Revanchism

Last updated
In Albert Bettannier's La Tache Noire (1887) French students are taught about the provinces of Alsace-Lorraine, taken by Germany in 1871. The Geography Lesson or "The Black Spot".jpg
In Albert Bettannier's La Tache Noire (1887) French students are taught about the provinces of Alsace-Lorraine, taken by Germany in 1871.

Revanchism (French : revanchisme, from revanche, "revenge") is the political manifestation of the will to reverse the territorial losses which are incurred by a country, frequently after a war or after a social movement. As a term, revanchism originated in 1870s France in the aftermath of the Franco-Prussian War among nationalists who wanted to avenge the French defeat and reclaim the lost territories of Alsace-Lorraine. [1]

Contents

Revanchism draws its strength from patriotic and retributionist thought and is often motivated by economic or geopolitical factors. Extreme revanchist ideologues often represent a hawkish stance, suggesting that their desired objectives can be achieved through the positive outcome of another war. It is linked with irredentism, the conception that a part of the cultural and ethnic nation remains "unredeemed" outside the borders of its appropriate nation-state. [2]

Revanchist politics often rely on the identification of a nation with a nation state, mobilizing sentiments of ethnic nationalism to claim territories outside of where members of the ethnic group currently live. Such claims are often presented as being based on ancient or even autochthonous occupation of a territory since "time immemorial.”

History

France

A French propaganda poster from 1917 portrays Prussia as an octopus stretching out its tentacles vying for control. It is captioned with an 18th-century quote: "By 1788, Mirabeau was already saying that War is the National Industry of Prussia." Maurice Neumont, War is the National Industry of Prussia, 1917, Cornell CUL PJM 1185 01.jpg
A French propaganda poster from 1917 portrays Prussia as an octopus stretching out its tentacles vying for control. It is captioned with an 18th-century quote: "By 1788, Mirabeau was already saying that War is the National Industry of Prussia."

The instance of revanchism that gave these groundswells of opinion their modern name came in the 1870s. French revanchism was a deep sense of bitterness, hatred and demand for revenge against Germany, especially because of the loss of Alsace and Lorraine following defeat in the Franco-Prussian War. [3] [4] Paintings that emphasized the humiliation of the defeat came in high demand, such as those by Alphonse-Marie-Adolphe de Neuville. [1]

Georges Clemenceau, of the Radical Republicans, opposed participation in the scramble for Africa and other adventures that would divert the Republic from objectives related to the "blue line of the Vosges" in Alsace-Lorraine. After the governments of Jules Ferry had pursued a number of colonies in the early 1880s, Clemenceau lent his support to Georges Ernest Boulanger, a popular figure, nicknamed Général Revanche, who it was felt might overthrow the Republic in 1889. This ultranationalist tradition influenced French politics up to 1921 and was one of the major reasons France went to great pains to woo the Russian Empire, resulting in the Franco-Russian Alliance of 1894 and, after more accords, the Triple Entente of the three great Allied powers of World War I: France, Great Britain, and Russia. [5]

French revanchism influenced the Treaty of Versailles of 1919 following the end of World War I, which restored Alsace-Lorraine to France and extracted reparations from the defeated Germany. The conference was not only opened on the anniversary of the proclamation of the German Empire; the treaty also had to be signed by the new German government in the same room, the Hall of Mirrors.

Germany

Map of territorial changes in Europe after World War I (as of 1923) Map Europe 1923-en.svg
Map of territorial changes in Europe after World War I (as of 1923)

A German revanchist movement developed in response to the losses of World War I. Pan-Germanists within the Weimar Republic called for the reclamation of the property of a German state due to pre-war borders or because of the territory's historical relation to Germanic peoples. The movement called for the reincorporation of Alsace-Lorraine, the Polish Corridor and the Sudetenland (see Bohemia, Moravia, Silesia parts of the Austrian Empire and Austria-Hungary until its dismemberment after World War I). Those claims, supported by Adolf Hitler, led to World War II, with the invasion of Poland. This irredentism had also been characteristic of the Völkisch movement in general and of the Pan-German League (Alldeutscher Verband). The Verband wanted to uphold German "racial hygiene" and were against breeding with, in their eyes, inferior races like the Jews and Slavs. [6]

Poland

In the 1920s and 1930s, Poland was trying to reclaim ethnic Polish lands that had been seized by German, Russian and Austro-Hungarian empires:

Poland counted herself among the revisionist powers, with dreams of a southward advance, even a Polish presence on the Black Sea. The victim of the revisionist claims of others, she did not see the Versailles frontiers as fixed either. In 1938 when the Czech state was dismembered at the Munich conference, Poland issued an ultimatum of her own to Prague, demanding the cession of the Teschen region; the Czech government was powerless to resist. [7]

Sweden

Sweden lost Finland to Russia at the conclusion of the Finnish War (1808–09), ending nearly 600 years of Swedish rule. For most of the rest of the 1800s there was talk, but few practical plans and little political will, of reclaiming Finland from Russia. Since Sweden was never able to challenge Russia's military might on its own, no attempts were made.

During the Crimean War in 1853 to 1856, the Allied nations initiated talks with Sweden to allow troop and fleet movements through Swedish ports to be used against Russia. In return, the Allies would help Sweden reclaim Finland with the help of an expeditionary force. In the end, the plans fell through and Sweden never became involved in the fighting.

Hungary

The Treaty of Trianon: Kingdom of Hungary lost 72% of its land and 3.3 million people of Hungarian ethnicity. Magyarorszag 1920.png
The Treaty of Trianon: Kingdom of Hungary lost 72% of its land and 3.3 million people of Hungarian ethnicity.

The idea of Greater Hungary is associated with Hungarian revisionist aims at least to regain control over Hungarian-populated areas in Hungary's neighbouring countries. The outcome of the Treaty of Trianon of 1920 is to this day remembered in Hungary as the Trianon trauma. [8] According to a study, two-thirds of Hungarians agreed in 2020 that parts of neighbouring countries should belong to them. [9]

Mexico

Some Mexican nationalists consider the Southwestern United States to be Mexican territory that must be returned. [10] [11] The territory belonged to Mexico until 1836 when Texas established itself as its own nation. Texas citizens then voted to join the United States in the Texas annexation (1845) leading to the Mexican–American War and the Mexican Cession (1848) of further territory which constitutes much of the western US as a consequence of the war.

Russia

Changes in national boundaries after the end of the Cold War. Cold War border changes.png
Changes in national boundaries after the end of the Cold War.

The annexation of the Crimean peninsula by the Russian Federation in April 2014, together with accusations by Western and Ukrainian leaders that Russia is supporting separatist actions by ethnic Russians in the secessionist Donbas region, has been cited by a number of prominent media outlets in the West as evidence of a revanchist policy on the part of the Kremlin and Russian President Vladimir Putin. [12] [13] The invasion of Ukraine in 2022 has the same origins. [14] [15]

Some Russian nationalists consider Alaska to be Russian territory that must be returned. [16] Alaska was legally sold to the US by Russia in 1867.

Argentina

Argentina considers the British-controlled Falkland Islands to be part of the Tierra del Fuego Province. In 1994, Argentina's claim to the territories was added to its constitution. [17]

During the interwar period, the Argentine fascist ideology Nacionalista and organizations such as the Alliance of Nationalist Youth openly supported plans to annex Uruguay, Paraguay, Chile and some southern and eastern parts of Bolivia, which they claimed belonged to Argentina via past territories of the Viceroyalty of the Río de la Plata.

Spain

Spain ceded Gibraltar to Britain under the terms of the Treaty of Utrecht of 1713. Spain's claim to Gibraltar became government policy under the regime of the dictator Francisco Franco and has remained in place under successive governments following the Spanish transition to democracy. [18]

Iraq

Kuwait was invaded and annexed by Iraq (under Saddam Hussein) in August 1990 Iraq Kuwait Locator.svg
Kuwait was invaded and annexed by Iraq (under Saddam Hussein) in August 1990

Saddam Hussein's government sought to annex several territories. In the Iran–Iraq War (1980–1988), Saddam claimed that Iraq had the right to hold sovereignty to the east bank of the Shatt al-Arab river held by Iran. [19]

The Iraqi government, echoing claims made by Iraqi nationalists for years, justified the Iraqi invasion of Kuwait in 1990 by claiming that Kuwait had always been an integral part of Iraq and only became an independent nation due to the interference of the British government. [20]

It has been suspected that Saddam Hussein intended to invade and annex a portion of Saudi Arabia's Eastern Province on the justification that the Saudi region of Al-Hasa had been part of the Ottoman province of Basra that the British had helped Saudi Arabia conquer in 1913. [21]

Turkey

Late Ottoman era

"Revenge" (Ottoman Turkish: ntqm
) map highlighting territory lost during and after the Balkan Wars in black Ottoman revenge map after Balkan wars.jpeg
"Revenge" (Ottoman Turkish : انتقام) map highlighting territory lost during and after the Balkan Wars in black

From its end, the triumvirate which dominated the Committee of Union and Progress (CUP) did not accept the outcome of the Balkan Wars as final, and a major aim of the new regime was to take back all of the territory which had been lost. [22] A school textbook from 1914 captured the burning desire for revenge:

In the year 1330 [1912] the Balkan states allied against the Ottoman government... In the meantime, they shed the blood of many innocent Muslim and Turkish people. Many women and children were massacred. Villages were burnt down. Now in the Balkans under every stone, there lay thousands of dead bodies, with eyes and stomachs carved out, awaiting revenge... It is our duty to our fatherland, as sons of the fatherland, to restore our stolen rights, and to work to take revenge for the many innocent people whose blood were shed in abundance. Then let us work to instill that sense of revenge, love of fatherland and sense of sacrifice for it. [23]

In the aftermath of the First Balkan War, hundreds of thousands of refugees from Rumelia arrived with tales of atrocities committed by the Greek, Montenegrin, Serb and Bulgarian forces. A marked anti-Christian and xenophobic mood settled in amongst many Ottoman Muslims. [24] The CUP encouraged boycotts against Austrian, Bulgarian, and Greek businesses, but after 1913, also against the empire's own Christian and Jewish citizens. [25]

21st century

The 21st century has seen a domestic trend in Turkish politics, where the revival of Ottoman traditions and culture has been accompanied by the rise of the Justice and Development Party (AKP, founded in 2001) which came to power in 2002, along with claims to territory once held by the Ottoman Empire. The use of the ideology by Justice and Development Party has mainly supported a greater influence of Ottoman culture in domestic social policy which has caused issues with the secular and republican credentials of modern Turkey. [26] [27] The AKP have used slogans such as Osmanlı torunu ("descendant of the Ottomans") to refer to their supporters and also their former leader Recep Tayyip Erdoğan (who was elected President in 2014) during their election campaigns. [28] These domestic ideals have also seen a revival of neo-Ottomanism in the AKP's foreign policy. Besides acting as a clear distinction between them and ardent supporters of secularism, the social Ottomanism advocated by the AKP has served as a basis for their efforts to transform Turkey's existing parliamentary system into a presidential system, favouring a strong centralised leadership similar to that of the Ottoman era. Critics have thus accused Erdoğan of acting like an "Ottoman sultan". [29] [30] [31]

The rise in Ottomanism has also been accompanied by claims to territories held by Armenia, with prominent examples including in 2015, a crowd of Turkish youth rallying in Armenian populated districts of Istanbul chanted "We must turn these districts into Armenian and Kurdish cemeteries." [32] In September 2015, a 'Welcome' sign was installed in Iğdır and written in four languages, Turkish, Kurdish, English, and Armenian. The Armenian portion of the sign was protested by ASIMDER[ clarification needed ] who demanded its removal. [33] In October 2015, the Armenian writing on the 'Welcome' sign was heavily vandalized. [34] The Armenian portion of the sign was ultimately removed in June 2016. [35] The Mayor of Igdir also claimed that the existence of the Armenian state was a "historical mistake", and that Armenia is actually Turkish territory, illegally occupied by Armenians, waiting to be re-integrated into Turkey. [35]

Ukraine

Ukraine, with Crimea at bottom and two self-proclaimed separatist republics in Donbas at right Map of Ukraine with Cities.png
Ukraine, with Crimea at bottom and two self-proclaimed separatist republics in Donbas at right

On 24 March 2021, Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy signed the Decree No. 117/2021 approving the "strategy of de-occupation and reintegration of the temporarily occupied territory of the Autonomous Republic of Crimea and the city of Sevastopol", complementing the activities of the Crimean Platform. [36] On 10 May 2022, Ukrainian Foreign Minister Dmytro Kuleba said that "In the first months" of the 2022 Russian invasion of Ukraine "the victory for us looked like withdrawal of Russian forces to the positions they occupied before February 24 and payment for inflicted damage. Now if we are strong enough on the military front and we win the battle for Donbas, which will be crucial for the following dynamics of the war, of course the victory for us in this war will be the liberation of the rest of our territories", including Donbas and Crimea. [37]

China

The People's Republic of China (PRC) has used historical claims in the South China Sea (SCS) as justification for island building activities and revised territorial claims. The "nine-dash line" map extends the area that the PRC identifies as within its sovereign territory disregarding several international laws of the sea. In addition to civil and military confrontations in the SCS, other territorial disputes have affected Japan, [38] India, [39] and Taiwan. See also Chinese irredentism.

See also

Related Research Articles

<span class="mw-page-title-main">Central Powers</span> Military coalition in World War I

The Central Powers, also known as the Central Empires, were one of the two main coalitions that fought in World War I (1914–1918). It consisted of Germany, Austria-Hungary, the Ottoman Empire, and Bulgaria; this was also known as the Quadruple Alliance.

<span class="mw-page-title-main">Irredentism</span> Territorial dispute

Irredentism is one state's desire to annex the territory of another state. This desire can be motivated by ethnic reasons because the population of the territory is ethnically similar to the population of the parent state. Historical reasons may also be responsible, i.e., that the territory previously formed part of the parent state. However, difficulties in applying the concept to concrete cases have given rise to academic debates about its precise definition. Disagreements concern whether either or both ethnic and historical reasons have to be present and whether non-state actors can also engage in irredentism. A further dispute is whether attempts to absorb a full neighboring state are also included. There are various types of irredentism. For typical forms of irredentism, the parent state already exists before the territorial conflict with a neighboring state arises. However, there are also forms of irredentism in which the parent state is newly created by uniting an ethnic group spread across several countries. Another distinction concerns whether the country to which the disputed territory currently belongs is a regular state, a former colony, or a collapsed state.

<span class="mw-page-title-main">Treaty of Frankfurt (1871)</span> 1871 peace treaty ending the Franco-Prussian War

The Treaty of Frankfurt was a peace treaty signed in Frankfurt on 10 May 1871, at the end of the Franco-Prussian War.

<span class="mw-page-title-main">Fourteen Points</span> 1918 U.S. peace proposals after World War I

The Fourteen Points was a statement of principles for peace that was to be used for peace negotiations in order to end World War I. The principles were outlined in a January 8, 1918 speech on war aims and peace terms to the United States Congress by President Woodrow Wilson. However, his main Allied colleagues were skeptical of the applicability of Wilsonian idealism.

<span class="mw-page-title-main">Alsace–Lorraine</span> 1871–1918 territory of the German Empire

Alsace–Lorraine is a historical region and a former territory of the German Empire, located in modern day France. It was established in 1871 by the German Empire after it had won the region from France in the Franco-Prussian War with the Treaty of Frankfurt and forced France to pay an indemnity of five billion francs. Anger in the French Third Republic about the loss of the territory was one of the contributing factors that led to World War I. Alsace-Lorraine was reoccupied by France in 1920 as part of the Treaty of Versailles following Germany's defeat in the war, although it was annexed by France in 1918.

<span class="mw-page-title-main">Aftermath of World War I</span> Period after the conclusion of World War I

The aftermath of World War I saw far-reaching and wide-ranging cultural, economic, and social change across Eurasia, Africa, and even in areas outside those that were directly involved. Four empires collapsed due to the war, old countries were abolished, new ones were formed, boundaries were redrawn, international organizations were established, and many new and old ideologies took a firm hold in people's minds. World War I also had the effect of bringing political transformation to most of the principal parties involved in the conflict, transforming them into electoral democracies by bringing near-universal suffrage for the first time in history, as in Germany, Great Britain, and Turkey.

<span class="mw-page-title-main">Triple Entente</span> Early 20th-century understandings between France, Russia, and Great Britain

The Triple Entente describes the informal understanding between the Russian Empire, the French Third Republic, and the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland. It was built upon the Franco-Russian Alliance of 1894, the Entente Cordiale of 1904 between France and Britain, and the Anglo-Russian Entente of 1907. It formed a powerful counterweight to the Triple Alliance of the German Empire, the Austro-Hungarian Empire, and the Kingdom of Italy. The Triple Entente, unlike the Triple Alliance or the Franco-Russian Alliance itself, was not an alliance of mutual defence.

<span class="mw-page-title-main">Treaty of Sèvres</span> 1920 treaty between Ottomans and Allies, not implemented

The Treaty of Sèvres was a 1920 treaty signed between the Allies of World War I and the Ottoman Empire. The treaty ceded large parts of Ottoman territory to France, the United Kingdom, Greece and Italy, as well as creating large occupation zones within the Ottoman Empire. It was one of a series of treaties that the Central Powers signed with the Allied Powers after their defeat in World War I. Hostilities had already ended with the Armistice of Mudros.

<span class="mw-page-title-main">History of the Ottoman Empire</span>

The Ottoman Empire was founded c. 1299 by Osman I as a small beylik in northwestern Asia Minor just south of the Byzantine capital Constantinople. In 1326, the Ottomans captured nearby Bursa, cutting off Asia Minor from Byzantine control. The Ottomans first crossed into Europe in 1352, establishing a permanent settlement at Çimpe Castle on the Dardanelles in 1354 and moving their capital to Edirne (Adrianople) in 1369. At the same time, the numerous small Turkic states in Asia Minor were assimilated into the budding Ottoman sultanate through conquest or declarations of allegiance.

<span class="mw-page-title-main">France–Germany relations</span> Bilateral relations

Relations between France and Germany, or Franco-German relations form a part of the wider politics of Europe. The two countries have a long — and often contentious — relationship stretching back to the Middle Ages. Since 1945, they have largely reconciled, and since the signing of the Treaty of Rome in 1958, they are among the founders and leading members of the European Communities and their successor the European Union.

<span class="mw-page-title-main">Colmar Freiherr von der Goltz</span> Prussian field marshal and military writer (1843–1916)

Wilhelm Leopold Colmar Freiherr von der Goltz, also known as Goltz Pasha, was a Prussian field marshal and military writer.

<span class="mw-page-title-main">Turkish–Armenian War</span> Conflict during the Turkish War of Independence

The Turkish–Armenian War, known in Turkey as the Eastern Front of the Turkish War of Independence, was a conflict between the First Republic of Armenia and the Turkish National Movement following the collapse of the Treaty of Sèvres in 1920. After the provisional government of Ahmet Tevfik Pasha failed to win support for ratification of the treaty, remnants of the Ottoman Army's XV Corps under the command of Kâzım Karabekir attacked Armenian forces controlling the area surrounding Kars, eventually recapturing most of the territory in the South Caucasus that had been part of the Ottoman Empire prior to the Russo-Turkish War (1877–1878) and was subsequently ceded by Soviet Russia as part of the Treaty of Brest-Litovsk.

<span class="mw-page-title-main">French–German enmity</span> 1500s–1940s hostile relations between Germans and French

French–German (Franco-German) enmity was the idea of unavoidably hostile relations and mutual revanchism between Germans and French people that arose in the 16th century and became popular with the Franco-Prussian War of 1870–1871. It was an important factor in the unification of Germany, World War I, and ended after World War II, when under the influence of the Cold War, West Germany and France both became part of NATO and the European Coal and Steel Community.

<span class="mw-page-title-main">Partition of the Ottoman Empire</span> Division of Ottoman territory after World War I

The partition of the Ottoman Empire was a geopolitical event that occurred after World War I and the occupation of Constantinople by British, French, and Italian troops in November 1918. The partitioning was planned in several agreements made by the Allied Powers early in the course of World War I, notably the Sykes–Picot Agreement, after the Ottoman Empire had joined Germany to form the Ottoman–German Alliance. The huge conglomeration of territories and peoples that formerly comprised the Ottoman Empire was divided into several new states. The Ottoman Empire had been the leading Islamic state in geopolitical, cultural and ideological terms. The partitioning of the Ottoman Empire after the war led to the domination of the Middle East by Western powers such as Britain and France, and saw the creation of the modern Arab world and the Republic of Turkey. Resistance to the influence of these powers came from the Turkish National Movement but did not become widespread in the other post-Ottoman states until the period of rapid decolonization after World War II.

<span class="mw-page-title-main">Kurdish nationalism</span> Political movement

Kurdish nationalism is a nationalist political movement which asserts that Kurds are a nation and espouses the creation of an independent Kurdistan from Iran, Iraq, Syria, and Turkey.

<span class="mw-page-title-main">Committee of Union and Progress</span> 1889–1926 Ottoman and Turkish political party

The Committee of Union and Progress, refers to several revolutionary groups and a political party affiliated with the Young Turk movement between 1889 and 1926 in the Ottoman Empire and the Republic of Turkey. The foremost faction of the Young Turks, the CUP instigated the 1908 Young Turk Revolution, which ended absolute monarchy and began the Second Constitutional Era. After an ideological transformation, from 1913 to 1918, the CUP ruled the empire as a dictatorship and committed genocides against the Armenian, Greek, and Assyrian peoples as part of a broader policy of ethnic erasure during the late Ottoman period. The CUP and its members have often been referred to as Young Turks, although the movement produced other political parties as well. Within the Ottoman Empire its members were known as İttihadcılar ('Unionists') or Komiteciler ('Committeemen').

Nicolas Albert Bettannier was a French painter in the era of the French Third Republic.

<span class="mw-page-title-main">Italian entry into World War I</span>

Italy entered into the First World War in 1915 with the aim of completing national unity: for this reason, the Italian intervention in the First World War is also considered the Fourth Italian War of Independence, in a historiographical perspective that identifies in the latter the conclusion of the unification of Italy, whose military actions began during the revolutions of 1848 with the First Italian War of Independence.

İttihadism was the ideology of the Committee of Union and Progress, which undertook the Young Turk Revolution in 1908 and ruled the Ottoman Empire from 1913 to 1918.

References

  1. 1 2 Jay, Robert (1984). "Alphonse de Neuville's 'The Spy' and the Legacy of the Franco-Prussian War". Metropolitan Museum Journal. 19–20: 151–162. doi:10.2307/1512817. JSTOR   1512817. S2CID   193058659.
  2. Margaret Macmillan, The War That Ended Peace: The Road to 1914 (2013) ch 6
  3. Karine Varley, "The Taboos of Defeat: Unmentionable Memories of the Franco-Prussian War in France, 1870–1914." in Jenny Macleod, ed., Defeat and Memory: Cultural Histories of Military Defeat in the Modern Era (Palgrave Macmillan, 2008) pp. 62–80.
  4. Karine Varley, Under the Shadow of Defeat: The War of 1870–71 in French Memory (2008)
  5. See W. Schivelbusch, The Culture of Defeat, p. 106 (Henry Holt and Co. 2001)
  6. Antisemitism: A Historical Encyclopedia of Prejudice and Persecution, Volume 1. Richard S. Levy, 528–529, ABC-CLIO 2005
  7. Overy, Richard; Wheatcroft, Andrew (1999). The Road to War . Penguin. p.  9. ISBN   978-0-14-028530-7.
  8. Kulish, Nicholas (7 April 2008). "Kosovo's Actions Hearten a Hungarian Enclave". The New York Times. Retrieved 8 April 2008.
  9. "NATO Seen Favorably Across Member States". pewresearch.org. 10 February 2020. Retrieved 24 April 2020.
  10. Fuentes, Carlos (2003). "Unidad y diversidad del español, lengua de encuentros" [Unity and Diversity of the Spanish Language, Language of Encounters]. Congresos de la Lengua (in Spanish). Retrieved April 29, 2022.
  11. Krauze, Enrique (April 6, 2017). "Will Mexico Get Half of Its Territory Back?". The New York Times.
  12. Romano, Carlin (21 July 2014). "Revanchism and Its Costs". The Chronicle of Higher Education. Retrieved 27 Jul 2014.
  13. Niblett, Robin (12 April 2014). "The West must not blame itself for Putin's revanchism". CNN.com. Retrieved 27 Jul 2014.
  14. "Putin's revanchist excuses for going to war". The Strategist. 29 March 2022.
  15. "Hailing Peter the Great, Putin draws parallel with mission to 'return' Russian lands". Reuters. 9 June 2022.
  16. Farand, Chloe (31 March 2017). "Russian nationalists want Alaska back - 150 years after it was sold to the US" . Retrieved 25 November 2019.
  17. "Constitución Nacional". Argentine Senate (in Spanish). Archived from the original on 17 June 2004. La Nación Argentina ratifica su legítima e imprescriptible soberanía sobre las Islas Malvinas, Georgias del Sur y Sandwich del Sur y los espacios marítimos e insulares correspondientes, por ser parte integrante del territorio nacional.
  18. "Spain won't dare invade Gibraltar – They'd lose more than a war". The Jerusalem Post. 13 April 2017.
  19. Goldstein, Erik (2005). Wars and Peace Treaties: 1816 to 1991. Taylor & Francis. p. 133. ISBN   9781134899128.
  20. R. Stephen Humphreys, Between Memory and Desire: The Middle East in a Troubled Age, University of California Press, 1999, p. 105.
  21. Amatzia Baram, Barry Rubin. Iraq's Road To War. New York, New York, USA: St. Martin's Press, 1993. Pp. 127.
  22. Akmeșe 2005, p. 163.
  23. Akmeșe 2005, pp. 163–64.
  24. Akçam 2007, p. 118.
  25. Kieser 2018, p. 155.
  26. "İstanbul Barosu'ndan AKP'li vekile çok sert tepki". www.cumhuriyet.com.tr (in Turkish). Retrieved 2020-10-08.
  27. "AKP'li vekil: Osmanlı'nın 90 yıllık reklam arası sona erdi". www.cumhuriyet.com.tr (in Turkish). Retrieved 2020-10-08.
  28. "İslami Analiz". www.islamianaliz.com. Retrieved 2020-10-08.
  29. "AKP'nin Osmanlı sevdası ve... - Barış Yarkadaş". Archived from the original on 8 February 2015. Retrieved 8 February 2015.
  30. "Yeniden Osmanlı hayalinin peşinden koşan AKP, felaketi yakaladı!." www.sozcu.com.tr (in Turkish). Retrieved 2020-10-08.
  31. "Kılıçdaroğlu: AKP çökmüş Osmanlıcılığı ambalajlıyor". T24 (in Turkish). Retrieved 2020-10-08.
  32. "Armenian-Populated Districts of Istanbul Attacked". Asbarez. 9 September 2015.
  33. "Kurdish Mayor of Igdir Installs 'Welcome' Sign in Armenian". Asbarez. 22 September 2015.
  34. "İlçe girişindeki Ermenice yazıyı tahrip ettiler" (in Turkish). CNN Turk. 12 October 2015.
  35. 1 2 "Armenian Signboards Removed in Igdir". Asbarez. 21 June 2016.
  36. "Zelensky enacts strategy for de-occupation and reintegration of Crimea". Ukrinform . Government of Ukraine. 24 March 2021. Decree No. 117/2021 of March 24 on enactment of the relevant decision of the National Security and Defense Council was published on the website of the Head of State.
  37. "Ukraine has upgraded its war aims as confidence grows, says foreign minister" . Financial Times. 10 May 2022. Archived from the original on 2022-12-10.
  38. Lee, John (2013-03-02). "Beware a revanchist China". The Japan Times. Retrieved 2021-06-27.
  39. "Taming the Revanchist Dragon". www.delhipolicygroup.org. Retrieved 2021-06-27.

Bibliography