Nazi-Maoism was a political movement and ideology that emerged in Italy around 1968, [1] with the formation of a group known as Struggle of the People (Lotta di Popolo). This group of students, from the Sapienza University of Rome, [2] took heavy inspiration from the writings and theory of Franco Freda, [3] and advocated for a combination of ideas from both the far-left and far-right. According to the neo-fascist group Terza Posizione, Nazi-Maoism had a stance of "neither capitalism nor communism, neither reds nor reactionary". [4] Nazi-Maoists such as Freda wanted to form a "Fascist dictatorship of the proletariat", [5] by using the Maoist guerrilla strategy of people's war to overthrow the government and the bourgeoisie. [6]
Nazi-Maoism is believed to have mostly faded away after the Lotta di Popolo group dissolved in 1973. Some forms of Nazi-Maoism continued in other similar groups into the late 1970s, albeit not as active as the Struggle of the People. Some slogans can be found in numerous groups of the extra-parliamentary right, such as Terza Posizione and Forza Nuova. Despite an accentuated anti-communism and nationalist positions typical of the far-right, they have a strong attention to social problems, as well as a violent anti-Americanism and anti-Zionism. [7] [8] [9]
SS -veterans Sakari Haikala and Aarne Roiha were founding members of Maoist Finland–China Society, [10] and were also members of its board. [11] Lieutenant Colonel and fascist party MP Paavo Susitaival jokingly described himself as a "Maoist-Democratic fascist". [12] [13] The pro-Maoist position among Finnish far-right was at least partially motivated by the anti-Soviet position of Mao's China. Haikala said: "We visited the Helsinki embassy of China, and they showed anti-Russkie propaganda movies with massive cheering Chinese armies demanding attack to the USSR. We cheered also, this is the salvation of Finland. I still think that." [14] Kai Murros is a prominent neo-fascist thought leader in Finland who has identified as a Maoist. [15] [16]
In France, a sister organization of the Italian Lotta di Popolo was called Lutte du Peuple. It was created from the remains of Giovane Europe and Jeune-Europe, which were sister organizations structured around ideas propagated mainly by Jean Thiriart. Among the founders of Lutte du Peuple were some dissident left-wing nationalists of the Ordre Nouveau and European socialists of the Pour une Jeune-Europe (not to be confused with Jeune-Europe headed by Thiriart), directed by Yves Batille. These organizations were a mix of Thiriart's theses with a Maoism adapted to the European scene but there was a fundamental difference because while for Thiriart Maoism was a secondary element, for Nazi-Maoist organizations it was a fundamental element. [17] Thiriart admired the People's Republic of China and Socialist Republic of Romania, indicating a sympathy towards Communist states that displayed strong Nationalist characteristics and certain degrees of independence from the Soviet Union. Historian Walter Laqueur called his views a form of Fascist Maoism. [18] Nazi-Maoist ideas were also noticeably manifested in the ideology of the Fédération d'action nationale et européenne (FANE). [19]
Franco-Belgian Parti Communautaire National-Européen's founding membership included both those whose background was neo-fascism and former Maoists. [20] Thiriart served as a main inspiration and an advisor for a time after the foundation of the group. Even later on, PCN leader and former FANE activist Luc Michel advocated the idea of a "Eurasian axis" between China, Russia, and Iran as an alternative to Western hegemony, and called for an international tribunal in China to prosecute colonial crimes. [21]
In late 2019, Ukraine's Azov movement's literature club and publishing outfit Plomin (Flame in Ukrainian), presented a translation of Freda's writings into Ukrainian. Freda's ideas were also promoted in Ukraine by neo-Nazi groups Karpatska Sich and Wotan Jugend. [22]
Sister organizations were created in Germany, such as the Cause of the People / National-Revolutionary Organisational Structure (Sache des Volkes / Nationalrevolutionäre Aufbauorganisation, SdV-NRAO). [23] [19]
American Communist Party (2024) has been described as "MAGA Communist" and Sinophilic. Its Chairman Haz Al-Din stated that ACP regards Xi Jinping Thought "as the latest synthesis of Marxism–Leninism", descending from Deng Xiaoping and Mao Zedong's contributions. [24] At the same time, its alleged "MAGA Communism" (as notable ACP founders Jackson Hinkle and Haz Al-Din have promoted it – and similar conservative communist labels – since 2022) has been described as anti-feminist, anti-queer, anti-woke, anti-environmentalist, pro-social services, pro-tax cuts, and pro-Donald Trump. However, ACP has stated that it does not support Trump but rather MAGA voters, arguing that "MAGA is now surpassing Trump", and that Communists must "forgive the MAGA masses" because "behind them lies a genuine desire and aspiration for popular sovereignty". [25]
Party Ideology: [....] But basically, the official ideology of the American Communist Party is something we've called "Marxism–Leninism Unified Tendency". What the Unified Tendency basically means is that it's a specific interpretation of the synthesis of Marxism–Leninism that is made on the basis of practical historical contributions to the implementation of the principles and methods of Marxism and Leninism across history. So in general, we regard the sinicization of Marxism up to Xi Jinping Thought as legitimate. So when it comes to the Sino-Soviet split, we share the Chinese criticism of revisionism. We uphold even Mao's Cultural Revolution. We simultaneously recognize the significance and contribution of Deng Xiaoping's Reform and Opening Up. And finally, Xi Jinping Thought is something we regard as the latest synthesis of Marxism–Leninism. [....] MAGA Communism is not, in fact, the official ideology of the party.
I comunisti americani scelgono di perdonare alle masse MAGA il contenuto ideologico delle loro convinzioni, perché comprendiamo che quando si legge tra le righe e ci si degna effettivamente di considerare l'essenza della questione, dietro di loro c'è un vero desiderio e un'aspirazione alla sovranità popolare.