Neopatriarchy

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Neopatriarchy is a contemporary social structure where traditional patriarchal norms are maintained or revived within the context of modern society. The term was originally coined by Palestinian intellectual Hisham Sharabi in his 1988 work, Neopatriarchy: A Theory of Distorted Change in Arab Society, where he examined the persistence of patriarchal values in Arab societies despite modernization efforts. Today, the concept has broadened to describe similar dynamics globally, where traditional gender roles are reinforced or reasserted, even as societies undergo economic and social development.

Contents

In recent years, the term has gained renewed attention in political and cultural discourse, particularly within conservative movements in the United States. Figures like JD Vance have been associated with a resurgence of neopatriarchal ideas, advocating for a return to traditional family structures and gender roles. This movement, while not overtly dismissing women's participation in the workforce, subtly encourages a reversion to more traditional roles, particularly emphasizing motherhood and the importance of male authority within the family. Neopatriarchy represents a response to perceived threats from liberal individualism, promoting a vision of society where the state supports and incentivizes traditional gender dynamics as a cornerstone of social stability.

Background

The concept of neopatriarchy was first articulated by Palestinian-American intellectual Hisham Sharabi in his influential 1988 work, Neopatriarchy: A Theory of Distorted Change in Arab Society . In this book, Sharabi analyzed the persistence of patriarchal structures within modernizing Arab societies, arguing that while these societies had undergone significant economic and social transformations, they retained deeply ingrained patriarchal norms. Sharabi described this phenomenon as a form of "distorted" modernity, where the appearance of progress in areas such as education and urbanization was accompanied by the entrenchment of traditional gender roles within new social and institutional frameworks. [1]

Sharabi's analysis focused on the Arab world, where he observed that modernization processes—despite their surface-level advances—did not fundamentally challenge the existing patriarchal order. Instead, these processes often reinforced male dominance, as traditional values were reinterpreted and integrated into modern institutions. [2] Sharabi's work remains a seminal reference for understanding how patriarchal systems can adapt to and persist within modern contexts, especially in societies with strong cultural or religious ties to traditional gender norm.

Beyond the Arab context, the concept of neopatriarchy has been applied to other regions where similar dynamics are observed. For instance, Deniz Kandiyoti's article "Bargaining with Patriarchy" (1988) discusses how women in various societies negotiate within patriarchal structures, revealing the persistence of these structures even in modernizing contexts. [3] Similarly, Leela Dube's work on gender and kinship in South Asia highlights how modernization has coexisted with entrenched patriarchal practices, resulting in a complex blend of modernity and tradition. [4]

In Western societies, the concept of neopatriarchy has gained attention in the analysis of certain political and cultural movements that advocate for a return to traditional family values and gender roles. These movements often position themselves as a response to the perceived excesses of liberal individualism and feminism, calling for a reassertion of male authority within the family and society. R. W. Connell's Masculinities (2005) offers a critical analysis of how traditional masculine roles are being reshaped in response to contemporary social and political contexts. [5]

Theoretical foundations

Neopatriarchy, as a concept, builds on the traditional framework of patriarchy but adapts it to contemporary societal conditions. This adaptation involves a selective incorporation of modern values and practices while maintaining core elements of male dominance and traditional gender roles. The theoretical foundations of neopatriarchy draw on several key ideas:

Persistence of traditional gender roles

One of the central tenets of neopatriarchy is the persistence of traditional gender roles despite social and economic modernization. In this framework, men are primarily seen as providers and protectors, while women are expected to focus on domestic responsibilities and child-rearing. This division of roles is often justified through cultural or religious narratives that portray such arrangements as natural or divinely ordained. Scholars like Hisham Sharabi and Deniz Kandiyoti have argued that even as societies modernize, these roles can be deeply entrenched in the social fabric, often being reinforced rather than diminished by modernization processes. [6]

Cultural and religious justifications

Neopatriarchal societies often use cultural and religious justifications to uphold traditional gender roles. These justifications are typically rooted in long-standing beliefs about the nature and purpose of men and women, often drawing on religious texts, cultural traditions, and historical precedents. This alignment with cultural and religious values helps to legitimize and perpetuate male authority within the family and society at large. For example, in many neopatriarchal societies, religious institutions play a key role in shaping and maintaining gender norms by promoting ideologies that support male dominance and the subordination of women. [7]

Resistance to feminism

Neopatriarchy is often positioned in direct opposition to feminist movements and ideologies that challenge traditional gender roles. Proponents of neopatriarchy argue that feminism has disrupted the natural order of society by encouraging women to pursue careers and independence at the expense of family and community cohesion. In this context, neopatriarchy can be seen as a reactionary movement, seeking to restore what it perceives as the lost balance of traditional gender roles. This resistance to feminism is evident in both the rhetoric and policy proposals of neopatriarchal advocates, who often push for measures that would encourage or even enforce traditional family structures. [5]

Modernization without equality

Neopatriarchy illustrates a paradox where modernization and economic development occur without corresponding advancements in gender equality. In these societies, women may have access to education and employment, but their roles are still largely confined to the private sphere. This phenomenon has been observed in various global contexts, where rapid economic growth has not led to a dismantling of patriarchal structures, but rather to their reinforcement in new forms. This selective modernization allows for the adoption of certain modern practices, such as women entering the workforce, while maintaining strict control over other aspects of gender relations, particularly in the domestic sphere. [8]

Role of the state

In neopatriarchal frameworks, the state is often seen as an ally in the preservation of traditional gender roles. Through laws, policies, and social programs, the state can play a significant role in encouraging or mandating traditional family structures. For example, some neopatriarchal movements advocate for policies that incentivize marriage, discourage divorce, and promote child-rearing as a primary role for women. This alignment between the state and neopatriarchal ideals serves to institutionalize gender inequalities and reinforce the social order based on traditional gender roles. [9]

Key characteristics

Neopatriarchy is distinguished by several key characteristics that define its structure and operation in contemporary societies. These characteristics highlight how traditional patriarchal norms are maintained, adapted, and reinforced within modern contexts.

Enduring gender roles

One of the most defining characteristics of neopatriarchy is the endurance of traditional gender roles. In neopatriarchal societies, men are primarily seen as the breadwinners and heads of households, while women are expected to take on the roles of caretakers and homemakers. Even in societies that have undergone significant economic and social modernization, these gender roles often remain deeply entrenched. This endurance is not merely a holdover from the past but is actively reinforced by cultural, religious, and sometimes state institutions. [10]

This persistence is evident in many societies where, despite the increasing participation of women in the workforce, there remains a strong expectation that women should prioritize their familial responsibilities over their careers. This dynamic creates a "double burden" for women, who are expected to excel both in their professional lives and in their roles as wives and mothers. The maintenance of these traditional roles serves to perpetuate gender inequalities by limiting women's opportunities for advancement and reinforcing the notion that their primary value lies in their domestic contributions. [11]

Justification through culture and religion

Neopatriarchal societies often rely on cultural and religious narratives to justify the continued dominance of traditional gender roles. These justifications are deeply rooted in the society's historical and cultural fabric, drawing on long-established beliefs about the natural or divine order of gender relations. Religious texts and teachings are frequently cited to support the idea that men and women have distinct, complementary roles that should not be altered. This cultural and religious endorsement of traditional gender roles provides a powerful legitimizing force that makes these norms difficult to challenge or change. [12]

In many neopatriarchal contexts, religious institutions play a key role in promoting and enforcing these gender norms. For example, in some Middle Eastern societies, Islamic teachings are often interpreted in ways that emphasize male authority and female submission, reinforcing the notion that men are the natural leaders of both the family and society. Similarly, in certain Christian communities, the Bible is invoked to support the idea that women should be subservient to their husbands and focus on their roles as mothers and homemakers. [13]

Anti-feminist sentiment

Neopatriarchy is often characterized by a strong resistance to feminist movements and ideologies that seek to challenge traditional gender roles. This resistance is rooted in the belief that feminism disrupts the natural social order and undermines the stability of the family. Proponents of neopatriarchy argue that the feminist emphasis on gender equality and women's independence has led to a breakdown in family structures and a decline in moral values. As a result, they advocate for a return to more "traditional" gender roles, where men are the providers and women are the caregivers. [14]

This resistance to feminism is often expressed through political and social movements that seek to roll back the gains made by feminist activists. For example, in the United States, certain conservative groups have campaigned against policies that promote gender equality, such as paid parental leave and reproductive rights, arguing that these policies encourage women to prioritize their careers over their families. Similarly, in some neopatriarchal societies, feminist activists face significant social and legal obstacles in their efforts to challenge traditional gender norms. [15]

Selective modernization

A central paradox of neopatriarchy is the phenomenon of modernization without equality. In neopatriarchal societies, economic development and modernization do not necessarily lead to gender equality. Instead, these processes often coexist with the continued dominance of traditional gender roles. While women may have greater access to education and employment, their roles within the family and society remain largely defined by patriarchal norms. This selective modernization allows for the adoption of certain modern practices while maintaining strict control over gender relations. [16]

This paradox is evident in many rapidly developing societies, where the benefits of modernization, such as increased wealth and technological advancement, do not translate into greater social or political power for women. Instead, women often find themselves navigating a complex landscape where they are expected to contribute to the economy while still adhering to traditional expectations of femininity and domesticity. This dual expectation can create significant stress and limit women's ability to fully participate in public life. [17]

Women's dual role

In neopatriarchal societies, women often face what is known as the "double burden"—the expectation that they will succeed both in the workplace and at home. While women are encouraged to pursue education and careers, they are simultaneously expected to fulfill their traditional roles as wives and mothers. This dual expectation places a significant strain on women, who must balance the demands of work with the responsibilities of family life. [18]

The double burden is a key feature of neopatriarchy because it illustrates how traditional gender roles are maintained even as women gain access to new opportunities. In many cases, women are praised for their ability to "have it all", but they are also criticized if they fail to meet the high expectations placed on them. This dynamic reinforces the idea that women's primary value lies in their ability to manage both professional and domestic responsibilities, thereby perpetuating gender inequalities. [19]

In contemporary politics

In recent years, the concept of neopatriarchy has gained significant attention in political discourse, particularly within conservative movements in the United States. This resurgence is largely driven by prominent figures who advocate for a return to traditional gender roles and family structures, viewing these as essential for societal stability. Key among these figures is JD Vance, the Republican vice-presidential nominee, whose views have become emblematic of this modern patriarchal revival.

JD Vance and the revival of traditional values

JD Vance has been a leading voice in what some commentators are calling a neopatriarchal movement within the American right. Vance, known for his book Hillbilly Elegy and his political career, has frequently expressed concerns about the state of the American family. He argues that the decline of traditional family structures, particularly the roles of men as providers and women as homemakers, has led to a host of social problems. Vance's rhetoric often reflects a desire to restore these traditional roles, which he believes are crucial for both individual fulfillment and national well-being. [20]

Vance has supported policies that align with neopatriarchal ideals, such as advocating for the elimination of no-fault divorce, which he argues undermines the stability of marriages. He has also been a vocal critic of what he sees as the excessive individualism promoted by liberal ideologies, which he believes has led to the erosion of community and family values. Vance's views are part of a broader conservative effort to reassert traditional gender roles in a modern context, a stance that has been both lauded by some as a necessary corrective and criticized by others as a regression. [21]

Broader conservative movement

Beyond JD Vance, other conservative figures and movements have embraced similar neopatriarchal ideas. Senator Josh Hawley, for instance, has called for a revival of "manhood" in America, urging men to embrace traditional masculine virtues such as strength, stoicism, and leadership. In his book Manhood: The Masculine Virtues America Needs , Hawley advocates for men to take on roles as "warriors" and "builders", reflecting a neopatriarchal vision of gender relations where men are expected to protect and provide. [22]

Additionally, the Heritage Foundation, a prominent conservative think tank, has been involved in promoting policies that support traditional family structures. Kevin Roberts, the foundation's president, has argued against contraceptive technologies, claiming that they disrupt the "basic functioning elements of civilization" by enabling consequence-free sexual activity. Such views align with neopatriarchal ideals by emphasizing the importance of family formation and child-rearing within traditional marital frameworks. [21]

Neo-Nazism and the alt-right

Neopatriarchy also finds a significant parallel within the ideologies of Neo-Nazism and the broader alt-right, where traditional gender roles are exalted as essential to maintaining social order and racial purity. Neo-Nazi movements often emphasize the need to reinforce strict gender roles: men are portrayed as warriors, leaders, and protectors, while women are confined to roles as mothers and caretakers, responsible for the continuation and purity of the race. Nicholas Goodrick-Clarke in Black Sun: Aryan Cults, Esoteric Nazism, and the Politics of Identity discusses how Neo-Nazi movements romanticize these traditional roles, often invoking esoteric and mythological narratives to justify the separation of gender roles. These narratives cast men as the defenders of the race and women as the nurturers of future generations, roles deemed essential for the survival of the Aryan lineage. [23]

Joscelyn Godwin's Arktos: The Polar Myth in Science, Symbolism, and Nazi Survival examines how these gender roles are intertwined with esoteric beliefs within Neo-Nazism. The movement often draws on ancient myths and supposed cosmic laws to reinforce the idea that men and women have inherently different but complementary roles that must be strictly maintained. This belief system underpins a social order where patriarchal control is necessary for racial and cultural preservation. [24]

These ideas also resonate within the alt-right, a movement that emerged in the 2010s with a blend of white nationalist, anti-feminist, and neo-fascist ideologies. The alt-right propagates a vision of society where traditional gender roles are restored as part of a larger cultural and racial revival. Their rhetoric often extols male dominance and female domesticity, positioning these roles as central to their goals of preserving Western civilization. Matthew Lyons, in Insurgent Supremacists: The U.S. Far Right's Challenge to State and Empire, explores how the alt-right uses these neopatriarchal ideals to appeal to a broader audience, linking gender roles to their wider objectives of racial purity and societal stability. [25]

Cultural and social media influences

The influence of neopatriarchal ideas extends beyond the political sphere into popular culture, particularly on social media platforms. The "tradwife" movement, which has gained traction on TikTok and other social media sites, promotes the idea that women should embrace traditional domestic roles, prioritizing homemaking and child-rearing over careers. These influencers often present a romanticized version of 1950s-style family life, aligning closely with the neopatriarchal vision of gender relations. [21]

This cultural resurgence of traditionalism is also explored in Tia Levings' memoir, A Well-Trained Wife: My Escape from Christian Patriarchy. [26] Levings' book offers a deeply personal account of life within a Christian fundamentalist environment that enforced strict patriarchal norms. Her experiences of control, abuse, and eventual escape underscore the dangers of rigid gender roles imposed under the guise of religious or cultural justification. The memoir has been praised not only for its vivid portrayal of the struggles faced by women in such environments but also for its relevance to contemporary debates about the role of traditional gender roles in society. Levings' story serves as a warning against the potential consequences of the neopatriarchal ideals being promoted by certain conservative figures. [27]

In contemporary religion

Neopatriarchal frameworks frequently oppose the ordination of women, emphasizing traditional gender roles within religious institutions. This resistance is evident across various traditions. In Christianity, the Roman Catholic Church formally stated in Ordinatio Sacerdotalis (1994) that it lacks the authority to ordain women, a position rooted in longstanding theological interpretations. [28] Similarly, many evangelical groups, such as the Southern Baptist Convention, reject women's ordination based on scriptural passages like 1 Timothy 2:12, which states, "I do not permit a woman to teach or to assume authority over a man." [29] Evangelical opposition often aligns with complementarian theology, which argues for distinct, God-given roles for men and women, as promoted by organizations like the Council on Biblical Manhood and Womanhood. [30] In Islam, some traditions preclude women from serving as imams in mixed-gender congregations, citing Quranic verses and Hadiths that reinforce gender-segregated roles in religious leadership. [31] These positions reflect a broader neopatriarchal agenda to uphold established social hierarchies, often justified through cultural and religious narratives that emphasize traditional roles.

Criticism and controversy

Neopatriarchal ideas have not gone unchallenged. Feminists and progressives have criticized figures like JD Vance and Josh Hawley for promoting a regressive view of gender roles that undermines decades of progress toward gender equality. They argue that the emphasis on traditional family structures ignores the diversity of modern families and the importance of women's rights to autonomy and career advancement. [21]

Moreover, there is significant debate within conservative circles about the desirability and practicality of implementing neopatriarchal policies. Some conservatives, particularly those identified as "barstool conservatives", reject the moralizing aspects of neopatriarchy, preferring a more libertarian approach that emphasizes personal freedom, including in matters of gender and family life. [21]

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References

Citations

  1. Sharabi (1988), pp. 3–15.
  2. Sharabi (1988), pp. 20–35.
  3. Kandiyoti (1988).
  4. Dube (1997), pp. 1–20.
  5. 1 2 Connell (2005), pp. 67–85.
  6. Sharabi (1988), pp. 20–35; Kandiyoti (1988).
  7. Dube (1997), pp. 30–45.
  8. Sharabi (1988), pp. 40–55; Kandiyoti (1988).
  9. Connell (2005), pp. 85–100.
  10. Sharabi (1988), pp. 40–55; Connell (2005), pp. 85–100.
  11. Dube (1997), pp. 50–70; Kandiyoti (1988).
  12. Sharabi (1988), pp. 60–75; Connell (2005), pp. 105–120.
  13. Dube (1997), pp. 45–60; Kandiyoti (1988).
  14. Connell (2005), pp. 67–85; Sharabi (1988), pp. 75–90.
  15. Connell (2005), pp. 100–115; Kandiyoti (1988).
  16. Sharabi (1988), pp. 90–105; Connell (2005), pp. 85–100.
  17. Dube (1997), pp. 70–85; Kandiyoti (1988).
  18. Kandiyoti (1988); Dube (1997), pp. 60–75.
  19. Connell (2005), pp. 105–120; Sharabi (1988), pp. 110–125.
  20. Beauchamp (2024); Rashid (2024).
  21. 1 2 3 4 5 Beauchamp (2024).
  22. Hawley (2023); Beauchamp (2024).
  23. Goodrick-Clarke (2002); Staudenmaier (2014).
  24. Godwin (1996); Goodrick-Clarke (2002).
  25. Lyons (2018).
  26. Levings (2024).
  27. Post (2024); Marcotte (2024).
  28. "Ordinatio Sacerdotalis". Vatican.va. The Holy See. Retrieved 23 January 2025.
  29. "Among U.S. clergy, few women make it to the top". Pew Research Center. 9 September 2016. Retrieved 23 January 2025.
  30. "Mission & Vision". Council on Biblical Manhood and Womanhood. Retrieved 23 January 2025.
  31. "Islam and Women's Leadership Roles". Oxford Islamic Studies Online. Retrieved 23 January 2025.

Works cited

Further reading