Reconquista (Mexico)

Last updated
The Hispanic and Latino American proportion of population in the United States in 2010 overlaid with the Mexican-American border of 1836 Hispanic population in the United States and the former Mexican-American border.png
The Hispanic and Latino American proportion of population in the United States in 2010 overlaid with the Mexican–American border of 1836

The Reconquista ("reconquest") is a term to describe an irredentist vision by different individuals, groups, and/or nations that the Southwestern United States should be politically or culturally returned to Mexico. Known as advocating a Greater Mexico, such opinions are often formed on the basis that those territories were claimed by Spain for centuries and then by Mexico from 1821 until they were annexed by the United States during the Texas Annexation (1845) and the Mexican Cession (1848) because of the Mexican–American War. [1]

Contents

Background

The term Reconquista means "reconquest" and is an analogy to the Christian Reconquista of Moorish Iberia. The areas of greatest Mexican immigration and cultural diffusion are the same as with the territories that were taken by the United States from Mexico during the 19th century. [2]

Cultural views

Mexican writers

In a 2001 article on the Latin American web portal Terra, "Advancement of the Spanish language and Hispanics is like a Reconquista (Reconquest)," Elena Poniatowska stated:

A US media outlet recently stated that in some places like Los Angeles, if you didn't speak Spanish, you were "out". It's sort of a reconquista (reconquest) of lost territories that have Spanish names and were once Mexican.

[With a cordial tone, taking pauses, and with a smile on her lips, the Mexican writer commented with satisfaction the change that is happening in the US with regards to the perception of Hispanics and the progress of the Latino community in migratory movements]

The people of the cockroach, of the flea, who come from poverty and misery, are slowly advancing towards the United States and devouring it. I do not know what is to become of all this [in reference to the supposed racism that can ostensibly still be perceived in the US and other countries], but it [racism] seems to be an innate illness in mankind. [3]

In his keynote address at the Second International Congress of the Spanish Language in Valladolid, Spain, in 2003, "Unity and Diversity of Spanish, Language of Encounters," Carlos Fuentes said:

Well, I've just used an English expression (a reference to having said 'brain trust' in the preceding paragraph) and that brings me back to the American continent, where 400 million men and women, from the Río Bravo to Cape Horn, speak Spanish in what were the domains of the Spanish Crown for 300 years; but in a continent, where, in the north of Mexico, in the United States, another 35 million people also speak Spanish, and not only in the territory that belonged to New Spain first and Mexico until 1848—that southwestern border that extends from Texas to California—but to the north Pacific of Oregon, to the midwest of Chicago and even to the east coast of New York City.

For that reason, one speaks of a reconquista (reconquering) of the old territories of the Spanish Empire in North America. But we must call attention to the fact that we need to go beyond the number of how many people speak Spanish to the question of whether or not Spanish is competitive in the fields of science, philosophy, computer science, and literature in the entire world, an issue brought up recently by Eduardo Subirats.

We can answer in the negative, that no, in the field of science, despite having prominent scientists, we cannot add, so says the great Colombian man of science, Manuel Elkin Patarroyo, we do not have, in Ibero-America, more than 1% of the scientists of the world. [4]

In another part of his speech, Fuentes briefly returned to his idea of "reconquista:"

It is interesting to note the appearance of a new linguistic phenomenon that Doris Sommer of Harvard University, calls with grace and precision, 'the continental mixture,' spanglish or espanglés, since, sometimes, the English expression is used, and, at other times, the Spanish expression, is a fascinating frontier phenomenon, dangerous, at times, always creative, necessary or fatal like the old encounters with Náhuatl (Aztec language), for example, thanks to the Spanish language and some other languages, we can today say chocolate, tomato, avocado, and if one does not say wild turkey (guajolote), one can say turkey (pavo), that is why the French converted our word of American turkey (guajolote) into fowl of the Indies, oiseaux des Indes o dindon, while the English people, completely disoriented with regards to geography, give it the strange name of Turkey (name of the country), turkey (bird), but, perhaps due to some ambitions that are not confessable in the Mediterranean, and from Gibraltar to the Bosforus strait.

In summary, reconquista today, but, pre-factum, re-conquest - will take us to factum. The Conquest and Colonization of the Americas by way of Spain's military and its humanities was a multiple paradox. It was a catastrophe for the indigenous communities, notable for the great Indian civilizations of Mexico and Peru.

But a catastrophe, cautions María Zambrano, is only catastrophic if nothing redeeming comes of it.

From the catastrophe of the Conquest, all of us were born, the indigenous-iberian-americans. Immediately, we were mestizos, women and men of Indian blood, Spanish, and, later, African. We were Catholics, but our Christianity was in the syncretic refuge of the indigenous and African cultures. And we speak Spanish, but we gave it an American, Peruvian, Mexican inflection to the language.... the Spanish language stopped being the language of Empire, and it turned into something much more... [it became] the universal language of recognition between the European and indigenous cultures.... [4]

Nationalist Front of Mexico

A map showing how a 42-state Mexico could look if it recovered its former territories Mexico 42 estados.PNG
A map showing how a 42-state Mexico could look if it recovered its former territories

The fringe group Nationalist Front of Mexico opposes what it sees as Anglo-American cultural influences [5] and rejects the Treaty of Guadalupe Hidalgo, as well as what its members consider the "American occupation" of territory formerly belonging to Mexico and now form the southwestern United States.

On its website, the front states:

We reject the occupation of our nation in its northern territories, an important cause of poverty and emigration. We demand that our claim to all the territories occupied by force by the United States be recognized in our Constitution, and we will bravely defend, according to the principle of self-determination to all peoples, the right of the Mexican people to live in the whole of our territory within its historical borders, as they existed and were recognized at the moment of our independence. [6]

Charles Truxillo

A prominent advocate of Reconquista was the Chicano activist and adjunct professor Charles Truxillo (1953–2015) [7] of the University of New Mexico (UNM). He envisioned a sovereign Hispanic nation, the República del Norte (Republic of the North), which would encompass Northern Mexico, Baja California, California, Arizona, New Mexico, and Texas. [8] He supported the secession of US Southwest to form an independent Chicano nation and argued that the Articles of Confederation gave individual states full sovereignty, including the legal right to secede. [7] [9]

Truxillo, who taught at UNM's Chicano Studies Program on a yearly contract, suggested in an interview, "Native-born American Hispanics feel like strangers in their own land." [9] He said, "We remain subordinated. We have a negative image of our own culture, created by the media. Self-loathing is a terrible form of oppression. The long history of oppression and subordination has to end" and that on both sides of the US–Mexico border "there is a growing fusion, a reviving of connections.... Southwest Chicanos and Norteno Mexicanos are becoming one people again." [9] Truxillo stated that Hispanics who achieved positions of power or otherwise were "enjoying the benefits of assimilation" are most likely to oppose a new nation and explained:

There will be the negative reaction, the tortured response of someone who thinks, "Give me a break. I just want to go to Wal-Mart." But the idea will seep into their consciousness, and cause an internal crisis, a pain of conscience, an internal dialogue as they ask themselves: "Who am I in this system?" [9]

Truxillo believed that the República del Norte would be brought into existence by "any means necessary" but that it would be formed by probably not civil war but the electoral pressure of the region's future majority Hispanic population. [9] [10] Truxillo added that he believed it was his duty to help develop a "cadre of intellectuals" to think about how the new state could become a reality. [9]

In 2007, the UNM reportedly decided to stop renewing Truxillo's yearly contract. Truxillo claimed that his "firing" was because of his radical beliefs and argued, "Tenure is based on a vote from my colleagues. Few are in favor of a Chicano professor advocating a Chicano nation state." [11]

José Ángel Gutiérrez

In an interview with In Search of Aztlán on 8 August 1999, José Ángel Gutiérrez, a political science professor at the University of Texas at Arlington, stated:

We're the only ethnic group in America that has been dismembered. We didn't migrate here or immigrate here voluntarily. The United States came to us in succeeding waves of invasions. We are a captive people, in a sense, a hostage people. It is our political destiny and our right to self-determination to want to have our homeland [back]. Whether they like it or not is immaterial. If they call us radicals or subversives or separatists, that's their problem. This is our home, and this is our homeland, and we are entitled to it. We are the host. Everyone else is a guest.... It is not our fault that whites don't make babies, and blacks are not growing in sufficient numbers, and there's no other groups with such a goal to put their homeland back together again. We do. Those numbers will make it possible. I believe that in the next few years, we will see an irredentists movement, beyond assimilation, beyond integration, beyond separatism, to putting Mexico back together as one. That's irridentism [ sic ]. One Mexico, one nation. [12]

In an interview with the Star-Telegram in October 2000, Gutiérrez stated that many recent Mexican immigrants "want to recreate all of Mexico and join all of Mexico into one. And they are going to do that, even if it's just demographically.... They are going to have political sovereignty over the Southwest and many parts of the Midwest." [13] In a videotape made by the Immigration Watchdog website, as cited in The Washington Times , Gutiérrez was quoted as saying, "We are millions. We just have to survive. We have an aging white America. They are not making babies. They are dying. It's a matter of time. The explosion is in our population." [8] In a subsequent interview with The Washington Times in 2006, Gutiérrez backtracked and said that there was "no viable" Reconquista movement, and he blamed interest in the issue on closed-border groups and "right-wing blogs." [8]

Other views

Felipe Gonzáles, a professor at the University of New Mexico (UNM), who is director of UNM's Southwest Hispanic Research Institute, has stated that there was a "certain homeland undercurrent" among New Mexico Hispanics, but the "educated elites are going to have to pick up on this idea [of a new nation] and run with it and use it as a point of confrontation if it is to succeed." Juan José Peña of the Hispano Round Table of New Mexico believed that Mexicans and Mexican Americans lack the political consciousness to form a separate nation: "Right now, there's no movement capable of undertaking it." [9] [14]

Illegal immigration to the Southwest is sometimes viewed as a form of Reconquista in light of the fact that Texas statehood was preceded by an influx of US settlers into that Mexican province until US citizens outnumbered Mexicans ten–to-one and took over the area's governance. The theory is that the reverse will happen when Mexicans eventually become so numerous in the region that they wield substantial influence, including political power. [15] Even if it is not intended, some analysts say the significant demographic shift in the Southwest may result in "a de facto reconquista." Political scientist Samuel P. Huntington, a proponent of the widespread popularity of Reconquista, stated in 2004:

Demographically, socially and culturally, the reconquista (re-conquest) of the Southwest United States by Mexican immigrants is well under way. [However, a] meaningful move to reunite these territories with Mexico seems unlikely.... No other immigrant group in U.S. history has asserted or could assert a historical claim to U.S. territory. Mexicans and Mexican-Americans can and do make that claim. [16]

The neoliberal political writer Mickey Kaus remarked:

Reconquista is a little—a little extreme. If you talk to people in Mexico, I'm told, if you get them drunk in a bar, they'll say we're taking it back, sorry. That's not an uncommon sentiment in Mexico, so why can't we take it seriously here?... This is like a Quebec problem if France was next door to Canada. [17]

Other Hispanic rights leaders say that Reconquista is nothing more than a fringe movement. Nativo Lopez, president of the Mexican American Political Association in Los Angeles, when asked about the concept of Reconquista by a reporter, responded, "I can't believe you're bothering me with questions about this. You're not serious. I can't believe you're bothering with such a minuscule, fringe element that has no resonance with this populace." [8]

Reconquista sentiments are often jocularly referred to by media for Mexicans, including a recent Absolut Vodka ad that generated significant controversy in the United States for printing of a map of prewar Mexico. [18] Reconquista is a recurring theme in contemporary fiction and nonfiction, [19] particularly among far-right authors. [20]

The National Council of La Raza, the largest national Hispanic civil rights and advocacy organization in the United States, stated on its website that it "has never supported and does not endorse the notion of a Reconquista (the right of Mexico to reclaim land in the southwestern United States) or Aztlán." [21]

A 2002 Zogby poll reported that 58% of Mexicans in Mexico believed that the southwestern United States rightfully belongs to Mexico. [22]

Real approaches

Early 20th century

In 1915, the capture of Basilio Ramos, an alleged supporter of the Mexican dictator Victoriano Huerta, in Brownsville, Texas, revealed the existence of the Plan of San Diego, whose goal is often interpreted to be reconquering the Southwestern United States to gain domestic support in Mexico for Huerta. However, other theories are that the plan, which included killing all white males at least 16 years old, had been created to push the US, eventually successfully, to support the rule of Venustiano Carranza, a major leader of the Mexican Revolution. Most evidence supports that the Plan of San Diego was by anarchists and intended for independence of only South Texas, not all of the Southwestern United States, for an anarchist political system.

In 1917, according to the intercepted Zimmermann Telegram, Germany, in exchange for Mexico joining it as an ally against the United States during World War I, was ready to assist Mexico to "reconquer" its lost territories of Texas, New Mexico, and Arizona. There is no evidence that the Mexican government ever seriously considered it. The telegram's disclosure promoted anti-Mexican sentiment and was a major factor in the US declaring war on Germany. [23]

Modern

For Chicano nationalists in the 1960s, the term was not used, but many often felt that "Aztlán" should undergo cultural revival and expansion. [24]

In the late 1990s to the early 2000s, as US census data showed that the population of Mexican Americans in the Southwestern United States had increased, and the term was popularized by contemporary intellectuals in Mexico, such as Carlos Fuentes, Elena Poniatowska, and President Vicente Fox, [8] [16] [25] who spoke of Mexican immigrants maintaining their culture and Spanish language in the United States as they migrated in greater numbers to the area.

In March 2015, at the midst of the War in Ukraine, when the US was planning on supporting Ukraine to fight against Russia, Dukuvakha Abdurakhmanov, the speaker of the Chechen Parliament, threatened to arm Mexico against the United States and questioned the legal status of the territories of California, New Mexico, Arizona, Nevada, Utah, Colorado, and Wyoming. [26]

See also

Related Research Articles

<span class="mw-page-title-main">Chicano</span> Ethnic identity of some Mexican Americans

Chicano or Chicana is an ethnic identity for Mexican Americans who have a non-Anglo self-image, embracing their Mexican Native ancestry. Chicano was originally a classist and racist slur used toward low-income Mexicans that was reclaimed in the 1940s among youth who belonged to the Pachuco and Pachuca subculture. In the 1960s, Chicano was widely reclaimed in the building of a movement toward political empowerment, ethnic solidarity, and pride in being of indigenous descent. Chicano developed its own meaning separate from Mexican American identity. Youth in barrios rejected cultural assimilation into the mainstream American culture and embraced their own identity and worldview as a form of empowerment and resistance. The community forged an independent political and cultural movement, sometimes working alongside the Black power movement.

<span class="mw-page-title-main">Aztlán</span> Legendary ancestral home of the Aztec

“Aztlán” is the ancestral home of the Aztec peoples. Astekah is the Nahuatl word for "people from Aztlan". Aztlan is mentioned in several ethnohistorical sources dating from the colonial period, and while they each cite varying lists of the different tribal groups who participated in the migration from Aztlan to central Mexico, the Mexica who went on to found Mexico-Tenochtitlan are mentioned in all of the accounts.

<span class="mw-page-title-main">MEChA</span> US organization

M.E.Ch.A. is a US-based organization that seeks to promote Chicano unity and empowerment through political action. The acronym of the organization's name is the Chicano word mecha, which is the Chicano pronunciation of the English word match and therefore symbolic of a fire or spark; mecha in Spanish means fuse or wick. The motto of MEChA is 'La Union Hace La Fuerza'.

<span class="mw-page-title-main">Plan Espiritual de Aztlán</span>

The Plan Espiritual de Aztlán was a pro-indigenist manifesto advocating Chicano nationalism and self-determination for Mexican Americans. It was adopted by the First National Chicano Youth Liberation Conference, a March 1969 convention hosted by Rodolfo Gonzales's Crusade for Justice in Denver, Colorado.

<span class="mw-page-title-main">Hispanic and Latino Americans</span> Demographic of Americans

Hispanic and Latino Americans are Americans of Spanish and/or Latin American ancestry. These demographics include all Americans who identify as Hispanic or Latino regardless of ancestry. As of 2020, the Census Bureau estimated that there were almost 65.3 million Hispanics and Latinos living in the United States and its territories.

<span class="mw-page-title-main">Rodolfo Gonzales</span> Mexican American boxer, poet, and political activist

Rodolfo "Corky" Gonzales was a Mexican-American boxer, poet, political organizer, and activist. He was one of many leaders for the Crusade for Justice in Denver, Colorado. The Crusade for Justice was an urban rights and Chicano cultural urban movement during the 1960s focusing on social, political, and economic justice for Chicanos. Gonzales convened the first-ever Chicano Youth Liberation Conference in 1968, which was poorly attended due to timing and weather conditions. He tried again in March 1969, and established what is commonly known as the First Chicano Youth Liberation Conference. This conference was attended by many future Chicano activists and artists. It also birthed the Plan Espiritual de Aztlán, a pro-indigenist manifesto advocating revolutionary Chicano nationalism and self-determination for all Chicanos. Through the Crusade for Justice, Gonzales organized the Mexican American people of Denver to fight for their cultural, political, and economic rights, leaving his mark on history. He was honored with a Google Doodle in continued celebration of National Hispanic Heritage Month in the United States on 30 September 2021.

<span class="mw-page-title-main">Chicanismo</span> Ideology of the Chicano movement

Chicanismo emerged as the cultural consciousness behind the Chicano Movement. The central aspect of Chicanismo is the identification of Chicanos with their Indigenous American roots to create an affinity with the notion that they are native to the land rather than immigrants. Chicanismo brought a new sense of nationalism for Chicanos that extended the notion of family to all Chicano people. Barrios, or working-class neighborhoods, became the cultural hubs for the people. It created a symbolic connection to the ancestral ties of Mesoamerica and the Nahuatl language through the situating of Aztlán, the ancestral home of the Aztecs, in the southwestern United States. Chicanismo also rejected Americanization and assimilation as a form of cultural destruction of the Chicano people, fostering notions of Brown Pride. Xicanisma has been referred to as an extension of Chicanismo.

José Angel Gutiérrez, is an attorney and professor at the University of Texas at Arlington in the United States. He was a founding member of the Mexican American Youth Organization (MAYO) in San Antonio in 1967, and a founding member and past president of the Raza Unida Party, a Mexican-American third party movement that supported candidates for elective office in Texas, California, and other areas of the Southwestern and Midwestern United States.

<span class="mw-page-title-main">Chicano Movement</span> Social and political movement combating racism in the United States

The Chicano Movement, also referred to as El Movimiento, was a social and political movement in the United States that worked to embrace a Chicano/a identity and worldview that combated structural racism, encouraged cultural revitalization, and achieved community empowerment by rejecting assimilation. Chicanos also expressed solidarity and defined their culture through the development of Chicano art during El Movimiento, and stood firm in preserving their religion.

<span class="mw-page-title-main">Raza Unida Party</span> Southwestern U.S. political party (1970-1978)

Partido Nacional de La Raza Unida was a Hispanic political party centered on Chicano (Mexican-American) nationalism. It was created in 1970 and became prominent throughout Texas and Southern California. It was started to combat growing inequality and dissatisfaction with the Democratic Party that was typically supported by Mexican-American voters. After its establishment in Texas, the party launched electoral campaigns in Colorado, Arizona, New Mexico, and California, though it only secured official party status for statewide races in Texas. It did poorly in the 1978 Texas elections and dissolved when leaders and members dropped out.

Chicano nationalism is the pro-indigenist ethnic nationalist ideology of Chicanos. While there were nationalistic aspects of the Chicano Movement of the 1960s and 1970s, the movement tended to emphasize civil rights and political and social inclusion rather than nationalism.

<span class="mw-page-title-main">Octaviano Ambrosio Larrazolo</span> American politician (1859–1930)

Octaviano Ambrosio Larrazolo Corral was a Republican politician who served as the fourth governor of New Mexico and a United States senator. He was the first Latino United States senator.

<span class="mw-page-title-main">Mexican-American literature</span> Literature written by Mexican Americans in the United States

Mexican American literature is literature written by Mexican Americans in the United States. Although its origins can be traced back to the sixteenth century, the bulk of Mexican American literature dates from post-1848 and the United States annexation of large parts of Mexico in the wake of the Mexican–American War. Today, as a part of American literature in general, this genre includes a vibrant and diverse set of narratives, prompting critics to describe it as providing "a new awareness of the historical and cultural independence of both northern and southern American hemispheres". Chicano literature is an aspect of Mexican American literature.

<span class="mw-page-title-main">Plan of San Diego</span> 1915 call for a Mexican uprising in the southwestern U.S.

The Plan of San Diego was a plan drafted in San Diego, Texas, in 1915 by a group of unidentified Mexican and Tejano rebels who hoped to seize Arizona, New Mexico, California, and Texas from the United States. The plan was never attempted. It called for a general uprising in February, 1915, and the mass-killings of every non-Hispanic Caucasian male over 16 years of age. The arena included all of South Texas. Germans were excluded from the killings. The San Diego Plan collapsed immediately on discovery.

<span class="mw-page-title-main">Chicano art movement</span> Movements by Mexican-American artists

The Chicano Art Movement represents groundbreaking movements by Mexican-American artists to establish a unique artistic identity in the United States. Much of the art and the artists creating Chicano Art were heavily influenced by Chicano Movement which began in the 1960s.

<span class="mw-page-title-main">Hispanos of New Mexico</span> Ethnic group native to New Mexico

The Hispanos of New Mexico, also known as Neomexicanos or Nuevomexicanos, are Hispanic residents originating in the historical region of Santa Fe de Nuevo México, today the US state of New Mexico, southern Colorado, and other parts of the Southwestern United States including Arizona, Nevada, Texas, and Utah. They are descended from Oasisamerica groups and the settlers of the Viceroyalty of New Spain, the First Mexican Empire and Republic, the Centralist Republic of Mexico, and the New Mexico Territory.

This is a Mexican American bibliography. This list consists of books, and journal articles, about Mexican Americans, Chicanos, and their history and culture. The list includes works of literature whose subject matter is significantly about Mexican Americans and the Chicano/a experience. This list does not include works by Mexican American writers which do not address the topic, such as science texts by Mexican American writers.

<span class="mw-page-title-main">Mexican-American folklore</span>

Mexican-American folklore refers to the tales and history of Chicano people who live in the United States.

<span class="mw-page-title-main">Index of articles related to Mexican Americans</span>

A Mexican American is a resident of the United States who is of Mexican descent. Mexican American-related topics include the following:

References

  1. ↑ Grillo, Ioan (2011). El Narco: Inside Mexico's Criminal Insurgency. New York: Bloomsbury Press (published 2012). pp. 21–22. ISBN   978-1-60819-504-6.
  2. ↑ Bailey, Richard W. (2012). Speaking American: A History of English in the United States. New York: Oxford University Press. p. 182. ISBN   978-0-19-517934-7.
  3. ↑ "Poniatowska: 'Avance de español e hispanos es como una reconquista'" [Advancement of Spanish Language and of Hispanics is Like a Reconquista] (in Spanish). Terra. 2001. Archived from the original on 29 December 1996. Retrieved 17 April 2015.
  4. 1 2 Fuentes, Carlos (2003). "Unidad y diversidad del español, lengua de encuentros" [Unity and Diversity of the Spanish Language, Language of Encounters]. Congresos de la Lengua (in Spanish). Archived from the original on 22 April 2008. Retrieved 17 April 2015.
  5. ↑ "Neonazismo a la Mexicana" [Neonazism, Mexican Style]. Revista Proceso (in Spanish). 22 September 2008. Archived from the original on 5 April 2012. Retrieved 26 July 2018.
  6. ↑ "Norma programática" (in Spanish). Vanduardia Nacional Mexicanista. 2011. Archived from the original on 13 February 2013. Retrieved 26 July 2018.
  7. 1 2 "Remembering Dr. Charles Truxillo". UNM Continuing Education Blog. Albuquerque, New Mexico: University of New Mexico. 9 February 2015. Archived from the original on 29 December 1996. Retrieved 26 July 2018.
  8. 1 2 3 4 5 "Mexican Aliens Seek to Retake 'Stolen' Land". The Washington Times. 16 April 2006. Archived from the original on 14 October 2008. Retrieved 14 February 2013.
  9. 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 "Professor Predicts 'Hispanic Homeland'". Kingman Daily Miner. Vol. 120, no. 74. Kingman, Arizona. Associated Press. 2 February 2000. p. 11. Retrieved 25 July 2018.
  10. ↑ Tancredo Praises Cuesta's Book Exposing Hispanic Autonomy Arising From Immigration, Prleap.com (reprinted on Wexico.com), 30 April 2007.
  11. ↑ Nealy, Michelle J. (20 November 2007). "Chicano Nationalist Professor Fired Despite Student Protests of Censorship". DiverseEducation.com. Retrieved 6 December 2010.
  12. ↑ "In Search of Aztlán: José Angel Gutiérrez Interview". In Search of Aztlán. 8 August 1999. Archived from the original on 7 August 2016. Retrieved 12 December 2010.
  13. ↑ Melendez, Michelle (18 October 2000). "Interview of La Raza Unida Party Founder Jose Angel Gutierrez". Star-Telegram. Archived from the original on 19 July 2011. Retrieved 25 July 2018– via www.aztlan.net.
  14. ↑ "Hispano Round Table de Nuevo México". www.nmhrt.org. Archived from the original on 2019-07-11. Retrieved 2013-11-09.
  15. ↑ The Bulletin – Philadelphia's Family Newspaper – 'Absolut' Arrogance Archived 16 April 2000 at the Wayback Machine
  16. 1 2 Huntington, Samuel P. (2004). "The Hispanic Challenge". Foreign Policy. No. 141. p. 42. doi:10.2307/4147547. ISSN   0015-7228. JSTOR   4147547. Archived from the original on 11 April 2010. Retrieved 6 August 2022.
  17. ↑ Gillespie, Nick (2010). "Unions 'Own the Democratic Party'". Reason. Vol. 42, no. 4. Escondido, California. ISSN   0048-6906. Archived from the original on 16 April 2000. Retrieved 20 March 2015.
  18. ↑ "U.S. Vodka-Maker Teases Absolut over Mexico Ad". Albuquerque Journal. Albuquerque, New Mexico. Archived from the original on 16 April 2000. Retrieved 26 July 2018.
  19. ↑ The Second Mexican-American War (The Guns, Ammo and Alcohol Trilogy Book 1). – 21 September 2012 by Les Harris (Author).
    The Aztlan Protocol: Return of an Old World Order. – 26 October 2014 by Aldéric Au (Author).
  20. ↑ Buchanan, Patrick J. (2006). State of Emergency: The Third World Invasion and Conquest of America .
  21. ↑ "Reconquista and Segregation". National Council of La Raza. Archived from the original on 16 July 2010. Retrieved 16 April 2015.
  22. ↑ "American Views of Mexico and Mexican Views of the U.S." NumbersUSA. Zogby. 25 May 2006. Archived from the original on 16 April 2000. Retrieved 18 April 2015.
  23. ↑ Tuchman, B.W. (1985). The Zimmermann Telegram: America Enters the War, 1917-1918; Barbara W. Tuchman's Great War Series. Random House Publishing Group. p. 171. ISBN   978-0-345-32425-2 . Retrieved 14 May 2023.
  24. ↑ Kelly, David (7 July 2006). "Vision That Inspires Some and Scares Others: Aztlan". Los Angeles Times. Retrieved 14 May 2023.
  25. ↑ Monjas, Javier (18 April 2006). "La otra 'Reconquista': Las protestas migratorias en Estados Unidos potencian a movimientos de recuperación de la tierra 'robada' a México en medio de las apocalípticas advertencias de Samuel Huntington sobre el fin del 'sueño americano'" (in Spanish). Nuevo Digital Internacional. Archived from the original on 16 April 2000. Retrieved 14 February 2013.
  26. ↑ Clinch, Matt (27 March 2015). "Chechnya Threatens to Arm Mexico against US". CNBC. Archived from the original on 16 April 2000. Retrieved 26 July 2018.
This page is based on this Wikipedia article
Text is available under the CC BY-SA 4.0 license; additional terms may apply.
Images, videos and audio are available under their respective licenses.