.[230] It later clarified that "black nationalists are assessed as a loose-knit network of various hate groups, charismatic leaders, as well as unaffiliated individuals who may identify as black nationalists, but [who] do not associate with black nationalist groups," and reiterated that "violent black nationalists" were distinct from other forms of black activism.[231] They also challenged the notion that black activists of diverse ideologies should be grouped as "black identity extremists" by the FBI.[231]
In October 2020, the SPLC announced that it would no longer use the category "black separatism", in order to foster a more accurate understanding of violent extremism and avoid creating a false equivalency between black separatism and white supremacist extremism. This change in the terminology which is used by the SPLC also includes the removal of "black nationalism" as a category of hate groups from the SPLC's website.[232][233]
Rastafari is an Abrahamic religion that developed in Jamaica during the 1930s. It is classified as both a new religious movement and a social movement by scholars of religion. There is no central authority in control of the movement and much diversity exists among practitioners, who are known as Rastafari, Rastafarians, or Rastas.
Black supremacy or black supremacism is a racial supremacist belief which maintains that black people are inherently superior to people of other races.
Marcus Mosiah Garvey Jr. was a Jamaican political activist. He was the founder and first President-General of the Universal Negro Improvement Association and African Communities League, through which he declared himself Provisional President of Africa. Garvey was ideologically a black nationalist and Pan-Africanist. His ideas came to be known as Garveyism.
The Universal Negro Improvement Association and African Communities League (UNIA-ACL) is a black nationalist fraternal organization founded by Marcus Garvey, a Jamaican immigrant to the United States, and his then-wife Amy Ashwood Garvey. The African Nationalist organization enjoyed its greatest strength in the 1920s, and was influential prior to Garvey's deportation to Jamaica in 1927. After that its prestige and influence declined, but it had a strong influence on African-American history and development. The UNIA was said to be "unquestionably, the most influential anticolonial organization in Jamaica prior to 1938," according to Honor Ford-Smith.
Pan-African colours is a term that may refer to two different sets of colours:
Garveyism is an aspect of black nationalism that refers to the economic, racial and political policies of UNIA-ACL founder Marcus Garvey.
Black separatism is a separatist political movement that seeks separate economic and cultural development for those of African descent in societies, particularly in the United States. Black separatism stems from the idea of racial solidarity, and it also implies that black people should organize themselves on the basis of their common skin color, their race, culture, and African heritage. There were a total of 255 black separatist groups recorded in the United States as of 2019.
Martin Robison Delany was an American abolitionist, journalist, physician, military officer and writer who was arguably the first proponent of black nationalism. Delany is credited with the Pan-African slogan of "Africa for Africans." Born as a free person of color in Charles Town, Virginia, now West Virginia, and raised in Chambersburg and Pittsburgh, Pennsylvania, Delany trained as a physician's assistant. During the cholera epidemics of 1833 and 1854 in Pittsburgh, Delany treated patients, even though many doctors and residents fled the city out of fear of contamination. In this period, people did not know how the disease was transmitted.
Leonard Percival Howell, also known as The Gong or G. G. Maragh, was a Jamaican religious figure. According to his biographer Hélène Lee, Howell was born into an Anglican family. He was one of the first preachers of the Rastafari movement, and is known by many as The First Rasta.
Black pride is a movement which encourages black people to celebrate their respective cultures and embrace their African heritage.
The Rastafari movement in the United States echoes the Rastafari religious movement, which began in Jamaica and Ethiopia during the 1930s. Marcus Garvey, born in Jamaica, was influenced by the Ethiopian king Haile Selassie. Jamaican Rastafaris began emigrating to the United States in the 1960s and 1970s, and established communities throughout the country.
Alexander Bedward was the founder of Bedwardism. He was one of the most successful preachers of Jamaican Revivalism. Along with Joseph Robert Love, Bedward was one of the forerunners of Marcus Garvey and his brand of pan-Africanism.
The back-to-Africa movement was a political movement in the 19th and 20th centuries advocating for a return of the descendants of African American slaves to the African continent. The movement originated from a widespread belief among some European Americans in the 18th and 19th century United States that African Americans would want to return to the continent of Africa. In general, the political movement was an overwhelming failure; very few former slaves wanted to move to Africa. The small number of freed slaves who did settle in Africa—some under duress—initially faced brutal conditions, due to diseases to which they no longer had biological resistance. As the failure became known in the United States in the 1820s, it spawned and energized the radical abolitionist movement. In the 20th century, the Jamaican political activist and black nationalist Marcus Garvey, members of the Rastafari movement, and other African Americans supported the concept, but few actually left the United States.
Bedwardism, more properly the Jamaica Native Baptist Free Church, was a religious movement of Jamaica.
Protestantism is the dominant religion in Jamaica. Protestants make up about 65% percent of the population. The five largest denominations in Jamaica are: The New Testament Church of God which is a part Church of God, Seventh-day Adventist, Baptist, Pentecostal and Anglican. The full list is below. Most of the Caribbean is Catholic; Jamaica's Protestantism is a legacy of missionaries that came to the island in the 18th and 19th centuries. Missionaries attempted to convert slaves to varying Protestant denominations of Moravians, Baptists, Methodists, and Presbyterians to name a few. As missionaries worked to convert slaves, African traditions mixed with the religion brought over by Europeans. Protestantism was associated with black nationalism in Jamaica, aiming to improve the lives of blacks who were governed by a white minority during colonial times. Today, Protestantism plays an important role in society by providing services to people in need.
The history of African-American settlement in Africa extends to the beginnings of ex-slave repatriation to Africa from European colonies in the Americas.
Carlos A. Cooks (1913-1966) was a politician from Dominican Republic.
The Peace Movement of Ethiopia was an African-American organization based in Chicago, Illinois. It was active in the 1930s and 1940s, and promoted the repatriation of African Americans to the African continent, especially Liberia. They were affiliated with the Black Dragon Society.
Mittie Maude Lena Gordon was an American black nationalist who established the Peace Movement of Ethiopia. The organization advocated for black emigration to West Africa in response to racial discrimination and white supremacy.
The Rastafari movement developed out of the legacy of the Atlantic slave trade, in which over ten million Africans were enslaved and transported to the Americas between the 16th and 19th centuries. Once there, they were sold to European planters and forced to work on the plantations. Around a third of these transported Africans were relocated in the Caribbean, with under 700,000 being settled in Jamaica. In 1834, slavery in Jamaica was abolished after the British government passed the Slavery Abolition Act 1833. Racial prejudice nevertheless remained prevalent across Jamaican society. The overwhelming majority of Jamaica's legislative council was white throughout the 19th century, and those of African descent were treated as second-class citizens.
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Taylor, James Lance. Black Nationalism in the United States: From Malcolm X to Barack Obama (Lynne Rienner Publishers; 2011)* ALA Award "Best of the Best"Book.
Ture, Kwame. Black Power The Politics of Liberation (1967)
Note: Forms of nationalism based primarily on ethnic groups are listed above. This does not imply that all nationalists with a given ethnicity subscribe to that form of ethnic nationalism.
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