In case of possession of Rijeka, both sides in the dispute claimed their reliance on the right of self-determination championed by US President Woodrow Wilson in his Fourteen Points, but the two sides defined the extent of the city of Rijeka differently, resulting in majority of the affected population being either Italians or South Slavs (largely Croats and Slovenes). The difference in interpretation of the city boundaries was that Italians claimed the city was limited to the territory of the Corpus Separatum, established as a special administrative unit attached to the Hungarian crown within Austria-Hungary, while Yugoslav side claimed that the suburb of Sušak, located outside the Corpus Separatum boundaries, represented an unseparable part of the city. Two competing administrations were established in the city following departure of Hungarian authorities in late October 1918. In November, the city was placed under Allied occupation in which the Italian Army provided the bulk of the occupying force. The occupying force left after Gabriele D'Annunzio seized the city in September 1919 proclaiming its annexation for Italy.
The matter was not resolved by the 1919 Paris Peace Conference because the Wilson opposed Italian claims based on the Treaty of London, but Italian government would not accept a compromise due to its political instabilty. The Italo-Yugoslav border was first resolved by the 1920 Treaty of Rapallo. The agreement provided for establishment of the city-state of the Free State of Fiume—against D'Annunzio's objections. In response, he proclaimed an independent Italian Regency of Carnaro in Rijeka and declared war on Italy, only to be driven from the city in an armed intervention by the Regia Marina. Italian troops remained in Rijeka (and Sušak until 1923). The Free State of Fiume was abolished by the 1924 Treaty of Rome, and the city annexed to Italy. In the World War II, the Yugoslav Partisans took control of Rijeka in 1945. In agreement with the Allies of World War II, authorities of the Democratic Federal Yugoslavia provisionally administered Rijeka and its surrunding areas until 1947. Then the city was formally ceded to Yugoslavia under the Treaty of Paris between Italy and the Allied Powers.
Since at least 18th century, Croatia and Hungary, both realms of the Habsburg monarchy at the time, laid competing claims on the city of Rijeka (Italian: Fiume) – as a part of the national territory and an important Adriatic port.[7] In 1776, the city was attached to Hungarian crown by empress Maria Theresa as an separatum coronae adnexum corpus (lit.'separate body attached to the crown'). The Latin title was commonly shortened to just Corpus Separatum.[8] During the Hungarian Revolution of 1848, the city was annexed to Croatia by BanJosip Jelačić. The move was reversed following the Austro-Hungarian Compromise of 1867 and the Croatian–Hungarian Settlement of 1868. The latter indicated that the city would be a separate body within Austria-Hungary, belonging to the Hungarian crown. The Croatian Sabor and the Parliament of Hungary were to determine the specific conditions of the city's status, but they failed to reach an agreement for two years. In 1870, the Hungarian Parliament enacted a regulation on temporary Hungarian control of Rijeka.[7] The regulation remained in effect until 1918.[9] The city outgrew the territory of the Corpus Separatum through industrialisation and its suburb of Sušak was situated in Croatian territory. The suburb was largely inhabited by workers employed by factories in the city centre.[10]
In the final phase of the World War I, in an effort to prevent dissolution of Austria-Hungary, emperor Charles I of Austria declared an intention to transform the monarchy into a federal state, indicating that Rijeka would be a part of the Croatia-Slavonia or a newly established South Slavic kingdom.[11] The Emperor's declaration echoed the 1917 May Declaration of the Yugoslav Club,[12] demanding unification of Habsburg lands inhabited by Croats, Slovenes, and Serbs into a democratic, free, and independent state organised as a Habsburg realm.[13] Just as the May Declaration was ignored by relevant political parties,[14] the imperial declaration was rejected by the Zagreb-based National Council of Slovenes, Croats and Serbs, the self-proclaimed central organ of the State of Slovenes, Croats and Serbs.[15] In mid-October, Andrea Ossoinack speaking in the Parliament of Hungary as the representative of the Corpus Separatum objected to the emperor's idea and stated that the city should be handed over to Italy.[11] Clashes erupted in the city between Italian and South Slavic communities, each side claiming the city on the basis of the right to self-determination. While the former pointed to an Italian majority in the city within the boundaries of the Corpus Separatum, the latter pointed out that the city, including the suburb of Sušak located outside the Corpus Separatum, had a South Slavic majority.[16][17][a]
On 23 October, pro-Croatian troops entered Rijeka.[24] Military authority in Rijeka and Sušak was assumed by Lieutenant Colonel Petar Teslić. He had under his command eight battalions of the 79th Infantry Regiment of the former Austro-Hungarian Common Army normally based in Otočac and National Guard volunteers, largely consisting of high school students.[25] On 29 October, the last Hungarian governor of the Corpus Separatum, Zoltán Jékelfalussy[hu] left the city for Hungary on a special train,[26] on instruction of Hungarian prime minister Sándor Wekerle. He was followed by the bulk of the city's police force.[27] A large number of skilled workers, especially ethnic Hungarians, also left.[28] Before leaving, Jékelfalussy handed the authority over to a commission appointed by the National Council of Slovenes, Croats and Serbs.[27] The commission was led by Rikard Lenac.[29] On the other hand, leading ethnic Italians living in the city estabished the Italian National Council of Fiume.[30] The Italian National Council, led by Antonio Grossich, proclaimed annexation of the city to Italy on 30 October.[24] On 3 November, Grossich dispatched a delegation to Admiral Paolo Thaon di Revel in Venice to request aid.[26] Lenac requested Zagreb to send troops as well.[25]
On 2 November, a group of United States Navy ships sailed into the Port of Rijeka. The next day, they were followed by a French and a British force.[31] The British mission to Rijeka was led by Colonel Sydney Capel Peck.[32] On the same day, the Inter-Allied Command was established in Rijeka,[25] ostensibly to prevent further ethnic violence.[33] On 3 November, the day the armistice was signed, Italian armed forces gained control of much of nearby Istria peninsula to the West.[34] The Italian navy first sailed into the Port of Rijeka on 4 November.[25] The initial group consisted of battleship Emanuele Filiberto, destroyers Francesco Stocco, Vincenzo Giordano Orsini, and Giuseppe Sirtori.[35] On 5 November, French destroyers Touareg and Sakalave brought further reinforcements.[36]
A battalion, 700-strong,[37] of the First Yugoslav Volunteer Division led by Lieutenant Colonel Vojin Maksimović[sl] arrived from Zagreb on 15 November.[25] Two days later, 16 thousand Italian troops arrived as well, led by General Enrico Asinari di San Marzano[it].[36] The battalion of the First Yugoslav Volunteer Division withdrew from the city and Teslić's troops were quickly disarmed.[38] Some sources indicate that Maksimović's withdrawal from the city was negotiated and made in exchange for the promise that the San Marzano's troops would not enter Rijeka,[36] but remain in nearby Opatija (Italian: Abbazia) instead.[39] Even though neither Rijeka nor Sušak were awarded to Italy under the Treaty of London, Italian authorities justified the deployment by referring to provisions of the armistice allowing occupation of additional territories required for strategic purposes.[40] On such grounds, the Allied troops occupied Rijeka, Sušak, as well as the area of Kostrena (Italian: Costrena) and Draga[hr] to the Bakar (Italian: Buccari) railway station, and a part of the Grobnik area. On 12 December 1918, Italian cavalry attempted to advance into Kraljevica (Italian: Porto Re), but it was repulsed by the Royal Yugoslav Army.[41] By spring of 1919, there were approximately 20,000 Italian troops in Rijeka.[42] The Adriatic Commission discussed the Italian military dominance in the British zone and recommended the Paris Peace Conference to ensure military parity with other allied forces. Since the recommendation was objected to by Italy, the Paris Peace Conference ultimately did not act upon it.[43] Between January and August 1919, the Italian National Council took steps to ensure independence of the city from the systems previously put in place by Austria-Hungary. Postage stamps and Austro-Hungarian krone banknotes were stamped over, and the Fiume krone introduced in circulation. In August 1919, the council investigated civil servants, dismissing and expelling undesirable ones.[24]
On 6 July, paramilitary Legione "Fiumana"[it] loyal to Italy clashed with French Annam troops in the city, killing 13. This prompted establishment of an international commission to determine the responsibility of the legionnaires. The commission recommended disbanding Legione "Fiumana" and reduction of Italian troops in the area to a single battalion as quickly as possible, leaving law enforcement to the British and the US forces. Those recommendations were not implemented.[44] However, the 1st Regiment "Granatieri di Sardegna" was withdrawn from the city and moved to Ronchi dei Monfalcone near Trieste on 27 August 1919.[42]
Rječina River separating Rijeka (right) from Sušak (left); Italian–Yugoslav border (1925) is shown as a white dashed line
The problem of establishing the border between Italy and the Yugoslavia—referred to as the Adriatic question—including the Fiume question became major points of dispute at the Paris Peace Conference.[45] Since 1917, Italy used the issue of the annexation of Kingdom of Montenegro by Serbia, or the unification of the countries, known as the Montenegrin question, to pressure Serbia into making concessions regarding Italian demands.[46] While the Italian representatives at the peace conference were demanding enforcement of the Treaty of London and the additional award of Rijeka, US President Woodrow Wilson opposed their demands and put forward his Fourteen Points, which favoured a solution that relied on local self-determination,[47] arguing that the Treaty of London was invalid.[48] Instead, Wilson proposed a division of the Istrian peninsula along the Wilson Line that largely corresponded to the ethnic makeup of the population,[45] and a free-city status for Rijeka based on the city's legal position of a corpus separatum within Austria-Hungary.[49] The British and French did not support enforcement of the treaty, as they thought Italy deserved relatively little due to its neutrality early in the war.[47]
After the Allies had rejected the Italian claims under the Treaty of London and claims regarding Rijeka and the Vittorio Emanuele Orlando's government was replaced in June 1919 by that led by Francesco Saverio Nitti, the new prime minister wanted to settle diplomatic issues abroad, before concentrating on domestic issues. In that respect, foreign minister Tommaso Tittoni was inclined to agree with the British and the French that Rijeka should be a free city under the League of Nations and that the entire Dalmatia should belong to Yugoslavia.[50]
In order to preempt an unfavourable settlement of the issue, Gabriele D'Annunzio set out with approximately two hundred veterans to Rijeka in the evening of 11 September.[50] When the column reached Ronchi del Monfalcone, it was joined by the Granatieri di Sardegna. Now about 2,500-strong, the column proceeded towards Rijeka and reached it the next day.[42] In response to D'Annunzio's arrival, Italian and other allied troops withdrew from the city.[50] D'Annunzio spoke from the governor’s mansion balcony the same day announcing annexation of the city to Italy. Nitti’s government did not approve of the D’Annunzio’s move,[51] but it did not act. Italian right-wing politicians were considering the possibility of a coup d’etat. The government felt it was losing control over army and military governor of Julian March General Pietro Badoglio reported he could not prevent officers and soldiers from defecting to D’Annunzio. A government minister told the US ambassador that Italy was on the verge of a civil war.[52]
By late 1919, Yugoslav representatives led by former Prime Minister Nikola Pašić and foreign minister Ante Trumbić, could not agree with Italian diplomats on the border. In response, they were instructed by the Allies to settle the issue through direct negotiations after the Paris Peace Conference.[53] A particular obstacle to any agreement was D'Annunzio's occupation of Rijeka, which caused the Italian government to reject a draft agreement submitted by the United Kingdom, the United States, and France. Pašić's and Trumbić's refusal to agree to the plan provoked the French and British to threaten that the Treaty of London would be enforced unless they supported the allied proposal. In turn, Wilson blocked the Franco-British move by threatening to stop ratification of the Treaty of Versailles by the US.[54] In Croatia, the inability of the Yugoslav government to obtain a favourable solution of the Fiume question was interpreted as a result of government's disinterest in issues not affecting Serbia directly.[55]
In Italy, contemporaries interpreted D'Annunzio's march as a symbolic revival of the spirit of 1862 Garibaldi's march on Rome and as a foreshadowing of Benito Mussolini's 1922 March on Rome.[56] His capture of Rijeka is deemed a symbol of Italian fascism,[57] and its formative event.[58] Disorder in the territories occupied after the war, contributed to the rise of fascism through discrediting of parliamentarianism and fostering aspirations to become a strong authoritarian state. Italian historian Roberto Vivarelli[it] pointed out the events related to the Fiume question as the source of opposition to traditional processes of the state.[59]
From spring 1920, the United Kingdom and France applied pressure on Yugoslav prime minister Milenko Radomar Vesnić, and foreign minister Trumbić to resolve the Adriatic question, claiming that it represented a threat to peace in Europe.[60] At the same time, the Italian foreign minister, Carlo Sforza, indicated he was ready to trade Italian claims in Dalmatia for British and French backing of Italian claims in Istria.[61] In June, Hungary formally renounced its possession of Corpus Separatum through the Treaty of Trianon.[62] In September 1920, Sforza told the President of France, Alexandre Millerand, that he only wanted to enforce the Treaty of London regarding Istria and that he wanted none of Dalmatia except the city of Zadar.[63] At the same time, on 8 September, D’Annunzio proclaimed independence of the city and its surroundings, styled as the Italian Regency of Carnaro.[64] Following the 1920 presidential election, US support for Wilson's ideas appeared to have ended,[65] compelling Vesnić and Trumbić into bilateral negotiations with Sforza.[61] Moreover, Prince Regent Alexander I of Yugoslavia wanted an agreement with Italy at any cost,[60] in pursuit of political stability in the country.[66] According to Sforza, Vesnić later told him he was advised not to resist Italian demands for fear that Italy might impose a solution unilaterally.[67]
Sforza's treaty proposal was supported by the British and French, while the US remained silent on the matter, leaving Yugoslavs isolated.[63] He demanded Istria and the Snežnik (Italian: Monte Nevoso). Negotiations took place between 9–11 November 1920, resulting in the Treaty of Rapallo signed on 12 November.[68] The treaty gave Italy Istria, Julian March, a portion of the Kvarner Gulf just to the west of Rijeka as well as the city of Zadar (Italian: Zara) and a number of islands.[69] The treaty also established the independent Free State of Fiume, defining its boundaries as those of the former Austro-Hungarian Corpus Separatum, with the addition of a strip of land connecting it to the Italian territory in Istria between the Kvarner Gulf and the town of Kastav (Italian: Castua).
D'Annunzio condemned the treaty in a declaration of 17 November. The Italian Regency of Carnaro proclaimed a state of war four days later.[67] By the end of the year, the Regia Marina drove D'Annunzio from Rijeka in an intervention known as Bloody Christmas.[70] The five-day military intervention came after a failed Italian diplomatic effort to persuade D'Annunzio to leave. The city was blockaded and strategic points bombarded by battleship Andrea Doria. D'Annunzio left the city after the street fighting resulted in 53 killed and 207 wounded legionnaires.[64]
The Treaty of Rapallo left Sušak Yugoslavia,[71] but Italian military would not leave it before March 1923.[72] Negotiations on the Italian pullout continued until an agreement was reached in Santa Margherita Ligure on 1 August 1922 confirming Yugoslav sovereignty over Sušak. However, a further disagreement arose on location of the border. Mussolini, then the newly appointed prime minister, held that Sušak territory was exclusively on the left bank of the Rječina River, but he ultimately conceded to Yugoslav claim of Delta and Baroš areas of the Port of Rijeka on the opposite bank.[73] Rijeka became the city-state envisaged by the Treaty of Rapallo.[70] Following the October 1922 March on Rome, Mussolini ordered military occupation of Rijeka to continue,[74] and Italy formally annexed the city under the Treaty of Rome concluded with Yugoslavia in 1924. The loss of the hinterland served by the Port of Rijeka led to the decline of importance of both the port and the city, despite the introduction of free economic zone privileges.[75] Under the Treaty of Rome, Yugoslavia retained Sušak.[76]
During the World War II, on 6 April 1941, Axis powers invaded Yugoslavia and the puppet state of Independent State of Croatia (NDH) was declared four days later by Slavko Kvaternik on behalf of Italian-based fascist organisation of Ustaše.[77] Ustaše leader Ante Pavelić and his followers were equipped by Italy and permitted to drive from Pistoia via Trieste to Zagreb only after publicly endorsing Italian territorial expansion along the eastern Adriatic shore.[78] Those claims were enforced through the 1941 Treaties of Rome, specifically the Italian–Croatian Treaty on Frontiers. It defined the bulk of the border between the NDH and Italy, largely concerning parts of Dalmatia and Adriatic islands. It also gave Italy a strip of land in northwest of Croatia, near Rijeka.[79] There, the border was drawn to give Italy the cities of Kastav, Sušak, Fužine (Italian: Fusine), Čabar, Bakar and a part of the Delnice district.[80]
Following the 1943 Armistice of Cassibile and Italian surrender, Pavelić declared the Treaties of Rome, including the territorial changes agreed under the treaty, void.[81] In his declaration, Pavelić also announced annexation of areas previously outside of Yugoslavia including Rijeka. This move was blocked by Nazi Germany, which established the Operational Zone of the Adriatic Littoral, which included Rijeka.[82]
Yugoslav Partisans took control of Rijeka on 3 May 1945. On 9 and 20 June, authorities of the Democratic Federal Yugoslavia concluded agreements with the United Kingdom and the United States in Belgrade and Duino on administration of specific Italian territories. Those areas included a part of Istria and Julian March organised as the Zone A under Allied administration; and Rijeka with the rest of Istria forming the Zone B governed by the Yugoslav Army Military Administration (Vojna uprava Jugoslavenske armije, VUJA).[83] The VUJA was led by Colonel Većeslav Holjevac.[84] After the World War II, Rijeka and its surroundings were formally ceded by Italy to Yugoslavia (and indirectly to the People's Republic of Croatia) through the 1947 Treaty of Paris between Italy and the Allied Powers.[85][b] Sušak formally became a part of the city of Rijeka in 1948.[88]
Notes
↑ According to the 1910 Austro-Hungarian census, 23,283 citizens or nearly 47% of Rijeka's population within the Corpus Separatum territory were Italian, while Croats and Slovenes accounted for 19,668 or almost 40%. In December 1918, the Italian National Council conducted a census where 62% were registered as Italians, and 23% as Croats or Slovenes.[18] Croatian sources indicate that the 1918 census data were collected under duress and falsely recorded.[19] Another census was taken in 1925, indicating 79% Italian majority in the city.[18] From 1918 to 1925, the city's demographics changed considerably through settlement of the regnicoli settlers arriving from prewar Italian territories,[20] and departure of Croatian population hastened by increased looting and violence directed against them in response to the death of the captain of the cruiser Puglia in a clash in Split in July 1920.[21] According to contemporary Yugoslav sources, the suburb of Sušak, lying outside the boundaries of the former Corpus Separatum, had the population of 13,214 (of which 11,000 were the South Slavs) in 1918. Contemporary Italian sources did not contest the numbers, but denied that Sušak was an integral part of Rijeka.[22] Sušak's population was estimated at 12,000 in 1919.[23]
↑ Croatian sources estimate that more than 20 thousand people left Rijeka and moved to Italian-controlled territory from 1945 to 1947.[86] Italian sources claim that 31,840 people left Rijeka in the course of the postwar Istrian–Dalmatian exodus lasting more than a decade.[87]
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