Assam separatist movements refers to a series of multiple insurgent and separatist movements that had been operated in the Northeast Indian state of Assam. [9] The conflict started in the 1970s [9] following tension between the native indigenous Assamese people and the Indian government over alleged neglect, political, social, cultural, economic issues and increased levels of illegal immigration from Bangladesh. [10] [11] The conflict has resulted in the deaths of 12,000 United Liberation Front of Assam (ULFA) militants and 18,000 others. [8] [12]
Several organisations contribute to the insurgency including the ULFA, the Adivasi National Liberation Army, Karbi Longri N.C. Hills Liberation Front (KLNLF) and the National Democratic Front of Bodoland (NDFB) with ULFA perhaps the largest of these groups, [12] and one of the oldest, having been founded in 1979. [13] The ULFA has attacked Hindi-speaking migrant workers [14] and a movement exists favouring secession from the Republic of India. [15] The alleged neglect and economic, social, cultural and political exploitation by the Indian state are the main reasons behind the growth of this secessionist movement.
The ULFA seeks to establish a sovereign Assam via armed struggle. MULTA (Muslim United Liberation Tigers of Assam), on the other hand, seeks to establish an Islamic state in India via the jihadist struggle of Muslims of both indigenous and migrant origin. The Government of India banned the ULFA in 1990 and classifies it as a terrorist group, while the US State Department lists it under "other groups of concern".
Founded at Rang Ghar, a historic structure dating to the Ahom kingdom on April 7, 1979, the ULFA has been the subject of military operations by the Indian Army since 1990, which have continued into the present. [16] In the past two decades some 30,000 people have died [17] in the clash between the rebels and the government. Though separatist sentiment is considered strong, it is disputed if the secessionist movement continues to enjoy popular support. Conversely, assertions of Assamese nationalism are found in Assamese literature and culture. The neglect and exploitation by the Indian state are common refrains in the Assamese-language media [18] with some reports casting the ULFA leaders as saviors. [19]
Internationally acclaimed Assamese novelist Indira Goswami has tried to broker peace [20] [21] [22] for several years between the rebels and the government. [23] In a recent development Hiren Gohain, [24] [25] a public intellectual, has stepped in to expedite the process.
In June 7 in 2007, Dilip Agarwal, an Indian businessman (grocer) and his son, Rajat Agarwal were kidnapped by four suspected Adivasi National Liberation Army (ANLA). [26] In December of the same year, an improvised explosive device planted in a train compartment on its way from Dibrugarh to Delhi, India, blast killing 5 civilians and wounded five more. The ANLA claimed the attack to the media asking for more rights and recognition for the community in the state. [27] [28] [29]
In December 23, 2008, armed militants of the ANLA shot dead the Deputy Manager Gautom Kotoky a senior tea executive in Carramore tea estate (owned by McLeod & Russell Group) along the India-Bhutan border under Harisinga Police Station in Odalguri, Assam. [30] [31] In the next day, a bomb blasts on railway tracks between Khatkhati and Bokajan. The attack left only material damage, and were attributed to the ANLA. [32] [33]
In July 10 of 2011, an explosion was registered in the Guwahati-Puri Express train. Four of the train's coaches were derailed and over 100 people were wounded, and the attack caused an unknown amount of property damage to the tracks and train. Authorities said the bomb was placed on the track with wires and other trigger materials, which were found after the bombing. The Adivasi People's Army (APA) [34] claimed responsibility for the attack through an email, and the police suspected that National Democratic Front of Bodoland for the bombing. [35] Suspected APA militants attacked and wound Zakir Hussain, leader in the Assam Minorities Students' Union (AMSU); he held the position of Kamandanga unit assistant secretary. The attack took place in Kokrajhar district, Assam. [36] [37] The APA carried out other similar attacks in train tracks. [38]
In December 21, the businessman Ratan Saha was kidnapped by members of the Adivasi Cobra Militants of Assam (ACMA) in Kokrajhar, Assam. In response, locals violently protested the kidnapping and demanded that Saha be released in one day. There were no reports of the outcome of the kidnapping. [39] [40]
During 2012, all Adivasi militants including those of Adivasi Cobra Force surrendered. In December of the same year, armed militants of the ANLA kidnapped Gobin Goswami, the headmaster of Kuwoni Lower Primary School in Golaghat, the motive of the abduction and the outcome of the kidnapping is unknown. [41] [42]
Suspect members of the ANLA abducted a grocery store owner and his employee in Majuli area, Sonitpur. The attackers claimed the kidnapping because they had failed to make ransom payments. [43] [44] [45]
On 15 May 2019, twelve people were injured after a grenade exploded in front of a shopping mall in Guwahati. Days later the United Liberation Front of Assam claimed responsibility for the attack, and the authorities arrested the main suspects. [46] [47] [48]
In 2020 and 2021, all Bodo, Karbi, Kuki and Dimasa militants surrendered to the government of India.[ citation needed ]
In 2022, Gorkha and Tiwa Militants also surrendered.[ citation needed ]
Swadhin Axom | |
---|---|
Flag | |
Motto: Joi Aai Axom Victory to Mother Assam | |
Anthem: O Mor Aponar Dex | |
Status | Proposed Country: Independence Movement |
Capital | Dispur |
Largest city | Guwahati |
Official languages | Assamese, English |
Government | Federal republic |
Swadhin Axom (Independent Assam) is a proposed independent state in Northeast India, primarily inhabited by the Assamese people. [49] The concept of Swadhin Axom stems from the historical and cultural distinctiveness of Assam and the desire of its people for self-determination and sovereignty. [50] The region is currently a part of the Indian state of Assam. [51]
The history of Assam is characterized by a rich cultural heritage and a long-standing struggle for autonomy. [52] The Ahom Kingdom, which ruled Assam for several centuries, is renowned for its administrative prowess and cultural contributions. Many assamese feel that assam became Indian, only because of the British. [53] However, with the advent of British colonial rule in the 19th century, Assam's political landscape underwent significant changes. [54]
The Assam Movement, which began in the late 1970s and culminated in the signing of the Assam Accord in 1985, was a pivotal moment in the region's quest for self-determination. [55] Led by organizations like the All Assam Students' Union (AASU) [56] and the All Assam Gana Sangram Parishad (AAGSP), the movement demanded the identification and deportation of illegal immigrants, primarily from Bangladesh, and sought to safeguard the socio-cultural identity of the Assamese people. [57] [58] [59]
Throughout its history, the Swadhin Axom movement has been shaped by visionary leaders who have tirelessly advocated for the rights and aspirations of the Assamese people. [60] [61] Figures like Bishnu Prasad Rabha, [62] a multifaceted artist and social reformer, Tarun Ram Phukan, a prominent political leader, and Prafulla Kumar Mahanta, a key figure in the Assam Movement [63] and a former Chief Minister of Assam, have played crucial roles in advancing the cause of Swadhin Axom. [64] [65] [66]
Assam's relationship with India has been characterized by periods of cooperation and conflict. [67] The region's strategic importance, owing to its abundant natural resources and geographical location, has made it a focal point of Indian government policies. [68] However, issues such as resource exploitation, cultural preservation, and political representation have often led to tensions between Assam and the Indian government. [69] [70] [71]
Assam, known for its rich natural resources, has often faced challenges related to their exploitation and management by the Indian government. [72] The state is endowed with abundant mineral resources, including oil, natural gas, coal, and limestone, making it a significant contributor to India's economy. [73] [74] However, the extraction and utilization of these resources have been a point of contention due to issues of ownership, environmental degradation, and equitable distribution of revenues.
The discovery of oil in Assam in the late 19th century marked the beginning of industrialization in the region. The Assam Oil Company, later known as Oil India Limited, was established in 1889, and the Digboi oilfield became one of the oldest operational oilfields in the world. The exploitation of oil resources in Assam has played a crucial role in India's energy security. [75] However, it has also led to environmental degradation, including oil spills, pollution, and land subsidence. [76]
Natural gas is another significant resource found in Assam, with major reserves located in areas like Sivasagar, Jorhat, and Dibrugarh. [77] The discovery of natural gas fields has led to the establishment of several gas-based industries in the state. However, the extraction and processing of natural gas have raised concerns about its impact on the environment and local communities. [78] [79] [80]
The coal mines in Assam, particularly in the Makum coalfield, have been a source of livelihood for many locals. [81] However, the mining operations have been criticized for their environmental impact, including deforestation, air and water pollution, and land degradation. [82]
The exploitation of resources in Assam has also been a source of political tension. The "Tez dim, tel nadim" (We will give you blood but no oil) slogan, [83] popularized by the All Assam Students' Union (AASU) [84] during the Assam Agitation (1979-1985), highlighted the demand for a fair share of the state's resources and revenue for its development. The slogan reflected the sentiment of many Assamese people who felt marginalized and exploited by the central government's policies. [85]
Assam has been plagued by several instances of human rights violations, including extrajudicial killings, rape, and other forms of violence, often attributed to the presence of the Armed Forces (Special Powers) Act (AFSPA) in the region. [86] [87] The Act, in force in Assam and other parts of Northeast India, grants special powers to the armed forces in areas deemed disturbed. While intended to maintain public order, AFSPA has been criticized for enabling impunity and human rights abuses. [88]
One of the darkest chapters in Assam's recent history is the period of secret killings in the early 2000s. In the aftermath of the Assam Accord (1985), which aimed to resolve the issue of illegal immigration, [89] a series of extrajudicial killings occurred, particularly in the town of Kakopathar. [90] These killings, allegedly carried out by state police and security forces, [91] targeted suspected militants and their families without any judicial process. The victims included women and children, and the killings were often disguised as encounters. [92] [93]
The Armed Forces (Special Powers) Act has been a subject of controversy in Assam, with allegations of its misuse leading to widespread human rights abuses. [94] Under AFSPA, security forces have broad powers, including the authority to shoot to kill, conduct searches without warrants, and arrest individuals without formal procedures. [95] The Act has been criticized by human rights organizations for enabling impunity and creating a climate of fear and distrust among the civilian population. [96]
Instances of rape and sexual violence, [97] often involving security forces, have been reported in Assam. [98] These cases highlight the vulnerability of women in conflict-affected areas and the challenges they face in seeking justice. One such case involved the rape of a 12-year-old girl by an army jawan [99] in Assam's Baksa district in 2015. [100] [101] [102] Despite the victim's family filing a complaint, [103] no action was taken against the accused, raising concerns about impunity and lack of accountability. [104] [105] [106]
One of the major issues in addressing human rights violations in Assam has been the lack of accountability and the failure to bring perpetrators to justice. [107] Cases of extrajudicial killings, rape, and other forms of violence often go unpunished, leading to a sense of impunity among security forces and other perpetrators. [108]
The United Liberation Front of Assam (ULFA) was formed on April 7, 1979, [109] with the aim of establishing an independent sovereign Assam through armed struggle. [110] The group emerged in response to the socio-political and economic grievances of the Assamese people, particularly regarding illegal immigration from Bangladesh, perceived as a threat to the Assamese identity and culture. [111]
ULFA was founded by six Assamese youths, including Paresh Baruah, who became its military chief. [112] The group gained traction by tapping into the growing resentment against the perceived neglect and exploitation of Assam by the Indian government. [113] The Assam Accord of 1985, which sought to address these grievances, failed to satisfy ULFA's demand for independence, leading to further escalation of the conflict. [114]
ULFA began its armed struggle against the Indian state, targeting security forces, government officials, and infrastructure. The group employed guerrilla tactics and bombings to further its cause, leading to a cycle of violence and counter-violence in Assam.
The emergence of ULFA had a profound impact on Assam's socio-political landscape. [115] The group's activities disrupted normal life in the state, leading to economic losses and a sense of insecurity among the populace. [116] The Indian government's response, including the imposition of AFSPA, further exacerbated tensions and human rights abuses in the region. [117]
ULFA sought support from various quarters, including countries like China, which were sympathetic to its cause. [118] The group also forged links with other separatist movements in the region, aiming to garner support for its struggle for independence. [119] ULFA is also quite close with Kachin Independence Army of Myanmar, [120] maintaining close tie in the Federal Wesean Alliance. [121] [122] [123]
The demand for Swadhin Axom remains a significant issue in Assam's political discourse. [124] While some advocate for greater autonomy within the Indian federal structure, others continue to push for complete independence. [125] The region's complex demographic dynamics, marked by ethnic diversity and historical grievances, contribute to the nuanced nature of the debate surrounding Swadhin Axom. [126] [127] [128]
However, in recent years, there have been discussions about the formation of a federal Wesean state that would encompass Swadhin Axom as one of its constituent regions. [129] This proposal envisions a political entity that would bring together various ethnic groups in the region, including the Assamese, in a federal arrangement that respects their distinct identities and aspirations. [130]
The United Liberation Front of Assam (ULFA) is an armed militant organisation operating in the Northeast Indian state of Assam. It seeks to establish an independent sovereign nation state of Assam for the indigenous Assamese people through an armed struggle in the Assam conflict. The Government of India banned the organisation in 1990 citing it as a terrorist organisation, while the United States Department of State lists it under "other groups of concern".
The National Democratic Front of Boroland (NDFB) was an armed separatist outfit which sought to obtain a sovereign Boroland for the Bodo people. It is designated as a terrorist organisation by the Government of India.
The Insurgency in Northeast India involves multiple separatist militant groups operating in some of India's northeastern states, which are connected to the rest of India by the Siliguri Corridor, a strip of land as narrow as 14.29 miles (23.00 km) wide.
Prafulla Kumar Mahanta is an Indian politician who was the leader of the Assam Movement, and the 11th Chief Minister of Assam from 1985 to 1990 and again from 1996 to 2001 and the co-founder and former President of the Asom Gana Parishad (AGP), a major political party in the Indian state of Assam. He was representing the Barhampur constituency in Assam Legislative Assembly from 1991 to 2021 and Nowgong constituency from 1985 to 1991. He also served as the Leader of the Opposition in the Assam Legislative Assembly from 2010 to 2014 and again from 1991 to 1996.He became the chief minister in the state when the AGP came to power in 1985, becoming the youngest Chief Minister of an Indian state. He is also a former president of the All Assam Students Union,an organization that spearheaded the Assam Movement from 1979 to 1985.In August 2005, his membership in the Asom Gana Parishad (AGP) was terminated. So, he floated a new political party, Asom Gana Parishad (Progressive) on 15 September 2005.
Paresh Baruah, also known by aliasesParesh Asom is an Indian separatist militant who is the army chief of the ULFA, which is seeking Independence for Assam from the Indian Union. He is the vice-chairperson and the commander-in-chief of the United Liberation Front of Assam – Independent. Baruah lives in Yunnan, China where he receives funding and patronage from MSS. He has also insisted that Han Chinese are friends of the Assamese and want to help them become independent, even though his influence has largely diminished.
Karbi Longri N.C. Hills Liberation Front was a militant group operating in Karbi Anglong district and Dima Hasao district of Assam, India. Thong Teron was the general secretary of KLNLF. Karbi Anglong NC Hills People's Resistance was the armed wing of the organization. KLNLF emerged from the United People's Democratic Solidarity, being against the peace talks between the UDPS and the government. After the split, there has been turf wars between the two groups.
Rita Chowdhury is an Indian poet and novelist who writes Assamese literature and is a recipient of the Sahitya Akademi Award. She is the editor of the Assamese literary magazine Gariyoshi and a former director of the National Book Trust, India. She has been a professor and lecturer at Cotton College, Guwahati, Assam in the Political Science Department and was active in the Assam Movement in the early 1980s.
Lachit Bordoloi is a journalist and adviser to MASS, a non-profit human rights organization in Assam. He is also the convener of the Peoples Committee for Peace Initiatives in Assam (PCPIA) and a member of the Peoples Consultative Group (PCG) organized to initiate the peace process between Government of India and the banned outfit of Assam ULFA.
Heerak Jyoti Mahanta, also spelled as Hirakjyoti Mahanta, Hirak Jyoti Mahanta, alias Jayanta Medhi alias Naren Deka, was the first deputy commander-in-chief of the United Liberation Front of Asom (ULFA). He was killed on the eve of 31 December 1991.
Mahim Bora was an Indian writer and educationist from Assam. He was elected as a president of the Assam Sahitya Sabha held in 1989 at Doomdooma. He was awarded most notably the Padma Shri in 2011, the Sahitya Akademi Award in 2001 and the Assam Valley Literary Award in 1998. Assam Sahitya Sabha conferred its highest honorary title Sahityacharyya on him in 2007.He also participated in the Quit India Movement of 1942 held in Kaliabor town in the Nagaon district of Assam.
Secession in India typically refers to state secession, which is the withdrawal of one or more states from the Republic of India. Whereas, some have wanted a separate state, union territory or an autonomous administrative division within India. Many separatist movements exist with thousands of members, however, some have low local support and high voter participation in democratic elections. However, at the same time, demanding separate statehood within under the administration of Indian union from an existing state can lead to criminal charges under secession law in India. India is described as an ‘Union of States’ in Article 1 of the Indian constitution I.e "Indestructible nation of destructible states" by its father of constitution Dr. Bhimrao Ramji Ambedkar where a state or Union territory of India cannot secede from India by any means and the Central Government has more powers than the respective state governments and can forcefully change the names and boundaries of the states without their permission at any time when needed for self interest and for the maintenance of integrity.
Abhizeet Bormon commonly known by his aliasAbhizeet Asom, is the chairperson of the United Liberation Front of Assam (Independent).
The Insurgency in Meghalaya is a frozen armed conflict between India and a number of separatist rebel groups which was taking place in the state of Meghalaya. The Insurgency in Meghalaya is part of the wider Insurgency in Northeast India, and was fueled by demands of the Khasi, Synteng and Garo people for a separate state.
Tapan Baruah was the first Commander of 28th Battalion of ULFA. Killed on 20 May 2002, Tapan Baruah was widely known as a skilled hardcore militant in guerrilla warfare in the outlawed United Liberation Front of Asom.
Anti-Bengali sentiment comprises negative attitudes and views on Bengalis. This sentiment is present in several parts of India: Gujarat, Bihar, Assam, and various tribal areas. etc. Issues include discrimiation in inhabitation, other forms of discrimination, political reasons, government actions, anti-Bangladeshi sentiment, etc. The discriminative condition of Bengalis can be traced from Khoirabari massacre, Nellie massacre, Silapathar massacre, North Kamrup massacre, Goreswar massacre, Bongal Kheda, etc. This has led to emergence of Bengali sub-nationalism in India as a form of protest and formation of many pro-Bengali organisations in India.
Rajen Sharma, commonly known as Uddipta Hazarika, was the first publicity secretary of the militant organisation United Liberation Front of Asom (ULFA). Popular for his poem Mor Rakta Borna Protigya, Sharma was killed on 8 October 1989.
Operation Bajrang was a military operation, conducted by the Indian army, in Assam, against the militant organization, United Liberation Front of Asom (ULFA).
The August 2003 South Bhutan Clashes were a series of clashes between ULFA militants and unidentified gunmen in Southern Bhutan. The clashes left at least 11 people dead and dozens injured. While the incidents were scarcely reported at the time, many believe they were the first instances of Bhutanese strikes against ULFA militants in the country's south, and tensions between ULFA, allied Assamese separatist groups, and Bhutan would lead to a full-fledged conflict breaking out just four months later.
Kabiranjan Saikia was a prominent Assamese poet, freedom fighter, and social activist. Known for his literary prowess and fearless activism, Saikia's life and works remain a significant part of Assamese culture and history.
Throughout the long-running separatist insurgencies in Northeast India, dozens of India-based insurgent groups have been involved in the neighboring conflict in Myanmar, both sheltering in Myanmar from the counterinsurgent Assam Rifles and participating in the conflict itself. Outside of several Indian-led operations, including Operation Golden Bird in 1995, Operation Hot Pursuit in 2015, or Operation Sunrise I and II in 2019, areas in which these insurgent groups are active have scarcely experienced fighting. Amid the escalation of civil war in Myanmar from 2021, several sources claim that the majority of Indian ethnic armed organisations (IEAOs) are allied, or have some level of understanding, with the ruling military junta of Myanmar, who allows them to maintain bases inside mountainous areas of northern Myanmar, typically in return for the IEAOs attacking anti-junta resistance groups.
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