Amhara nationalism

Last updated

Amhara nationalism is a form of ethnic nationalism and political movement that advocates the interests of Amhara people in Ethiopia, asserting Amhara is a single secular nation with ethno-cultural identity. The movement broadly emerged as counter discourse of the modern Ethiopian politics, which is based on national oppression thesis. [1] [2] [3]

Contents

The flag of Ethiopia has been historically associated with Amhara nationalism. Flag of Ethiopia (Blank).svg
The flag of Ethiopia has been historically associated with Amhara nationalism.

Sometimes, this type of nationalism associated with pan-Ethiopian nationalism which is a form of civic nationalism. Some see it as a symbol of patriotism over Ethiopians while other portray this nationalism as maintaining Amhara political and territorial identity. For example, Amhara youth tend to related with ethnic and political identity compared to older generation who are more likely express pan-Ethiopian stance. [6]

Historical perspectives

Historically, Amhara nationalism was correlated with Ethiopian nationalism, which supports civic nationalism among Ethiopian ethnic group. [7] In early 1992, All Amhara People’s Organization (AAPO) was founded by Professor Asrat Woldeyes to represent Amhara as one identity. The Amhara National Democratic Movemen t (ANDM) similarly followed such stance after formed by Amharan prisoner of wars with the help of TPLF-dominated EPRDF coalition before the fall of the Derg — became an official Amhara political party in Ethiopia. However, only Amhara peasants remained the last class without any formal political organization as both AAPO and ANDM represented the urban population of Amhara, claiming they stand for Amhara sovereignty. AAPO instead spoke for Ethiopian nationalism without leaving the notion of Amhara nationalism in both rural and urban population that resulted in the formation of All Ethiopian Unity Party. [4]

The Amhara peasants were subjected to defraud when they assist Amharas who were under attack by other ethnic group in the south, notably by the Arsi Oromos. They claim that "Amhara" was the descendant of Emperor Menelik II soldiers who conquered in the 19th century. As such, they are identified by the local peasants not only as landlords and administrators, but they are Orthodox Christians. [4]

Comparison with Ethiopian nationalism

The Amhara people often viewed by external observers as a symbol of Ethiopian patriotism and link with the Ethiopian nationalism. [8] In contrast, the ethnic federalist EPRDF viewed by Ethiopian nationalists including the Amhara nationalist and elites as "unpatriotic" or even treacherous. [9] [10] However, some Amhara nationalists claim they are democratic in ethnic federalism state due to they grant self-determination to minority group in the region, such as in Oromia and Agew Awi Zones. [11]

The Derg regime often portrayed as the continuation of Amhara imperial government despite Amharas were subjected to grave brutality. Taffara Deguefe, the President of the Commercial Bank of Ethiopia wrote a memoir titled The Tripping Stone in his prison cell that described the moment of discrimination against Amhara during the regime: [12]

The only ‘minorities’ who are scorned are the hopeless Amhara for their past privileges. They have to pay for it now in lost jobs and positions for their hateful identification to a past now seen as distasteful to the military junta.

The Welkait controversy is the source of Amhara nationalism since 2016. [13] During the first months of Tigray War, Amhara forces recaptured the town. [14] The Fano movement is an ethno-nationalist protest movement that claims to represent Amhara people, which slightly gained widespread support in Ethiopia. They are closely tie to the notion of "Ethiopianness" with its tenet relates with the presence of the Ethiopian Orthodox Tewahedo Church, claiming that Amhara is suffering from government persecution and perpetuating genocidal intent. [15]

See also

Related Research Articles

<span class="mw-page-title-main">Government of Ethiopia</span> Administrative units of Ethiopia

The government of Ethiopia is the federal government of Ethiopia. It is structured in a framework of a federal parliamentary republic, whereby the prime minister is the head of government. Executive power is exercised by the government. The prime minister is chosen by the lower chamber of the Federal Parliamentary Assembly. Federal legislative power is vested in both the government and the two chambers of parliament. The judiciary is more or less independent of the executive and the legislature. They are governed under the 1995 Constitution of Ethiopia. There is a bicameral parliament made of the 108-seat House of Federation and the 547-seat House of Peoples' Representatives. The House of Federation has members chosen by the regional councils to serve five-year terms. The House of Peoples' Representatives is elected by direct election, who in turn elect the president for a six-year term.

<span class="mw-page-title-main">Ethiopian People's Revolutionary Democratic Front</span> 1988–2019 Ethiopian ethnic federalist political coalition

The Ethiopian People's Revolutionary Democratic Front was an ethnic federalist political coalition in Ethiopia that existed from 1988 to 2019. It consisted of four political parties: Tigray People's Liberation Front (TPLF), Amhara Democratic Party (ADP), Oromo Democratic Party (ODP) and Southern Ethiopian People's Democratic Movement (SEPDM). After leading the overthrow of the People's Democratic Republic of Ethiopia, it dominated Ethiopian politics from 1991 to 2019. In November 2019, the EPRDF was dissolved, and Prime Minister and EPDRF chairman Abiy Ahmed merged three of the constituent parties into his new Prosperity Party, which was officially founded on 1 December 2019.

<span class="mw-page-title-main">Tigray People's Liberation Front</span> Left-wing nationalist political party in Ethiopia

The Tigray People's Liberation Front, also called the Tigrayan People's Liberation Front, is a left-wing ethnic nationalist, paramilitary group, and the former ruling party of Ethiopia. It was classified as a terrorist organization by the Ethiopian government from May 2021 until its removal from the list in March 2023. In older texts and Amharic publications, it is known as Woyane or Wayane.

<span class="mw-page-title-main">Amhara Democratic Party</span> Former political party in Ethiopia

The Amhara Democratic Party (ADP), originally known as Amhara National Democratic Movement (ANDM), was a political party in Ethiopia. The party was one of four members of the Ethiopian People's Revolutionary Democratic Front (EPRDF) that ruled Ethiopia at the time. In 2012, the party chairman was Demeke Mekonnen, who replaced Addisu Legesse in 2010. In November 2019, prime minister Abiy Ahmed, holding the role of EPRDF chair, unified the constituent parties of the coalition into a new party called Prosperity Party.

<span class="mw-page-title-main">Western Zone, Tigray</span> Zone in the Tigray Region of Ethiopia

The Western Zone is a zone in the Tigray Region of Ethiopia. It is subdivided into three woredas (districts); from north to south they are Kafta Humera, Welkait and Tsegede. The largest town is Humera. The Western Zone is bordered on the east by the North Western Zone, the south by the Amhara Region, the west by Sudan and on the north by Eritrea. Starting from the late 17th C., internal boundaries are clearly shown, with 37 maps displaying a boundary that is located well south of the Tekeze River, or even south of the Simien mountains. Welkait is explicitly included within a larger Tigray confederation ; it is briefly mapped as part of Amhara in 1891-1894 and part of Gondar from 1944-1990. At other periods it appears independent or part of a larger Mezaga lowland region.

<span class="mw-page-title-main">Ethiopian nationalism</span> Political ideology

Ethiopian nationalism, also referred to as Ethiopianism or Ethiopianness, according to its proponents, asserts that Ethiopians are a single nation, and promotes the social equality of all component ethnic groups. Ethiopian people as a whole regardless of ethnicity constitute sovereignty as one polity. Ethiopian nationalism is a type of civic nationalism in that it is multi-ethnic in nature, and promotes multiculturalism.

<span class="mw-page-title-main">Gobe Melke</span> Ethiopian guerrilla fighter of Fano unit (1947–2017)

Gobe Melke was an Ethiopian guerrilla fighter and former commander of the Fano militia.

<span class="mw-page-title-main">2021 Ethiopian general election</span>

The 2021 Ethiopian general election to elect members of the House of Peoples' Representatives was held on 21 June 2021 and 30 September 2021. Regional elections were also held on those dates.

The 2019 Amhara Region coup d'état attempt was an attempted coup d'état against the Amhara Regional government on 22 June 2019, during which factions of the Amhara Region's Peace and Security Bureau assassinated the Amhara Regional President Ambachew Mekonnen. A bodyguard siding with the nationalist factions also assassinated General Se'are Mekonnen, the Chief of General Staff of the Ethiopian National Defense Force, as well as his aide Major General Gizae Aberra.

<span class="mw-page-title-main">Prosperity Party</span> Ruling political party in Ethiopia

The Prosperity Party is a political party in Ethiopia that was established on 1 December 2019 as a successor to the Ethiopian People's Revolutionary Democratic Front (EPRDF) by incumbent Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed. The merger into a countrywide party is part of Abiy's general policy of distancing the country's politics from ethnic federalism. It ran for the first time in the 2021 general election.

<span class="mw-page-title-main">Fano (militia)</span> Amhara youth militia in Ethiopia

Fano is an ethno-nationalist Amhara militia. It has engaged in violent clashes throughout Ethiopia in the name of neutralizing perceived threats to the Amhara people. Fano has in many instances, absorbed — the Amhara Regional Special Forces. Fano militias are have been involved in armed conflicts with the Tigray People's Liberation Front (TPLF), the Oromo Liberation Army (OLA), and the Ethiopian National Defense Force (ENDF). They have also clashed with the Sudanese Armed Forces (SAF) on the border of Ethiopia and Sudan.

A neftenya was the name given to Emperor Menelik II's warriors, who were primarily of Shewan Amhara origin, that collected customs and taxes for the Imperial Ethiopian government. In its literal meaning, neftenya, referred to riflemen in the Imperial Ethiopian Army who were known to have settled in Ethiopia's peripheral regions, including parts of present-day Oromia Region, the SNNPR Region, Gambela Region and the Benishangul-Gumuz Region from the late 19th century onwards. The origin of this term lies from the fact that these soldiers, i.e. "neftenya", were granted land on these newly conquered territories, including the services of the indigenous people on these lands, as rewards for their services.

<span class="mw-page-title-main">Ethiopian civil conflict (2018–present)</span> Episode of intrastate conflicts during Abiy Ahmeds administration

Following the 2018 dissolution of the ethnic federalist, dominant party political coalition, the Ethiopian People's Revolutionary Democratic Front, there was an increase in tensions within the country, with newly resurgent regional and ethnically based factions carrying out armed attacks on military and civilians in multiple conflicts throughout Ethiopia.

<span class="mw-page-title-main">Tigrayan nationalism</span> Ethnic nationalism

Tigrayan nationalism is an ethnic nationalism that advocates the interests of Tigrayan people in Ethiopia. Inspired predominantly by the Tigray People's Liberation Front (TPLF) with its predecessor Tigray Liberation Front (TLF), this type of nationalism holds that Tigrayans are an independent group with unique ancestry, heritage, history and culture outside Ethiopia. As such, they claim Tigray is the source of Ethiopian civilization and utterly a benefactor of state-building without other local ethnic groups. Tigrayan nationalist accuse Amhara imperial dominance of oppressing their identity despite the fact that both Amhara and Tigray emperors have contributed to the creation of modern Ethiopia.

The 1995 Ethiopian Federal Constitution formalizes an ethnic federalism law aimed at undermining long-standing ethnic imperial rule, reducing ethnic tensions, promoting regional autonomy, and upholding unqualified rights to self-determination and secession in a state with more than 80 different ethnic groups. But the constitution is divisive, both among Ethiopian nationalists who believe it undermines centralized authority and fuels interethnic conflict, and among ethnic federalists who fear that the development of its vague components could lead to authoritarian centralization or even the maintenance of minority ethnic hegemony. Parliamentary elections since 1995 have taken place every five years since enactment. All but one of these have resulted in government by members of the Ethiopian People's Revolutionary Democratic Front (EPRDF) political coalition, under three prime ministers. The EPRDF was under the effective control of the Tigray People's Liberation Front (TPLF), which represents a small ethnic minority. In 2019 the EPRDF, under Abiy, was dissolved and he inaugurated the pan-ethnic Prosperity Party which won the 2021 Ethiopian Election, returning him as prime minister. But both political entities were different kinds of responses to the ongoing tension between constitutional ethnic federalism and the Ethiopian state's authority. Over the same period, and all administrations, a range of major conflicts with ethnic roots have occurred or continued, and the press and availability of information have been controlled. There has also been dramatic economic growth and liberalization, which has itself been attributed to, and used to justify, authoritarian state policy.

<span class="mw-page-title-main">Oromo nationalism</span> Ethnic nationalism

Oromo nationalism is an ethnic nationalism advocating the self-interest of Oromo people in Ethiopia and Kenya. Many Oromo elites, intellectuals and political leaders struggled to create an independent Oromia state throughout 19th and 20th century, since the start of Abyssinian colonialism under Emperor Menelik II. No consensus has been reached yet regarding the motives of this type of nationalism, whether the Oromos librate themselves to form a nation-state or offer self-determination in federal Ethiopia.

<span class="mw-page-title-main">Welkait question</span> Controversial dispute regarding the Ethiopian city Welkait

The Welkait question involves a controversial territorial dispute surrounding the Ethiopian area Welkait, which is situated in the present-day Tigray Region. Welkait had been an independent area but was incorporated within Begmeder province, but after the fall of the Derg in 1991, the area was given by the TPLF government to Tigray's Western Zone.

Anti-Ethiopian sentiment is a broad opposition, bias, prejudice against Ethiopia, its people and government as whole.

<span class="mw-page-title-main">Anti-Amhara sentiment</span> Ethnic hatred against Amhara people in Ethiopia

Anti-Amhara sentiment is opposition, hatred and bias against Amhara people in Ethiopia. Amharas are subjected to longstanding ethnic hatred among the Tigrayan elites. Persecution of Amharas are typically stemmed from accusation of Amhara for atrocities and land acquisition during the colonial rule in the Ethiopian Empire; many Oromo activists and intellectualists pertained Amhara of being "Neftenya", a feaudal lord and vassal who manages the lands loyal to the imperial government.

<span class="mw-page-title-main">Anti-Oromo sentiment</span> Ethnic hatred against Oromo people in Ethiopia

Anti-Oromo sentiment or Oromophobia, is opposition, hatred or prejudice against the Oromo ethnic group. Anti-Oromo sentiment has root its accusations during the rule of Ethiopian Empire, particularly in the reign of Emperor Menelik II in 1880s. Oromo nationalists argued that the Oromo have been subjugated and oppressed by dominant Amhara feudal rulers and its oppression persisted throughout 20th century. Under Haile Selassie, Oromos have been targeted to persecutions after long wave of resistance. Many Oromo revolutionaries like Mamo Mazamir, Haile Mariam Gamada and General Tadesse Birru faced execution by Selassie government and then the Derg regimes.

References

  1. Tazebew, Tezera (April 2021). "Amhara nationalism: The empire strikes back" . African Affairs. 120 (479): 297–313. doi:10.1093/afraf/adaa029 . Retrieved 2023-11-12.
  2. Sew, Mistir (2021-06-07). "Amhara nationalism at the polls in Ethiopia". Ethiopia Insight. Retrieved 2023-11-12.
  3. "Does Amhara nationalism have a unique DNA?". Borkena Ethiopian News. 2023-10-17. Retrieved 2023-11-12.
  4. 1 2 3 "The Two-Faced Amhara Identity". 11 November 2023.
  5. Tefera, Goshu Wolde; Castro, A. Peter (2016-11-01). "Flag Politics in Ethiopia and the Ethio-American Diaspora". Journal of International and Global Studies. 8 (1): 1–21.
  6. "The Birth of Amhara Nationalism: Causes, Aspirations, and Potential Impacts". Addis Standard . 12 November 2023.
  7. Shiferaw Chanie, Bantanyehu; Ishiyama, John (October 2021). "Political Transition and the Rise of Amhara Nationalism in Ethiopia" . Journal of Asian and African Studies. 56 (5): 1036–1050. doi:10.1177/00219096211015322. ISSN   0021-9096.
  8. "Ethiopia: Defining Amhara nationalism for a better country". The Africa Report.com. Retrieved 2023-11-11.
  9. Gebrewold, Belachew (April 2009). "Ethiopian Nationalism: An Ideology to Transcend All Odds". Africa Spectrum. 44 (1): 79–97. doi: 10.1177/000203970904400106 . ISSN   0002-0397.
  10. Michael, Mackonen (November 2008). "Who is Amhara?" . African Identities. 6 (4): 393–404. doi:10.1080/14725840802417943. ISSN   1472-5843.
  11. Borago, Teshome M. (2018-12-10). "What is the point in Amhara nationalism?". Ethiopia Insight. Retrieved 2023-11-11.
  12. Moges, Zola (2020-09-01). "Shaping Amhara nationalism for a better Ethiopia". Ethiopia Insight. Retrieved 2023-11-11.
  13. Account (2023-10-17). "Does Amhara nationalism have a unique DNA?". Borkena Ethiopian News. Retrieved 2023-11-12.
  14. Endeshaw, Dawit (2023-01-14). "Amhara forces withdraw from parts of Ethiopia's Tigray region, army says". Reuters. Retrieved 2023-11-12.
  15. "Ethiopia: understanding the Fano and the fate of Amhara". The Africa Report.com. Retrieved 2023-11-12.