This article needs to be updated.(August 2023) |
Armed conflict for control of the favelas in Greater Rio de Janeiro | |||||||||
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BOPE agents during a raid using a "Caveirão" in 2007 | |||||||||
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Belligerents | |||||||||
Police death squads | Primeiro Comando da Capital [2] Amigos dos Amigos | Comando Vermelho |
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Commanders and leaders | |||||||||
Coronel Jairo Jerônimo Guimarães Filho † Carlos Alexandre Silva Cavalcante † Adriano Magalhães da Nóbrega † Ricardo Teixeira Cruz Aldemar Almeida dos Santos Toni Ângelo de Souza Aguiar Tandera Danilo Dias Lima Delson Lima Neto † Marco Antônio Figueiredo Martins † Maciel Valente de Souza † | André Macedo Oliveira Marcos Roberto de Almeida Celso Pinheiro Pimenta † Antônio Francisco Bonfim Lopes Alexandre Bandeira de Melo Luciano Oliveira Felipe † Róbson André da Silva † Márcio José Sabino Pereira † Coronel Bruno da Silva Loureiro | Elias Maluco † Mineiro da Cidade Alta † Luiz Fernando da Costa |
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Casualties and losses | |||||||||
40,000+ deaths [3] [4] [5] [6] [7] |
The armed conflict for control of the favelas in Greater Rio de Janeiro or simply Civil conflict for control of the favelas is an ongoing conflict between Brazilian militias, organized criminal groups Comando Vermelho, Amigos dos Amigos, Terceiro Comando Puro and the Brazilian state.
According to law student Carlos Gilberto Martins Junior, Brazil, with emphasis on the State of Rio de Janeiro, there has been an arbitrary use of these powers and attributions, conferred on police institutions, to satisfy the patrimonial aspirations of some of its agents, through territorial domination and violence, to the detriment of the peripheral communities and under the pretext of saving them from the "greater evil" represented by drug trafficking, corroborating the emergence of criminals organizations what conventionally called the "militia". [8]
Organized crime is intrinsically intertwined with Greater Rio de Janeiro's history, growing with the development of the cities zones and their favelas. Rio de Janeiro is unique in that it has some of its wealthiest, tourist-driven communities located nearby neighborhoods that face high proportions of violence and criminal presence. This dynamic further perpetuates violence, increasing cries for police intervention from the wealthy which repress the poor, [9] and increases the reliance on groups such as militias or organized crime, which often leverage protection and self-governance over state intervention. It is important to note that in order to accomplish drug market dominance and self-governance, though, organized crime heavily relies upon its relationships with political and state actors and institutions. [9]
Geographically and socially, Rio de Janeiro is split into three zones. The Zona Sul (South Zone) is the smallest region, but contains Rio's tourist destinations and wealthy residents, [10] as well as notable attractions Ipanema and Sugarloaf mountain. Zona Norte (North Zone) contains much of Rio's industrial areas, and is densely populated -- making it a key region for drug trafficking. [10] Zona Oeste (West Zone) is younger than the other two regions, due to its geographic setting. Largely rural, the area lacks the defining characteristics drug organizations look for, such as population or transportation opportunities. [10] Instead, organizations such as militias largely dominate control of the region.
Beginning with rackets such as Jogo do Bicho, Rio de Janeiro has had many incidents of collusion among criminal organizations and social and political institutions. Following the military dictatorship, political tools originally used by the regime, such as the prison complex Cândido Mendes, created the first prison gangs in Rio in the late 1970s. [11] With the subsequent cocaine boom in South America, [12] these gangs would go on to dominate the drug market and capitalize off it within favela communities. Heightened tensions for control of these neighborhoods contributed to turf wars and new factions of organized crime forming.
Comando Vermelho (Red Command) or the C.V. is Brazil's oldest criminal organization, which engages in drug trafficking, protection racketeering, and turf wars with rival drug gangs and militias in Greater Rio de Janeiro, among other criminal activities.
The formation of the organization dates back to the late 1970s, when political prisoners and common criminals in the Cândido Mendes prison (located on the island Ilha Grande) formed a self-protective alliance. [13] Through the transfer of gang leaders by the Brazilian government, the gang was able to gain control of other prisons and establish itself on the ground in Greater Rio de Janeiro. With the cocaine boom of the 1980s, the gang's focus shifted from petty crime to that of drug trafficking, [14] which allowed for larger profits and control of city municipalities.
Despite years of violent conflict with Brazilian police and deterrent efforts such as the Police Pacifying Unit (UPP), and among conflicts with other criminal organizations, the CV maintains significant power and governance in Rio de Janeiro's favelas. Current issues for the CV reside in outbreaks of violence with criminal organizations for control of drug routes and turf wars with militias [13] over territories such as their headquarters, Complexo do Alemão.
Amigos dos Amigos (Friends of Friends) or ADA is another of Rio de Janeiro's most prominent drug gangs, historically having strongholds in Rocinha -- the largest of the favelas in greater Rio de Janeiro. The criminal organization formed in the late 1990s by ex-members of Comando Vermelho -- who were expelled due to the killing of another member -- in order to compete for territorial dominance. [15] CV is still ADA's biggest rival, along with the Terceiro Comando Puro (Third Pure Command, TCP).
in 2004, after the death of the previous boss of Rochinha, Luciano Barbosa da Silva, or Lulu, a leader of CV, Antônio Bonfim Lopes, better known as "Nem" or "Nem da Rocinha" gained control of Rocinha and became one of the major leaders of ADA. Under his control of Rocinha, corruption, rather than violence increased, leading to an era of relative calm in the favela [16] while continuously strengthening ADA's drug trafficking schemes and the consolidation of power over political networks and social projects. [17] This included the financial and social support of political candidates, [17] provision of services and regularly held parties and celebrations. [15] Nem's eventual arrest in 2011 led to years of incessant turf wars for control of Rocinha among ADA and CV, which are still ongoing. Although unconfirmed, it is thought that Nem still leads ADA operations from within prison. [18]
Terceiro Comando Puro (Pure Third Command) or TCP is yet another of Rio de Janeiro's most powerful organized crime groups, participating in the drug market and extortion. Originating in 2002, the group began as an off-shoot of the Terceiro Comando (Third Command), [19] which no longer operates and was originally a faction formed off of Comando Vermelho.
Although enemies now, Terceiro Comando and Amigos dos Amigos formed an alliance in the late 1990s to overtake territory held by their mutual enemy, CV. [19] Several years later, this alliance crumbled and led to the degradation of the Terceiro Comando, until former leader Nei da Conceição Cruz, alias “Facão, reformed the group in 2002 under the new name Terceiro Comando Puro.
Since then, TCP has maintained territorial control of the northern and western zones of Rio de Janeiro, although they may be attempting to expand their territory through the help of an alleged alliance with Primeiro Comando da Capital (First Capital Command) or PCC, Brazil's largest criminal organization, headquartered in São Paulo. [19] It is important to note the breakdown of the alliance between CV and the PCC in 2016, which has allowed this possible new alliance to form. TCP also engages in continual turf wars with ADA and CV, but have recently gained allies in the form of militias.
Jogo do Bicho (Animal game) is an illegal gambling game in Brazil, which is still incredibly popular and sought out despite its federal prohibition in 1946. The game is played all around the country, with lottery-style drawings in every state occurring daily in its headquarters in Greater Rio de Janeiro. [20] The game is controlled by bosses, called bicheiros or banqueiros ("bankers").
Jogo do Bicho is a longstanding staple in Brazilian culture, with thousands participating in the game daily. Because of its potential to circulate and raise large sums of money, control of Jogo do Bicho is lucrative and largely contributes to corruption, with politicians, judicial personnel, and members of the police force all monetarily and politically benefitting from it. [20] Bicheiros also contribute funding to social programs, such as samba schools, which play a critical role in cultural festivities such as Brazilian Carnival. [20] Because of this, Jogo do Bicho, and in turn its bicheiros, are deeply ingrained in Brazilian culture, especially in Rio de Janeiro, and contribute to the landscape of organized crime and corruption.
Brazilian milicias (militias), or paramilitary groups, consisting of current and retired police officers, prison guards, and military members, control much of the western territory of Rio de Janeiro [21] and continue to expand their territory through turf wars with ADA and CV. Militia groups have grown in size and power rapidly, originating in the early 2000s and growing to control highly populated areas since. Founded as vigilante groups, they've amassed enough power as to dominate and extort entire territories of Rio de Janeiro. Along with extortion methods, the groups have gained political influence and have even been previously supported by high-profile politicians, such as former president Jair Bolsonaro. [22]
Unlike the other criminal organizations such as CV and ADA, who have always invested in the drug market, militias positioned themselves against drug trafficking in order to gain community approval and trust, with some favela residents seeing them as the "lesser evil" of crime as compared to drug gangs. [21] Instead of drug trafficking, the groups participate in extortion, controlling civilian access to gas, land, and cable television. [23] Recently, some groups have decided to expand to allowing drug dealing within their territories or are doing so themselves, leveraging profit and control of important territories from drug gangs. [24]
The Unidade de Polícia Pacificadora (Pacifying Police Units) or UPP was a security program in Rio de Janeiro that aimed to reclaim favelas from criminal organizations, most of which are drug gangs such as CV, ADA, and TCP, through community policing. The strategy worked in two parts: deployment of the Military Police of Rio (PMERJ) into the favelas, and then increasing the amount of police officers who were meant to interact with the community through units, [25] in hopes of creating a healthier relationship between favela residents and law enforcement than what existed in years prior. For decades, interactions with police in Rio de Janeiro were abrasive; violent interactions between drug gangs and the police led to civilian casualties, and numerous instances of abuses of power by the police led to a general distrust by favela residents. [26] The creation of the UPP aimed to both restructure the police force and its interactions with civilians, while also deterring criminal activity leading up to the 2014 World Cup and 2016 Summer Olympics, an increased period of tourism.
A secondary component of the UPP plan was the creation of UPP Social, which aimed to address the social welfare needs of the favelas by UPP units. This included improvements to sanitation, education, and healthcare, among other social issues.
in 2009, the first UPP was set up in the Santa Marta favela, with more quickly following -- coalescing in 32 units overall, spanning all of Rio de Janeiro's zones (though most were located in Zona Norte). Despite urges for increased financial support, the UPP units amassed praise in their early years for evident decreases in both visible crime and violence within the favelas they were operating in. [27]
Because military presence was a precursor to actual UPP units, many drug traffickers fled occupied favelas to avoid persecution or capture by the Military Police of Rio's tactical unit, BOPE. Because of this, crime rates significantly dropped for a couple years. In interviews with residents, details of the freedoms they were allowed once UPP units were installed continued to highlight the successes of the project. [27]
Despite early success, some of the main hinderances of the UPP project were police abuses and disappearances that occurred. One of the most prominent cases of this was the disappearance of Amarildo Souza, a bricklayer from the Rocinha favela. [28] Souza, 42, had been fishing the morning of his disappearance and decided to go into the favela to get produce when he was confronted by UPP officers. [29] Souza was taken for questioning and subsequently never returned home. [29]
Souza was well known throughout Rocinha, leading to public outcry at his disappearance and a lack of response by the UPP unit. After more than two months of public outcry, an investigation was opened into his disappearance, where twenty-four UPP officers and the UPP commander were found accused of torture, concealing a body, procedural fraud, and conspiracy. [30] In the subsequent trial, twelve officers would be found guilty of torture, procedural fraud, and concealing a body. [31]
Despite the investigation and criminal case, the UPP suffered weakened support from favela residents, who felt both anger and fear at the actions of the local UPP unit. Coupled with insufficient training [32] and poorly strategized growth of the units, the UPP continued to fail as insignificant funding heavily derailed the project, which could not perform what it was intended to. [33] With the weakening of the UPP, criminal organizations could again attempt to reclaim their territories through shootouts and confrontations, but were this time more successful. [26]
The Brazilian pseudo-police militias emerged in the 1990s, [1] being composed mainly of off-duty police officers receiving assistance from local businessmen who needed protection from armed gangs. [34] The Comando Vermelho, as a response, began carrying out terrorist attacks against civilian targets between 27 and 31 December 2006, during these attacks, 19 people died, being 10 civilians, 2 policemen and 7 gang members. As retaliation, the pseudo-police conducted several raids against the Comando Vermelho, killing more than 100 gang members. [4] [6] The militias launched several attacks between January 2007 and March 2008 against the Comando Vermelho, conquering the Cidade Alta favela on 4 February, three days later it was recaptured by the Comando Vermelho commanded by Gilberto Martins da Silva, alias "Mineiro da Cidade Alta". In the subsequent clashes 20 gang members were killed, and during the same period, several families were expelled by militias from their homes and assaulted in the Palmeirinha favela, in Guadalupe, Piauí. [35] The militias obtained a "Caveirão" (an armored vehicle used by the BOPE, Batalhão de Operações Policiais Especiais, and the Military Police of the State of Rio de Janeiro for high-risk operations) in January of the same year. [35] According to some investigations, the militias finance their armed struggle with illegal activities, such as extortion, kidnapping, usury, racketeering, robbery, human trafficking, pimping and arms trafficking [36] [37] [38] In May 2008, the militias, commanded by Coronel Jairo, kidnapped and tortured a group of journalists from the Brazilian newspaper O Dia who were reporting the criminal activities perpetrated by the militiamen. After 7 hours of torture, they were released. [39] In that same month, in clashes between the Comando Vermelho and the militias 10 people were killed. Residents were threatened by the fighting groups and the president of an association for local residents was kidnapped and subsequently disappeared. [40] On 5 August, Carlos Alexandre Silva Cavalcante, alias "Gaguinho", leader of a faction of the militias, was killed. [41] On 20 August 2008, the militias carried out a massacre, which resulted in the death of 7 people in the Carobinha favela in a false flag operation aiming to frame the Comando Vermelho for the massacre, and to shift public opinion against the gang, there was also an attempt to enforce the political candidacy of Carminha Jerominho, daughter of Jerônimo Guimarães Filho, alias "Jerominho", the leader of a militia faction. [42] On 5 October, "Mineiro da Cidade Alta" was killed by the militias for the murder of several paramilitary soldiers. From 2007 to 2008, three politicians were arrested for providing support to the militias: Josinaldo Francisco da Cruz, Natalino José Guimarães and the brother. [43] [44] On 9 June 2009, Josinaldo Francisco da Cruz was killed. [45] Despite claims from the militias, such as the "Escritório do Crime" militia faction, militias have allied themselves with criminal drug trafficking cartels like the TCP. [46]
The Morro dos Macacos is one of the most violent favelas in Rio de Janeiro, the community was invaded by CV on 17 October 2009, while it was also under the control of the ADA, who clashed with the Comando Vermelho to contend for territory, 5 gang members were killed in the clashes from 11 to 17 October.
In order to stop the clashes between the two groups, about 150 assault troops of the Special Operations Department of the Polícia Militar were dispatched for security purposes. In an attempt to prevent the intervention of the police in the ongoing feud, the criminals built makeshift barricades at several key points and subsequently set them on fire. [47]
On 17 October, in the morning, the rear propeller of a Fenix helicopter patrolling above the community was shot and severely damaged by drug traffickers of Amigos dos Amigos: [48] according to some sources the weapons used in the attack were a bazooka and machine guns. The helicopter crashed, killing 2 soldiers on impact, with another soldier dying later. [49] The attack sparked a massacre between police, militias and the drug cartels. The massacre went on from 17 to 25 October 2009 and ended with a government victory, there were 45 deaths as a consequence.[ citation needed ]
During the massacre, Brazilian authorities have admitted to corruption and brutality among the police force and the release of two narcos perpetrated by some policemen; confirming also the existence of the armed militias made up of off-duty police and firefighters who compete against drug traffickers for control of the drug market and government support for them. [50]
After the battle, there were other several clashes between militiamen and gang members. Throughout the 2010s there were several arrests and convictions against militiamen and drug traffickers involved in the massacres. The militias managed to conquer several territories under the control of the Comando Vermelho, although some of them later returned to the gang's control after being reconquered during clashes. In November 2010, another massacre occurred between the military police and the CV, resulting in the deaths of 41 people. [51] On 1 February 2012, during a raid conducted by the Polícia Militar (PM), a "Caveirão" was destroyed by the Comando Vermelho in the favela of Jacarezinho, no injuries were reported. [52] During the course of the massacre, the CV and the militias began recruiting child soldiers. [53] [54] On 19 November 2016, during an operation of the PM, a military police helicopter was shot down by Comando Vermelho in the favela of Cidade de Deus, in the crash four policemen died. [55] [56] On 9 February 2020, a prominent militia faction leader, Adriano Magalhães da Nóbrega, also known as "Capitão Adriano" or "Gordinho", was seriously injured in a police operation and later died in a hospital. [57] On 15 October, in one of the deadliest operations against militias, the PM clash with a convoy of the militias killing 12 paramilitaries on Itaguaí, also a policeman was injured. [58] In the Morro do Fubá favela, the residents were forced to pay a monthly fee of 50 brazilian reals as part of a protection racket. On 17 May 2022, militias attacked a civilian helicopter that was flying over the Rio area with rifles. No injuries were recorded but the helicopter suffered slight damage. [59] On 20 August of the same year, Delson Lima Neto, brother of one of the leader of the militias, Tandera Danilo Dias Lima, was killed alongside 3 paramilitaries soldiers by the Polícia Militar on Nova Iguaçu, in Baixada Fluminense, after his death the Comando Vermelho conquered the favela of Grão-Pará, in Nova Iguaçu. [60] After the raid, on 23 August, the police found and seized an improvised fighting vehicle (similar to a Caveirão) used by the militias to fight against Comando Vermelho in Nova Iguaçu. [61]
Between 2007 and 2021, 81 children were killed in drug shotouts in Rio de Janeiro. [62] In 2020, 100+ civilians were killed by stray bullets during shotouts and clashes. [63] Civilians are a main target in lot of massacres.
This article needs additional citations for verification .(April 2023) |
Number | Name | date |
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1 | Massacre in Complexo do Alemão | 13 February 2007 |
2 | Massacre in Favela do Rebu | 16 April 2007 |
3 | Massacre of Mineira | 17 April 2007 |
4 | Massacre of Jacarezinho | 6 June 2007 |
5 | Pan American Massacre | 27 June 2007 |
6 | Slaughter in the Muquiço Favela | 23 August 2007 |
7 | Massacre of Realengo | 3 September 2007 |
8 | Slaughter of Lagartixa and Pedreira | 11 October 2007 |
9 | Jardim América Massacre | 25 November 2007 |
10 | Massacre of Jacarezinho | 10 January 2008 |
11 | Massacre of Jacarezinho | 30 January 2008 |
12 | Massacre of Senador Camará | 3 April 2008 |
13 | Massacre of Vila Cruzeiro | 15 April 2008 |
14 | Massacre of Campo Grande | 19 August 2008 |
15 | Massacre of Lagoinha | 4 August 2008 |
16 | Chacina da Maré | 11 June 2009 |
17 | Slaughter of Morro dos Macacos | 17 October 2009 |
18 | Massacre of Jacarezinho | 11 February 2010 |
19 | Massacre of Rocinha | 11 March 2010 |
20 | Slaughter at Parque Floresta | 24 November 2010 |
21 | Slaughter at Morro do Engenho | 23 June 2011 |
22 | Massacre of Nova Holanda | 24 June 2013 |
23 | Massacre of Costa Barros | 28 November 2015 |
24 | Massacre of City of God | 19 November 2016 |
25 | Massacre of Morro do Juramento | 15 September 2017 |
26 | Slaughter of Salgueiro | 11 November 2017 |
27 | Caju Massacre | 25 November 2017 |
28 | Massacre of Rocinha | 24 March 2018 |
29 | Massacre of Praça Seca | 19 May 2018 |
30 | Chacina da Maré | 20 June 2018 |
31 | Slaughter of Penha | 20 August 2018 |
32 | Chacina do Fallet-Fogueteiro | 8 February 2019 |
33 | Chacina da Maré | 6 May 2019 |
34 | Massacre at Complexo do Alemão | 15 May 2020 |
35 | Massacre of Itaguaí | 15 October 2020 |
36 | Slaughter at Parque Roseiral | 12 January 2021 |
37 | Massacre of Jacarezinho | 6 May 2021 |
38 | Slaughter of Salgueiro | 21 November 2021 |
39 | Slaughter at Parque Floresta | 3 February 2022 |
40 | Massacre of Vila Cruzeiro | 11 February 2022 |
41 | Slaughter of Vila Cruzeiro | 24 May 2022 |
Favela is an umbrella name for several types of impoverished neighborhoods in Brazil. The term, which means slum or ghetto, was first used in the Slum of Providência in the center of Rio de Janeiro in the late 19th century, which was built by soldiers who had lived under the favela trees in Bahia and had nowhere to live following the Canudos War. Some of the last settlements were called bairros africanos. Over the years, many former enslaved Africans moved in. Even before the first favela came into being, poor citizens were pushed away from the city and forced to live in the far suburbs.
Rocinha is a favela in Brazil, located in Rio de Janeiro's South Zone between the districts of São Conrado and Gávea. Rocinha is built on a steep hillside overlooking Rio de Janeiro, and is located about one kilometre from a nearby beach. Most of the favela is on a very steep hill, with many trees surrounding it. Around 200,000 people live in Rocinha, making it the most populous in Rio de Janeiro.
Erismar Rodrigues Moreira, also known as "Bem-Te-Vi", was a gang leader in the Brazilian slum Rocinha, in Rio de Janeiro. He was considered to be the most wanted criminal in Rio during his prime.
Comando Vermelho, also known as CV, is a Brazilian criminal organization engaged primarily in drug trafficking, arms trafficking, protection racketeering, kidnapping-for-ransom, hijacking of armored trucks, loansharking, irregular warfare, narco-terrorism, and turf wars against rival criminal organizations, such as Primeiro Comando da Capital and Terceiro Comando Puro. The gang formed in the early 1970s out of a prison alliance between common criminals and leftist guerrillas who were imprisoned together at Cândido Mendes, a maximum-security prison on the island of Ilha Grande. The prisoners formed the alliance to protect themselves from prison violence and guard-inflicted brutality; as the group coalesced, the common criminals were infused with leftist social justice ideals by the guerrillas. In 1979, prison officials labeled the alliance "Comando Vermelho", a name which the prisoners eventually co-opted as their own. In the 1980s, the gang expanded beyond Ilha Grande into other prisons and the favelas of Rio de Janeiro, and became involved in the rapidly growing cocaine industry. Meanwhile, Brazil's shift towards democracy and the eventual end of the military dictatorship in 1985 allowed the leftist guerrillas to re-enter society; thus, the CV largely abandoned its left-wing ideology.
Amigos dos Amigos is a criminal organization that operates in the Brazilian city of Rio de Janeiro. It was started up in 1998 when a member of Comando Vermelho was expelled from the organization for ordering the murder of another member. The gang's main rivals are Comando Vermelho and Terceiro Comando Puro. ADA controls many drug selling points in the North and West zones.
Proibidão, which literally translates to "strongly prohibited", is a subgenre of funk carioca music originating from the favelas of Rio de Janeiro where it began in the early 1990s as a parallel phenomenon to the growth of drug gangs in the many slums of the city. The drug gangs sponsored DJs and baile funks in the favelas they controlled to spread respect and love for their gang as well as hate to the other gangs. The music that resulted is proibidão.
Batalhão de Operações Policiais Especiais (BOPE) is the tactical police unit and gendarmerie of the Military Police of Rio de Janeiro State (PMERJ) in Brazil. Due to the nature of crime in favelas, BOPE units utilize equipment deemed more powerful than traditional civilian law enforcement, and have extensive experience in urban warfare as well as progression in confined and restricted environments.
Tim Lopes was a Brazilian investigative journalist and producer for the Brazilian television network Rede Globo. In 2002, the media reported him missing while working undercover on a story in one of Rio's favelas. It was later learned that Lopes had been accosted by drug traffickers who controlled the area, was kidnapped, driven to the top of a neighboring favela in the trunk of a car, tied to a tree and subjected to a mock trial, tortured by having his hands, arms, and legs severed with a sword while still alive, and then had his body necklaced—a practice that traffickers have dubbed micro-ondas.
Complexo do Alemão is a group of favelas in the North Zone of Rio de Janeiro, Brazil.
Brazil has one of the highest crime rates in the world, which involves an elevated incidence of violent and non-violent crimes. According to the United Nations Office on Drugs and Crime (UNODC), Brazil had a homicide rate of 21.26 per 100,000 inhabitants in 2021, up from 20.89 per 100,000 inhabitants with 43,073 murders in 2019; however, this was lower than in 2017, when Brazil had a homicide rate of 30.59 per 100,000 inhabitants. In 2018, Brazil had one of the highest number of intentional homicides in the world with 57,358. In addition, Brazil rates second in illegal drug trade in the world.
Vidigal is a neighborhood and a favela in Rio de Janeiro, Brazil.
The Military Police of Rio de Janeiro State (PMERJ) like other military polices in Brazil is a reserve and ancillary force of the Brazilian Army, and part of the System of Public Security and Brazilian Social Protection. Its members are called "state military" personnel.
Vigilante rap, also known as V-rap or rap das milícias is a musical style developed in Brazil and whose lyrics, as opposed to gangsta rap, are about praising vigilantism and violent acts against criminals instead of criminal enterprise or gangster life.
The Pacifying Police Unit, abbreviated UPP, is a law enforcement and social services program pioneered in the state of Rio de Janeiro, Brazil, which aims to reclaim territories, most commonly favelas, controlled by gangs of drug dealers. The program was created and implemented by State Public Security Secretary José Mariano Beltrame, with the backing of Rio Governor Sérgio Cabral. The stated goal of Rio's government is to install 40 UPPs by 2014. By May 2013, 231 favelas had come under the UPP umbrella. The UPP program scored initial success expelling gangs, and won broad praise. But the expensive initiative expanded too far, too fast into dozens of favelas as state finances cratered, causing a devastating backslide that enabled gangs to recover some of their lost grip.
Terceiro Comando Puro is a Brazilian criminal organization in Rio de Janeiro that split off from the Terceiro Comando (TC) in 2002 due to disputes about TC's affiliations with the Amigos dos Amigos gang. TC weakened while TCP strengthened and eventually absorbed its parent group's members. TCP is primarily involved with drug trafficking.
On July 14, 2013, Amarildo de Souza, a 43-year-old bricklayer from the Rocinha favela in Rio de Janeiro, Brazil, was called in for questioning by Unidade de Polícia Pacificadora (UPP) officers on his way home from the market. Believed to be connected to drug trafficking activity in the favela despite having no prior involvement in illegal activity, de Souza was brought in for questioning during Operation Armed Peace, during which roughly 300 officers from Rocinha's UPP force flooded the favela in order to arrest drug traffickers. It was during this two-day long raid that de Souza was brought to the police station and never seen again.
Brazilian militias, mainly in Rio de Janeiro, and some other cities of Brazil, are illegal mafia-like paramilitary groups made up of current and former police officers as well as Military Firefighters Corps officers, criminals, politicians, and military officers, operating also as a regular mafia by trade extortion and political influence.
Elias Pereira da Silva, also known as Elias Maluco, was one of Rio de Janeiro's most powerful drug traffickers. Maluco, a member of the criminal faction Comando Vermelho, commanded drug trafficking in thirty slums near Complexo do Alemão and Penha, Brazil. He was accused of killing over sixty people.
Ronnie Lessa, rarely and erroneously referred to as Rony or Roni Lessa, is a former military police officer from Rio de Janeiro, retired in 2010, mainly known for being one of the main suspects involved in the assassination of councilwoman Marielle Franco and driver Anderson Gomes, which occurred in Rio de Janeiro on March 14, 2018. He is also known for his connection with the militia in the state.
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