Balkan Federation

Last updated
Comintern project on Balkan Federation Balkan federation.png
Comintern project on Balkan Federation

The establishment of a Balkan Federation has been a recurrent topic among the peoples of the Balkans. The concept of a Balkan federation emerged in the late 19th century among left-wing political forces in the region. The central aim was to establish a new political unity: a common federal republic unifying the Balkan Peninsula on the basis of internationalism, socialism, social solidarity, and economic equality. The underlying vision was that, despite differences among the Balkan peoples, the historical need for emancipation was a common basis for unification.

Contents

This political concept went through three phases in its development. In the first phase the idea was articulated as a response to the collapse of the Ottoman Empire at the beginning of the 20th century. In the second phase, mostly through the interwar period (1919–1936), the idea of the Balkan federation was taken up by the Balkan Communist parties. The third phase is characterized by the clash between the Balkan Communist leaders and Joseph Stalin, the latter of whom opposed the idea during the post-World War II period.

Background

Flag of the pan-Balkan federation envisioned by the 18th-century revolutionary Rigas Feraios Flag of Rigas Feraios.svg
Flag of the pan-Balkan federation envisioned by the 18th-century revolutionary Rigas Feraios

The first inception occurred in Belgrade in 1865 when a number of Balkan intellectuals founded the Democratic Oriental Federation, proposing a federation from the Alps to Cyprus based on political freedom and social equality. They confirmed their adherence to the ideals of French Revolution in the line of Saint-Simon's federalism and in relation to the socialist ideas of Karl Marx or Mikhail Bakunin. Later, in France, a League for the Balkan Confederation, was constituted in 1894, in which Greek, Bulgarian, Serbian, and Romanian socialists participated, supporting Macedonian autonomy inside the general federation of Southeast Europe, as an attempt to deal with the complexity of the Macedonian Question. The next attempt came immediately after the Young Turk Revolution in 1908. The following year, in Salonika, the Socialist Workers Association merged with two Bulgarian socialist groups, and the Socialist Worker's Federation of Ottoman Workers was founded. This group underestimated, till 1913, the political significance of nationalism, as this significance manifested itself in the right of national self-determination. Its leadership kept a moderate position in regard with the nationalistic tendencies in Balkan social democratic parties.

Balkan Socialist Federation

The movement for Balkan Socialist Federation arose after the Young Turk Revolution in 1908. The First Balkan Socialist Conference was held on January 7–9, 1910 in Belgrade. The main platforms at this conference were Balkan unity and action against the impending wars. Another important aspect was the call for a solution to the Macedonian Question. In 1915, after a conference in Bucharest, it was decided to create a Revolutionary Balkan Social Democratic Labour Federation, comprising groups which adhered to the Zimmerwald Conference and opposed participation in World War I. Initially headed by Christian Rakovsky, it had Vasil Kolarov and Georgi Dimitrov among its prominent activists. In 1915, Dimitrov wrote that Macedonia, "... which was split into three parts ...", would be, "... reunited into a single state enjoying equal rights within the framework of the Balkan Democratic Federation." [1] This independent and united Macedonia would have consisted of the corresponding geographical regions of Bulgaria, Yugoslavia, and Greece. The leaders of the Federation were repressed by the Balkan governments at different intervals. Rakovsky was expelled from various Balkan countries and, during World War I, became a founding member of the Revolutionary Balkan Social Democratic Labor Federation. Later he made his way to Russia, where he joined the Bolshevik Party after the October Revolution in 1917, and subsequently Dimitrov, Kolarov, and Rakovsky became members of the Comintern.

Balkan Communist Federation

After the Russian October Revolution, a Balkan Communist Federation was formed in 1920–1921, and was influenced by Vladimir Lenin's views on nationality (see Proletarian internationalism ). It was a Communist umbrella organisation in which all the Communist parties in the Balkans were represented. It was dominated by the requirements imposed by the Soviet Union through the Comintern. It advocated a "Balkan Federative Republic" that would have included Bulgaria, Yugoslavia, Greece, and Turkey; some projects also involved Romania, but most of them only envisaged its fragmentation. [2] The body thus oversaw the activities of the Bulgarian Communist Party (BKP), the Communist Party of Yugoslavia (KPJ), the Communist Party of Greece (KKE), the Communist Party of Turkey (TKP), and, to a certain measure, those of the Communist Party of Romania (PCdR). It was disestablished in 1939.

In Sofia, Bulgaria in May–June 1922 the question of the "autonomy of Macedonia, Dobruja and Thrace" was raised by Vasil Kolarov and was backed by Dimitrov, the Bulgarian delegate who presided over the meeting. The Greek delegate asked for a postponement as he was reluctant to approve a motion that was not on the agenda. In December 1923, the Balkan Communist Federation held its Fifth Conference in Moscow. In 1924 the Comintern entered negotiations about collaboration between the Communists and the Internal Macedonian Revolutionary Organization (IMRO), Internal Thracian Revolutionary Organisation (ITRO) and Internal Dobrujan Revolutionary Organisation (IDRO), and the creation of a united revolutionary movement. The idea for a new unified organization was supported by the Soviet Union, which saw a chance for using this well developed revolutionary movements to spread revolution in the Balkans and destabilize the Balkan monarchies.

The so-called May Manifesto of 6 May 1924 was issued in which the objectives of the unified Macedonian liberation movement were presented: independence and unification of partitioned Macedonia, fighting all the neighbouring Balkan monarchies, forming a Balkan Communist Federation and cooperation with the Soviet Union. In 1925, under the influence of the BKP, several left-wing splinter groups (the Internal Macedonian Revolutionary Organization (United), the Dobrujan Revolutionary Organisation and the Internal Thracian Organization), respectively, seceded from the main organizations. These wings militated for their own Soviet Republics, which would be part of a "Balkan Communist Federation". The BKP was compelled by Stalin to endorse the formation of Macedonian, Thracian, and Dobrujan nations in order to include those new separate states in the Balkan Communist Federation. [3] [4] [5] Later, a resolution of the Balkan Communist Federation for the recognition of a Macedonian ethnicity was issued on January 7, 1934, by the Balkan Secretariat of the Comintern. It was accepted by the Political Secretariat in Moscow on January 11, 1934, and approved by the Executive Committee of the Comintern.

The KKE delegate Nikolaos Sargologos signed the motion without central authorisation; instead of returning to Athens, he emigrated to the United States. The KKE political organ and newspaper, Rizospastis , was against the motion because it saw it as good for the BKP in Bulgaria but disastrous for the KKE in Greece. The KKE found the BCF's position on Macedonia difficult but briefly went along with it. In June 1924, at its 5th meeting, it recognised "the Macedonian people" and in December 1924, it endorsed the motion for "a united and independent Macedonia and a united and independent Thrace" with the perspective of entering into a union within a Balkan federation "against the national and social yoke of the Greek and Bulgarian bourgeoisie".

However, the KKE suffered a crushing defeat in the 1928 Greek elections, especially in Greek Macedonia. Dissentions within the KKE had already made the motion untenable by 1927, and in March, the KKE conference watered it down, calling for autodetermination of the Macedonians until they join a "Balkan Soviet Socialist Federation" and only for "a section of Macedonia (Florina area) inhabited by Slavomacedonians [6] " By 1935, it simply called for "equal rights to all" due to the "change of the national composition of the Greek part of Macedonia" and hence because "the Leninist–Stalinist principle of self-determination demands the substitution of the old slogan". The KPJ had its own problems and dissentions; fears of Serbianisation of the party and of the Vardar Banovina, whose inhabitants felt closer (though not necessarily identified) to Bulgaria than the Kingdom of Yugoslavia. The KPJ followed the KKE example in 1936. In 1936 the left wings of the IMRO, ITRO, and IDRO were incorporated by regional principle into the Balkan Communist Parties.

In Albania, Communist ideas were mainly influenced by neighbouring countries. Despite the effort of the Comintern to establish a Communist Party by sending and supporting emissaries as Kosta Boshnjaku and Ali Kelmendi later, Communist groups were not well organized, and they were weak. The Communist Party would be established only in 1941. Nevertheless, the contacts of the Albanians with Comintern were set way before. The Paris Peace Conference had fixed the borders of Albania as defined pre-World War I by the London Conference of 1912–13, leaving substantial Albanian-populated areas outside of its borders. At the same time, the country was dominated by during the early 1920s by an Ottoman ruling class with no intention of addressing the country's sharp topics, including an agrarian reform and the fate of the Albanians left outside the borders.

In the early 1920s, two entities came in contact with the Comintern: the left-wing opposition led by Bishop Fan Noli, and the Committee of Kosovo. Bajram Curri, a Kosovar Albanian and key person of both, said in December 1921 to the Soviet minister in Vienna that "the Albanian people await impatiently the determination of their frontiers not on the basis of brutal and bloody historical considerations, but rather on the basis of the situation which actually exists today. With the firm conviction that Soviet Russia will be able in the near future to determine the boundaries of Europe, especially in the Balkans, in a just manner, I pray that the great Soviet government will grant our just requests at that time." [7]

After the failed June Revolution, Noli and others settled in Vienna where they formed KONARE (Revolutionary National Committee), a left-wing revolutionary committee openly pro-Soviet. Though KONARE, but even by themselves, the Committee of Kosovo would join the Balkan Federation and receive financial support. [8] [9] They would cooperate with IMRO militants as Todor Aleksandrov and Petar Chaulev. [10] By 1928, KONARE came de facto under the control of the Comintern; 24 young Albanians were sent to Moscow to study in Soviet institutions. [11] But by the early 1930s, the defense of Yugoslavia became an official Communist line. This way any support for the Committee of Kosovo faded. The introduction of Fascist Italy's interests in the equation completely disrupted any connection between Albanian nationalist movements and the Comintern. [8] KONARE would also dissolve in the mid-1930s, leaving the Comintern with few scattered communists groups within Albania.

Cominform period (1946–1948)

For a short period during the Cominform, the Yugoslav and Bulgarian Communist leaders Josip Broz Tito and Georgi Dimitrov worked on a project to merge their two countries into a Balkan Federative Republic. As a concession to the Yugoslav side, Bulgarian authorities agreed to the recognition of a distinct Macedonian ethnicity and language in part of their own population in the Bulgarian part of the geographic region of Macedonia. This was one of the conditions of the Bled Agreement, signed between Yugoslavia and Bulgaria on 1 August 1947. In November 1947, pressured by both the Yugoslavs and the Soviets, Bulgaria also signed a treaty of friendship with Yugoslavia. [12] [13] The Bulgarian head of state Georgi Dimitrov was sympathetic to the Macedonian Question. [14] The Bulgarian Communist party was compelled once again to adapt its stance to Soviet interests in the Balkans. [13] The policies resulting from the agreement were reversed after the Tito–Stalin split in June 1948, when Bulgaria, being subordinated to Soviet interests, was forced to take a stance against Yugoslavia. [15]

Contemporary period

Tariq Ali at the 2012 Subversive Film Festival in Zagreb. Tariq Ali on Subversive Festival.jpg
Tariq Ali at the 2012 Subversive Film Festival in Zagreb.
The flag of the Balkan Federation hoisted in Argos, Peloponnese, as a part of the celebrations for the bicentennial of the Greek independence. Balkan federation flag in Argos.jpg
The flag of the Balkan Federation hoisted in Argos, Peloponnese, as a part of the celebrations for the bicentennial of the Greek independence.

The Article 142 of the Constitution of Croatia explicitly prohibits any procedure which may lead to creation of association with other states if this procedure leads or may lead to a renewal of a South Slavic state union or to any form of consolidated Balkan state. [16] [17] This provision of the Croatian Constitution was criticized in 2009 by the President of the Civil Committee for Human Rights Zoran Pusić (brother of Vesna Pusić [18] ) who underlined that it is unacceptable to restrict the right to associate with some country based on ethnic reasons. [19] The Committee, however, did not advocate for any such a union, but underlined that the Article was introduced at the time of the Croatian War of Independence and before the overthrow of Slobodan Milošević in Serbia, and that as such it fails to acknowledge that all countries change over the time and that in the context of European integration future generations in Croatia should be free from such constraints. [19]

In his interview with Nick Holdstock during the 2012 Subversive Film Festival in Zagreb, Pakistani-British political activist and writer Tariq Ali argued for the creation of the Balkan Federation as a part of wider formation of European regional federations capable of balancing the influence of the major European powers such as Germany or France. [20]

Ivaylo Ditchev, professor of cultural anthropology at Sofia University, stated in one interview for Deutsche Welle that revival of the Yugoslav spirit of openness and cultural diversity and revival of the post-war utopian idea of Balkan Federation would be beneficial for the region and its European integration. [21]

See also

Related Research Articles

<span class="mw-page-title-main">Communist Party of Greece</span> Political party in Greece

The Communist Party of Greece is a Marxist–Leninist political party in Greece. It was founded in 1918 as the Socialist Labour Party of Greece and adopted its current name in November 1924. It is the oldest political party in modern Greek politics. The party was banned in 1936, but played a significant role in the Greek resistance and the Greek Civil War, and its membership peaked in the mid-1940s. Legalization of the KKE was restored following the fall of the Greek junta.

<span class="mw-page-title-main">Georgi Dimitrov</span> Leader of Bulgaria from 1946 to 1949

Georgi Dimitrov Mihaylov also known as Georgiy Mihaylovich Dimitrov, was a Bulgarian communist politician who served as General Secretary of the Bulgarian Communist Party from 1946 to 1949. From 1935 to 1943, he was the General Secretary of the Communist International.

<span class="mw-page-title-main">Demographic history of Macedonia</span>

The region of Macedonia is known to have been inhabited since Paleolithic times.

<span class="mw-page-title-main">Internal Macedonian Revolutionary Organization</span> Secret revolutionary society (1893–1934)

The Internal Macedonian Revolutionary Organization, was a secret revolutionary society founded in the Ottoman territories in Europe, that operated in the late 19th and early 20th centuries.

<span class="mw-page-title-main">Bulgarian Communist Party</span> 1919–1990 communist political party in Bulgaria, ruling from 1946 to 1990

The Bulgarian Communist Party was the founding and ruling party of the People's Republic of Bulgaria from 1946 until 1989, when the country ceased to be a socialist state. The party had dominated the Fatherland Front, a coalition that took power in 1944, late in World War II, after it led a coup against Bulgaria's tsarist regime in conjunction with the Red Army's crossing the border. It controlled its armed forces, the Bulgarian People's Army.

<span class="mw-page-title-main">Internal Macedonian Revolutionary Organization (United)</span>

The Internal Macedonian Revolutionary Organization (United) (1925–1936) commonly known in English as IMRO (United), was the name of a revolutionary political organization active across the entire geographical region of Macedonia.

The Tito–Stalin split or the Soviet–Yugoslav split was the culmination of a conflict between the political leaderships of Yugoslavia and the Soviet Union, under Josip Broz Tito and Joseph Stalin, respectively, in the years following World War II. Although presented by both sides as an ideological dispute, the conflict was as much the product of a geopolitical struggle in the Balkans that also involved Albania, Bulgaria, and the communist insurgency in Greece, which Tito's Yugoslavia supported and the Soviet Union secretly opposed.

<span class="mw-page-title-main">United Macedonia</span> Irredentist concept among Macedonian nationalists

United Macedonia, or Greater Macedonia, is an irredentist concept among Macedonian nationalists that aims to unify the transnational region of Macedonia in Southeastern Europe into a single state that would be dominated by ethnic Macedonians. The proposed capital of such a United Macedonia is the city of Thessaloniki, the capital of Greek Macedonia, which ethnic Macedonians and the Yugoslav leader Josip Broz Tito had planned to incorporate into their own states.

<span class="mw-page-title-main">Todor Panitsa</span>

Todor Nikolov Panitsa was a Bulgarian revolutionary figure, active in the region of Macedonia. He was one of the leaders of the left wing of the Internal Macedonian Revolutionary Organization.

<span class="mw-page-title-main">Pavel Shatev</span> Socialist revolutionary from Macedonia (1882–1951)

Pavel Potsev Shatev was a socialist revolutionary from Macedonia and member of the left wing of the Internal Macedonian-Adrianople Revolutionary Organization (IMARO), later becoming a left-wing political activist. Per Anastas Vangeli, he was a self-declared Bulgarian. He was jailed in post-WWII SR Macedonia as an enemy of the state, but his image was rehabilitated later. Shatev is considered a Macedonian in the Macedonian historiography and a Bulgarian in the Bulgarian historiography.

The National Liberation Front, also known as the People's Liberation Front, was a communist political and military organization created by the Slavic Macedonian minority in Greece. The organization operated from 1945–1949, most prominently in the Greek Civil War. As far as its ruling cadres were concerned its participation in the Greek Civil War was nationalist rather than communist, with the goal of secession from Greece.

During and after the Greek Civil War of 1946–1949, members and or supporters of the defeated Communist forces fled Greece as political refugees. The collapse of the Democratic Army of Greece (DSE) and subsequent evacuation of the Communist Party of Greece (KKE) to Tashkent in 1949 led thousands of people to leave the country. It has been estimated that by 1949, over 100,000 people had left Greece for Yugoslavia and the Eastern Bloc, particularly the USSR and Czechoslovakia. These included tens of thousands of child refugees who had been forcefully evacuated by the KKE. The war wrought widespread devastation right across Greece and particularly in the regions of Macedonia and Epirus, causing many people to continue to leave the country even after it had ended.

<span class="mw-page-title-main">History of the Macedonians (ethnic group)</span>

The history of Macedonians has been shaped by population shifts and political developments in the southern Balkans, especially within the region of Macedonia. The ideas of separate Macedonian identity grew in significance after the First World War, both in Vardar and among the left-leaning diaspora in Bulgaria, and were endorsed by the Comintern. During the Second World War these ideas were supported by the Communist Partisans, but the decisive point in the ethnogenesis of this South Slavic people was the creation of the Socialist Republic of Macedonia after the World War II, as a new state in the framework of the Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia.

<span class="mw-page-title-main">Llazar Fundo</span>

Llazar (Zai) Fundo was an Albanian Communist, later social-democratic journalist and writer. He was a former member of the Comintern and the Balkan Communist Federation. He was associated with the Fan S. Noli government in 1924 and became the leader of the Bashkimi organization after the death of Avni Rustemi in 1924. In 1928 he helped establish the Korçë Communist Group. In the fierce rivalry for power control within the Communist Party, he was branded a Trotskyist and purged from the party.

The "May Manifesto" of May 6, 1924 was a paper in which the objectives of the unified Macedonian liberation movement were presented: independence and unification of partitioned region of Macedonia, fighting all the neighbouring Balkan monarchies, supporting the Balkan Communist Federation and cooperation with the Soviet Union.

<span class="mw-page-title-main">Macedonian Federative Organization</span>

The Macedonian Federative Organization (MFO) was established in Sofia in 1921 by former Internal Macedonian Revolutionary Organization (IMRO) left wing's activists.

<span class="mw-page-title-main">Committee for the National Defence of Kosovo</span> Political activist organisation

The Committee for the National Defence of Kosovo was an Albanian organization founded in Shkodër on 1 May 1918. It was mainly consisted of the political exiles from Kosovo and was led by Hoxha Kadri from Pristina. It existed in looser form since May 1915.

<span class="mw-page-title-main">Independent Macedonia (IMRO)</span> Conceptual project by the Internal Macedonian Revolutionary Organization

Independent Macedonia was a conceptual project of the Internal Macedonian Revolutionary Organization (IMRO) to create an independent Macedonia, during the interwar period.

<span class="mw-page-title-main">Kostandin Boshnjaku</span>

Kostandin Boshnjaku was an Albanian banker, politician, diplomat and in the last years of his life as a translator of books. Even though he was one of the earliest Albanian communists, he was arrested and convicted on 31 December 1947 by the Supreme Military Court with life imprisonment due to the divergences he had with the communist regime. In 1949, he was released from prison by an amnesty, while unofficially it was said to have been released with the direct intervention of Soviet ambassador Dmitry Chuvakhin. He spent the last years of his live in Durrës serving as a translator of books in several languages.

KONARE or Komiteti Nacional Revolucionar was a left-wing revolutionary committee of the Albanian political émigrés in Europe, from 1925 till mid-30s. Its central political figure was Bishop Fan Noli.

References

  1. ↑ Dimitrov, Georgi. "The Significance of the Second Balkan Conference" . Retrieved 31 July 2023.
  2. ↑ Koutalis, Vangelis (June 2003). "Internationalism as an Alternative Political Strategy in the Modern History of Balkans". Organization of Communist Internationalists of Greece–Spartacus. Archived from the original on 29 October 2019. Retrieved 25 April 2017.
  3. ↑ Rothschild, Joseph. The Communist Party of Bulgaria: Origins and Development, 1883–1936. Columbia University Press. p. 126.
  4. ↑ A. Cook, Bernard (2001). Europe Since 1945: An Encyclopedia. Taylor & Francis. p. 810. ISBN   0-8153-4058-3.
  5. ↑ Coenen-Huther, Jacques (1996). Bulgaria at the Crossroads. Nova Publishers. p. 166. ISBN   1-56072-305-X.
  6. ↑ (Holevas 1992). At the time the term "Slavomacedonian" was not considered offensive: the Greek Helsinki Monitor reports that the term, "was accepted by the community itself". However, today the term has pejorative connotations.
  7. ↑ Pano, Nicholas C. (1968). The People's Republic of Albania. Baltimore, MD: The Johns Hopkins Press. pp. 27–28.
  8. 1 2 Banac, Ivo (1988). The National Question in Yugoslavia: Origins, History, Politics. Cornell University Press. pp. 305–306. ISBN   978-0-8014-9493-2.
  9. ↑ Vllamasi, Sejfi; Verli, Marenglen (2000), Ballafaqime Politike në Shqipëri (1897–1942): Kujtime dhe Vlerësime Historike [Political Confrontations in Albania (1897–1942): Historical Memoirs and Assessments] (in Albanian), Tirana: Shtëpia Botuese "Neraida", ISBN   99927-713-1-3, Një pjesë me rëndësi e emigrantëve, me inisiativën dhe ndërmjetësinë e Koço Boshnjakut, u muarrën vesh me "Cominternin", si grup, me emër "KONARE" (Komiteti Revolucionar Kombëtar), për t'u ndihmuar pa kusht gjatë aktivitetit të tyre nacional, ashtu siç janë ndihmuar edhe kombet e tjerë të vegjël, që ndodheshin nën zgjedhë të imperialistëve, për liri e për pavarësi. Përveç kësaj pjese, edhe emigrantët kosovarë irredentistë, të grupuar e të organizuar nën emrin "Komiteti i Kosovës", si grup, u ndihmuan edhe ata nga "Cominterni".[A significant part of the emigrants, with the initiative and mediation of Koço Boshnjak, agreed with the "Comintern", as a group, named "KONARE" (National Revolutionary Committee), to help them unconditionally during their national activity, just as the other small nations, which were under the yoke of the imperialists, were helped for freedom and independence. In addition to this part, the irredentist Kosovar emigrants, grouped and organized under the name "Kosovo Committee", as a group, were also assisted by "Cominterni".]
  10. ↑ Baxhaku, Fatos (13 October 2012), Zija Dibra: Të fshehtat e një vrasjeje [Zija Dibra: The secrets of a murder] (in Albanian), Gazeta Shqip Online, archived from the original on 30 March 2019, retrieved 4 December 2014, Çaulev kishte takuar Hasan Prishtinën, ndërsa Aleksandrov Bajram Currin. Zija Dibra, madje u akuzua nga jugosllavët edhe si organizator i një takimi Noli-Aleksandrov, por ky takim u përgënjeshtrua nga Tirana zyrtare. Brenda pak muajsh, agjentët jugosllavë arritën të vrasin krerët e VMRO, Aleksandrovin në gusht të 1924 dhe Çaulevin, në dhjetor të 1924 teksa e kishin ndjekur deri në Milano, pas kthimit të tij nga Shqipëria.[Çaulev had met Hasan Prishtina, while Aleksandrov had met Bajram Curri. Zija Dibra was even accused by the Yugoslavs as the organizer of a Noli-Alexandrov meeting, but this meeting was denied by official Tirana. Within a few months, Yugoslav agents managed to assassinate VMRO leaders Alexandrov in August 1924 and Chaulev in December 1924 as they pursued him to Milan after his return from Albania.]
  11. ↑ Fischer, Bernd Jürgen (1999). Albania at War, 1939–1945. Central European studies. West Lafayette, Ind.: Purdue University Press. p. 122. ISBN   978-0-585-06388-1. OCLC   42922446.
  12. ↑ Neil, Simpson (1994). Macedonia; Its disputed history. Aristoc Press. ISBN   0-646-20462-9.
  13. 1 2 Ramet, Pedro (1989). Religion and Nationalism in Soviet and East European Politics. Duke University Press. p. 374. ISBN   0-8223-0891-6.
  14. ↑ Neil, Simpson (1994). Macedonia; Its disputed history. Aristoc Press. p. 89. ISBN   0-646-20462-9.
  15. ↑ Stavrianos, L. (1964)
  16. ↑ "Ustav Republike Hrvatske" [Constitution of Republic of Croatia] (in Croatian). Narodne novine. 9 July 2010. Archived from the original on 21 December 2021. Retrieved 3 November 2019.
  17. ↑ "Croatian Constitution (English translation)". Constitution Society. Archived from the original on 23 August 1999. Retrieved 3 November 2019.
  18. ↑ "Ministarstvo Vesne Pusić udruzi njezinog brata dodijelilo 250 tisuća kuna" [The Ministry awarded Vesna Pusić HRK 250,000 to her brother's association] (in Croatian). T-portal. 1 March 2015. Archived from the original on 27 August 2021. Retrieved 27 August 2021.
  19. 1 2 Selimović, Š. (4 December 2009). "Zoran Pusić: Dopustiti udruživanje u Jugoslaviju" [Zoran Pusić: Allow unification in Yugoslavia] (in Croatian). Slobodna Dalmacija. Archived from the original on 27 August 2021. Retrieved 27 August 2021.
  20. ↑ Nick Holdstock (2012). "'THE REASSERTION OF THE POLITICAL'- AN INTERVIEW WITH TARIQ ALI ON THE FUTURE OF EUROPEAN CITIZENSHIP". CITSEE University of Edinburgh . Retrieved 11 October 2022.
  21. ↑ Ditchev, Ivaylo (7 July 2019). "Balkan: nepoželjan ili nevoljan?" [Balkans: unwanted or unwilling?]. Deutsche Welle (in Serbian). Archived from the original on 8 July 2019. Retrieved 7 July 2019.

Further reading

This page is based on this Wikipedia article
Text is available under the CC BY-SA 4.0 license; additional terms may apply.
Images, videos and audio are available under their respective licenses.