Unification of Albania and Kosovo | |
---|---|
Largest city | Tirana |
Area | |
• Total | 39,635 km2 (15,303 sq mi)(132nd) |
Population | |
• 2023 estimate | 4,600,546 |
• Density | 116/km2 (300.4/sq mi) |
GDP (nominal) | 2023 estimate |
• Total | €30.9 billion [1] |
• Per capita | €6,700 |
HDI (2021) | 0.779 high |
The unification of Albania and Kosovo is a political idea, revived before and after Kosovo declared independence in 2008. [2] This idea has been connected to the irredentist concept of Greater Albania. [3] [4] [5] As of the 2021 estimate, approximately 97% of Kosovars are ethnic Albanians. [6]
Subdivision | Area km2 | Population [7] | GDP (nominal) [8] |
---|---|---|---|
Albania | 28,748 | 2,829,525 [9] | €21.255 billion [10] |
Kosovo | 10,887 | 1,771,012 [11] | €9.653 billion [12] |
Greater Albania | 39,635 | 4,600,546 | €30.908 billion |
The prospect of Kosovo unifying with Albania dates to the Bujan Conference, held between delegates of the communist parties which headed the Albanian and Yugoslav national liberation movements during World War II. Based on the ideal of self-determination, Yugoslavia would cede Kosovo to Albania after the war (according to a resolution adopted at the conference), but this resolution did not materialize. [13] PR Albania and FPR Yugoslavia maintained close relations in the immediate post-World War II period, during which Yugoslavia wooed Albania with an offer of ceding the Autonomous Region of Kosovo and Metohija to Albania in exchange for Albania's integration into a future Balkan Federation. However, the Tito–Stalin split of 1948 cut these notions short, leading to tensions between Yugoslavia and Albania. [14]
During 1981 protests in Kosovo for greater autonomy, Yugoslavia feared calls for the unification of Kosovo and Albania. [15] However, Albanians were not of one mind. In the early 1990s, Albanian politicians offered contradictory statements on the possibility. [16] Political activist Ukshin Hoti, founder of the Party of Albanian National Union, who disappeared in Serbian police custody in 1999, was an ardent supporter of the unification of Kosovo with Albania. [17] In 2001, Arben Imami, a politician from the Democratic Party of Albania, stated that unification of Kosovo with Albania should be a party goal, but this statement was criticized within his own party. [18]
The Ahtisaari Plan conditioned Kosovo's independence on the adoption of a multiethnic “Kosovar,” rather than "Albanian," identity. [19] Still, Gallup surveys from 2007 revealed that 73% of Kosovo Albanians believed that, in an ideal world, Albanians would live united in one country. The same support was seen in Albania, where 68% of the citizens agreed. [20] However, support for unification declined after Kosovo declared independence - support for unification in Kosovo declined to 54% in 2008, [21] and a later poll by the Albanian Institute for International Studies from 2010 showed that 37% of surveyed Albanians considered unification of Albania with Kosovo as neither positive or negative, while 35% saw it as negative and only 9% considered it a positive development. [22] In 2017, some mainstream Albanian politicians, such as Ben Blushi, have come out in support of unification. [23] In Kosovo, the political party Vetëvendosje supports unification. Attempts at political union between Albania and Kosovo may result in diplomatic conflict with Serbia, which regards Kosovo as its de jure territory.
In May 2019, Kosovo's President Hashim Thaçi suggested a referendum on the unification of Kosovo and Albania, if the slow integration process with the European Union did not accelerate. Some, however, viewed this merely as an attempt by Thaçi to “keep himself in the spotlight,” without any real intention of uniting the two countries. [24] Earlier, in 2011, Albanian Foreign Minister Edmond Haxhinasto called the prospect of national unification of Albania and Kosovo "damaging," arguing that "Albanian integration will be achieved through integration in the European Union, when our entire region and all states where Albanians live are members of the EU"; Kosovo political leaders were in agreement. [25]
Before Kosovo's declaration of independence in 2008, support for the unification of Albania and Kosovo was low. According to a 2005 poll, only 10% of Kosovars at the time supported a union of Albania and Kosovo. In 2007, The Economist concluded that "younger Albanians in Kosovo have developed a Kosovar identity of their own", and that in Albanian politics, a possible unification with Kosovo was not seen as a relevant issue and a possible accession to the EU was a far more important concern for Albanians. A lack of economic integration between Kosovo and Albania was also noted - Albania did not rank among Kosovo's top 10 importers. [26] Following the Kosovo's declaration of independence, a 2010 Balkan Insight poll showed that only 29.2% of Kosovar Albanians surveyed supported a limited realisation of Greater Albania in the form of a union between Albania and Kosovo. [27]
Polls supporting unification of Kosovo with Albania notwithstanding, the goal of Albanian politicians has been entrance into NATO and the European Union, rather than national unification. [28] Some Roman Catholic and Orthodox Christian Albanians fear that any possible unification of Balkan areas that bring sizable numbers of Muslims into the new state may lead to an increasing "Muslimization" of Albania. [29] There is also a regional divide on the issue of national unification in Albania - while the northern Gheg Albanians favor the unification of Kosovo and Albania, Southern Tosk Albanians tend to oppose it, fearing that the annexation of Kosovo would lead to "a rule of the North". [30]
According to a 2019 poll by Open Society Foundations that covered 2,504 respondents in both countries, 54% of Kosovar Albanian respondents were in favor of unification between Albania and Kosovo, compared to 63% of the respondents in Albania. [31] [32] Those who oppose unification believe that Kosovo and Albania would function better as separate countries, and that Kosovo and Albania have a different culture and tradition. [33] When asked whether they would be willing to pay a tax for unification, 43.5% of respondents in Kosovo agreed, compared to 29.5% in Albania. [34] However, the majority of respondents believe that the unification of Kosovo and Albania and accession to the EU are mutually exclusive, with only 29.6% of respondents in Kosovo and 46.5% respondents in Albania believing that these two processes do not contradict each other. [35] In this regard, 66.4% of Kosovar Albanian respondents and 84.7% of Albanian respondents believe that their country should seek accession to the European Union rather than national unification. [36]
A 2020 article by Tirana Times raised several issues related to the possible unification of the two countries. About 42% of respondents in Kosovo and 37% in Albania considered accession to the EU and the unification of two countries as contradictory processes. In Albania, 76% of respondents believed that the development of relations between Albania and Kosovo would benefit both sides equally, while 59% of Kosovar respondents believed so. Regarding the unification between Albania and Kosovo, 63% of Albanian and 54% of Kosovar Albanian responders expressed their support of it, but when asked if they would still support unification even if it required a tax, support dropped to 29% in Albania and 44% in Kosovo, respectively. Tirana Times argues that the relatively lower support for unification in Kosovo shows "the raise in Kosovo-centered stream of thinking and identity over the first decade of its statehood". According to the newspaper, "the poll clearly indicates that, in addition to the Kosovo part that was more highly integrated with Yugoslavia, now the post-war middle class of Kosovo is also finding it easier to identify with the new state of Kosovo than with its old, Albanian-tied identity." [37]
A Euronews Albania Barometer poll in 2021 showed 79.2% of Albanians in Albania supporting unification with Kosovo. [38] In a September 2021 poll by the Kosovar Center for Security Studies (QKSS) and the National Endowment for Democracy, 55% of Kosovar Albanian respondents were in favour of Kosovo's unification with Albania. [39]
According to a December 2022 survey by UBO Consulting from Prishtina, 60% of Kosovar citizens were pro-unification. [40]
Kosovo, officially the Republic of Kosovo, is a country in Southeast Europe with partial diplomatic recognition. Kosovo lies landlocked in the centre of the Balkans, bordered by Serbia to the north and east, North Macedonia to the southeast, Albania to the southwest, and Montenegro to the west. Most of central Kosovo sits on the plains of Metohija and the Kosovo field. The Accursed Mountains and Šar Mountains rise in the southwest and southeast, respectively. Kosovo's capital and largest city is Pristina.
Greater Albania is an irredentist and nationalist concept that seeks to unify the lands that many Albanians consider to form their national homeland. It is based on claims on the present-day or historical presence of Albanian populations in those areas. In addition to the existing Albania, the term incorporates claims to regions in the neighbouring states, the areas include Kosovo, the Preševo Valley of Serbia, territories in southern Montenegro, northwestern Greece, and a western part of North Macedonia.
The Democratic League of Kosovo is the oldest and one of the largest political parties in Kosovo.
In late 19th and throughout the 20th century, the establishment of a Balkan Federation has been a recurrent suggestion of various political factions in the Balkans. The concept of a Balkan federation emerged in the late 19th century among left-wing political forces in the region. The central aim was to establish a new political unity: a common federal republic unifying the Balkan Peninsula on the basis of internationalism, socialism, social solidarity, and economic equality. The underlying vision was that, despite differences among the region's ethnic groups, the historical need for emancipation was a common basis for unification.
The political status of Kosovo, also known as the Kosovo question, is the subject of a long-running political and territorial dispute between the Serbian government and the Government of Kosovo, stemming from the breakup of Yugoslavia (1991–92) and the ensuing Kosovo War (1998–99). In 1999, the administration of the Autonomous Province of Kosovo and Metohija was handed on an interim basis to the United Nations under the terms of UNSCR 1244 which ended the Kosovo conflict of that year. That resolution reaffirmed the territorial integrity of Serbia over Kosovo but required the UN administration to promote the establishment of 'substantial autonomy and self-government' for Kosovo pending a 'final settlement' for negotiation between the parties.
Serbia applied to join the European Union (EU) in 2009 and has been a candidate for membership since 2012, along with nine other states. Serbia is the largest country in Southeast Europe seeking entry into the EU.
The flag of the Republic of Kosovo was adopted by the Assembly of the Republic of Kosovo immediately following the unilateral declaration of independence of Kosovo on 17 February 2008. The flag design emerged from an international competition, organized by an informal group from the Provisional Institutions of Self-Government known as the Kosovo Unity Team, which attracted almost one thousand entries. The winning design was proposed by Muhamer Ibrahimi. It shows six white stars in an arc above a golden map of Kosovo, all on a blue field. The stars symbolize Kosovo's six major ethnic groups: Albanians, Serbs, Bosniaks, Turks, Romani, and Gorani.
Albanian nationalism is a general grouping of nationalist ideas and concepts generated by ethnic Albanians that were first formed in the 19th century during the Albanian National Awakening. Albanian nationalism is also associated with similar concepts, such as Albanianism ("Shqiptaria") and Pan-Albanianism, that includes ideas on the creation of a geographically expanded Albanian state or a Greater Albania encompassing adjacent Balkan lands with substantial Albanian populations.
Kosovo was officially recognized as a country by the United States on February 18, 2008, one day after Kosovo declared its independence from Serbia.
The accession of Kosovo to the European Union (EU) is on the current agenda for future enlargement of the EU. Kosovo is currently recognized by the EU as a potential candidate for accession.
Kosovo–Turkey relations are the historic and current relations between the Republic of Kosovo and the Republic of Turkey. Kosovo has an embassy in Ankara and Turkey has an embassy in Prishtina. Both nations are predominantly Muslim and have sought to join the EU.
Albania–Kosovo relations refer to the current, cultural and historical relations of Albania and Kosovo. Albania has an embassy in Pristina and Kosovo has an embassy in Tirana. There are 1.8 million Albanians living in Kosovo – officially 92.93% of Kosovo's entire population – and Albanian is an official language and the national language of Kosovo. Likewise, the peoples of the two countries have practically identical traditions and folklore. Kosovo is the birthplace of Albanian nationalism such as the League of Prizren. In addition, the strong relations are highlighted in successive polls showing majority of ethnic Albanians in both states wanting unification. Both countries and their citizens refer to the relationship as "one nation, two states" as highlighted in the popular pan-Albanian slogan "Jemi një".
Kosovo unilaterally self proclaimed independence from Serbia in 2008, a move which Serbia strongly rejects. Serbia does not recognize Kosovo as an independent state and continues to claim it as the Autonomous Province of Kosovo and Metohija. However, differences and disputes remain, while North Kosovo is partially under Serbian rule. Initially there were no relations between the two; but in the following years there has been increased dialogue and cooperation between the two sides.
This is a timeline containing events regarding the history of Kosovo.
An advisory referendum on accepting the institutions of the Republic of Kosovo was held in the Serb-dominated regions of North Kosovo on 14 and 15 February 2012. The referendum was held in Zubin Potok, Zvečan and Mitrovica on both days, while Leposavić voted on 15 February. The voting ran from 7:00 to 19:00 on both days. The result saw 99.74% of voters reject the writ of the Republic of Kosovo's institutions. The poll was rejected by the governments of both Serbia and Kosovo.
A substantial emigration from Kosovo has taken place in various phases during the second half of the 20th century. It is estimated that about a third of people born in Kosovo currently live outside Kosovo. Emigration has taken place in separate waves motivated mainly by economic reasons, but also as a result of the Kosovo War. The Kosovo diaspora is usually included in the wider Albanian diaspora with Albanians from Albania and North Macedonia.
The First Agreement of Principles Governing the Normalisation of Relations, informally known as the Brussels Agreement, is an agreement to normalize relations between the governments of Serbia and Kosovo. The agreement, negotiated and concluded in Brussels under the auspices of the European Union, was signed on 19 April 2013. Negotiations were led by Serbian Prime Minister Ivica Dačić and Kosovo Prime Minister Hashim Thaçi, mediated by EU High Representative Catherine Ashton. The government of Serbia does not recognize Kosovo as a sovereign state, but began normalising relations with the government of Kosovo as a result of the agreement. In Belgrade, the agreement was criticized by protestors as a convalidation of Kosovo independence.
The Dayton Agreement ended the Bosnian War and created the federal republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina (BiH), which consists of the Bosniak and Croat-inhabited Federation of Bosnia and Herzegovina (FBiH) and the Serb-inhabited Republika Srpska (RS). Although the Bosnian Serbs were viewed as "anti-Dayton" during the first years after the war, since 2000 they have been staunch supporters of the Dayton Agreement and the preservation of RS. Bosniaks generally view RS as illegitimate, and an independence referendum from BiH has been proposed in RS. The 2006 Montenegrin independence referendum and Kosovo's 2008 declaration of independence have raised the possibility of a referendum and unification with Serbia. In 2015, after a judicial and police crisis, the governing Alliance of Independent Social Democrats said that it would hold an independence referendum in 2018 if RS's autonomy was not preserved. Almost all people vote for pro-independence parties.
Kosovo is the birthplace of the Albanian nationalist movement which emerged as a response to the Eastern Crisis of 1878. In the immediate aftermath of the Russo-Ottoman war, the Congress of Berlin proposed partitioning Ottoman Albanian inhabited lands in the Balkans among neighbouring countries. The League of Prizren was formed by Albanians to resist those impositions. For Albanians those events have made Kosovo an important place regarding the emergence of Albanian nationalism. During the remainder of the late Ottoman period various disagreements between Albanian nationalists and the Ottoman Empire over socio-cultural rights culminated in two revolts within Kosovo and adjacent areas. The Balkan Wars (1912–13) ending with Ottoman defeat, Serbian and later Yugoslav sovereignty over the area generated an Albanian nationalism that has become distinct to Kosovo stressing Albanian language, culture, and identity within the context of secession from Serbia. Pan-Albanian sentiments are also present and historically have been achieved only once when part of Kosovo was united by Italian Axis forces to their protectorate of Albania during the Second World War.
Operation Fenix was an operation launched by militants of the KLA's "cobra" unit, which conducted two ambushes out of Albanian territory near the border outpost of Koshare on Yugoslav forces. Six Yugoslav Army personnel were killed. The KLA suffered no casualties, and captured Yugoslav ammunition, equipment and looted the dead soldiers.
Undoubtedly, Kosovo's independence has revived the idea of the national unification of Albanians
CSCE mission of May 1992 judged that "on the question of the relations with Albania and of a possible unification, the answers were unclear, vague, and sometimes contradictory
Contradicting data from Gallup polls, a 2010 survey taken by Albanian Institute for International Relations (AIIS) reveal an altogether different picture: from the poll sample in Albania, 37 percent of the interviewed people think that the unification of Albania with Kosovo is neither positive, nor negative, 35 percent think that it is negative and only 9 percent think of it as positive.
Regarding the desire to achieve national unification, 63% of respondents in Albania and 54% of respondents in Kosovo state that they want to achieve it.
The perhaps most important finding concerns people's attitude towards national unification, 63% of the responders in Albania and 54% in Kosovo were in favour of it.
The most frequent reason cited by Albanian respondents in Albania and Kosovo has to do with the belief that the separate states of Kosovo and Albania would work better. A considerable part of those who oppose joining under one state do so also under the conviction that Kosovo Albanians and Albania Albanians have differences in culture and tradition.
But when asked if they would be willing to pay a tax which would enable national unification, respondents' willingness declined, with only 29.5% of respondents in Albania and 43.5% of respondents in Kosovo agreeing to such a tax.
The national unification and EU accession of Albania and Kosovo are seen as processes which contradict each other by 42% of respondents in Kosovo and 37% of respondents in Albania.
Albanians in both countries, more specifically 84.7% of respondents in Albania and 66.4% in Kosovo, would prefer the European Union to national unification.
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