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Fascism |
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Although the fascist ideology originated in and is primarily associated with Europe, fascism crossed the Atlantic Ocean during the interwar period and influenced South American politics, with Italian fascism having a deep impact in the region, both directly and indirectly. [1]
In 1934, at least six political parties in Latin America had their principles or ideologies built on Italy's National Fascist Party (including the Gold Shirts in Mexico, based on the Italian Blackshirts). Fascist corporatism served as a model for economic policies in the region. Several rulers, such as the first Argentine dictators of the Infamous Decade and Getúlio Vargas in the earlier part of the Vargas Era, were inspired by Benito Mussolini and his methods. The Italian fascist regime also took an active role in spreading fascist propaganda, and ideological influence, working through Italian immigrant communities in South America. [2] [3] [4]
During the 1920s, Leopoldo Lugones became a supporter of fascism, and from this seed, a coterie of pro-fascist intellectuals grew, including Juan Carulla, Ernesto Palacio, Manuel Gálvez, Carlos Ibarguren, Roberto de Laferrere, Mario Amadeo, the brothers Rodolfo and Julio Irazusta. The fascists gathered around the journal La Nueva Republica and expressed ideas reminiscent of those of French author Charles Maurras. [5] They grouped together under the name Afirmación de Una Nueva Argentina (ADUNA), although this was a loose alliance that struggled for support outside the intellectual elements of society. [6] They did, however, work closely with the regime of José Félix Uriburu, which initially attempted to introduce corporatism inspired by Benito Mussolini, before giving way to the Infamous Decade.
Despite openly expressing their enthusiasm for fascism, the group retained links to the established conservative political elements, with organized fascism being led by Thomist writer Nimio de Anquín, whose Unión Nacional Fascista was active in various forms from the late 1920s until 1939. [7] His fellow Thomist, Julio Meinvielle, also actively supported fascism and much of the anti-Semitism of Nazism as well. [8] He became the theological force behind the militant Tacuara Nationalist Movement.
Argentina came under the rule of Juan Perón in 1946, who is sometimes characterised as a fascist. However, the description of Peronism as a fascist ideology has proven controversial in academic circles. [9]
Although the Falkland Islands have never had a fascist movement, the British overseas territory housed some British Union of Fascists members detained under Defence Regulation 18B during the Second World War. The most high profile of these was Jeffrey Hamm who was interned in the hull of a ship in Port Stanley harbour. [10]
The status of the Falklands was also an important issue for the ADUNA faction in Argentina, notably the Irazusta brothers who wrote extensively on their desire to return the islands to Argentine sovereignty. [11]
The governments of David Toro and Germán Busch were vaguely committed to corporatism, ultra-nationalism, and national syndicalism, but they lacked coherence in their ideas. These concepts were later adopted by the Revolutionary Nationalist Movement (MNR), which openly acknowledged its ideological debt to fascism, and joined the military in a pro-Axis government under Gualberto Villarroel in 1943. [12] However, after the war, the MNR largely distanced itself from its fascist roots. By the time Víctor Paz Estenssoro came to power as MNR leader in a 1952 coup, any remnants of fascism had been abandoned. [12]
From an initially oppositional stance, Óscar Únzaga's Bolivian Socialist Falange was an important group in the 1930s that sought to incorporate the ideas of José Antonio Primo de Rivera in Bolivia. However, like the MNR, it gradually de-emphasized its connections to fascism over time. [6]
Fascism first appeared in Brazil in 1922 with the foundation of the Legião do Cruzeiro do Sul. Within ten years, several minor groups followed, including the Legião de Outubro, the Partido Nacional Sindicalista, the Partido Fascista Nacional, the Legião Cearense do Trabalho, the Partido Nacionalista of São Paulo, the Partido Nacional Regenerador, and the Partido Socialista Brasileiro all of which espoused some form fascism. [12] However, one of the most important fascist movements on the continent was Brazilian Integralism, which drew from both Italian fascism and Integralismo Lusitano. At its peak, the Ação Integralista Brasileira, led by Plínio Salgado, claimed as many as 200,000 members. Following coup attempts, it faced a crackdown from the Estado Novo of Getúlio Vargas in 1937. [6] Like the Portuguese Estado Novo that influenced it, Vargas' regime borrowed elements from fascism without fully endorsing it, ultimately repressing those who advocated for full fascism. [6]
There were also Italian and German fascist organizations acting through both communities, notably in the southeastern and Southern regions where most of the population with those origins lived, between the 1920s and the end of the war. In the Italian organizations, both immigrants and their descendants were accepted, such as in the "Fascio di Sao Paolo" institution, one of the main organizations of Italian Fascism in Brazil. [13]
The Fascio di Sao Paolo was formed in March 1923, approximately 6 months after the fascists took power in Italy, and it achieved huge success among the Italians of the city. This success was confirmed by its rapid spread to other cities and Italian communities. [14] In November 1931, a branch of the Opera Nazionale Dopolavoro, which had existed in Italy since 1925, was founded in São Paulo and placed under the control of the Fascio di Sao Paulo. The Fascio was responsible for spreading the fascist doctrine among the popular classes. [15] Another significant institution at that time was the Circolo Italiano di Sao Paolo, established in 1910 and still active today. Its aim was to preserve and disseminate Italian culture to Italian-Brazilians and Brazilians in general. In the mid-1920s, the fascist doctrine began to infiltrate this community through the influence of 'March on Rome veteran' Serafino Mazzolini, the Italian consul to Brazil. [15]
These three Italian institutions, along with several others and their members, were spied on, persecuted, and sometimes even closed by the Estado Novo regime. The regime alleged that they were 'conspiring against the Brazilian State' under orders from the fascist government in Italy. Some members were arrested, and one of them, Cesar Rivelli, was expelled from the country.
After Brazil declared war against the Axis powers in 1942, the traditional Dante Alighieri school in São Paulo, which was frequented by students of Italian background at the time, had to change its name to 'Colégio Visconde de São Leopoldo.' The school only reverted to its formal name after the war ended. [16]
Under the direction of Carlos Keller and Jorge González von Marées, the National Socialist Movement of Chile following its formation in 1932 took up a position similar to that of Adolf Hitler, albeit with heavy criticism of his racial principles. They actively participated in parliamentary elections, but "the main impact was on the streets, where violence was one of its hallmarks." Many young Nacistas "were attracted less by the ideology of the party and more by its cult of violent confrontation with Socialists and Communists" [17]
It dissociated itself from the more extreme Hitlerist movements which grew up among the German immigrants in the South of Chile during the 1930s. [18] By the parliamentary elections in 1937, 14,235 people voted for the National Socialist Movement of Chile [17]
Later adopting a more domestic version of fascism, it attempted a coup in 1938 and faded after the attempt failed, adopting the name Vanguardia Popular Socialista before disbanding in 1941. [6] Some ex-members formed the corporatist Movimiento Nacionalista de Chile in 1940, and members of this latter group were influential in the founding of the Fatherland and Liberty paramilitary group in 1970. [19]
The regime of Augusto Pinochet that ruled from 1974 to 1990, which Fatherland and Liberty had helped to bring about, had some influences from falangismo, but it took a more conservative liberal direction during the 1980s. The government is sometimes characterised as fascist, although this has been the subject of much debate in academic circles.
Links were alleged between Nazi Germany and Laureano Gómez's newspaper El Siglo during the 1930s and 1940s, although Colombia has generally had little fascist activity in its history outside of the German community. [20]
In the 1980s the drug dealer Carlos Lehder would found his own neo-Nazi party, the National Latin Movement.
Although the Alianza Revolucionaria Nacionalista Ecuatoriana (ARNE) was founded in 1948, it still looked to fascism for its inspiration. The group failed to make a major impact, as it was kept in check by the populism of José María Velasco Ibarra. [21] Frequently attending workers meetings and rallies in an effort to provoke violence with leftist groups, the ARNE was little more than a wing of the Conservative Party, one of the country's two leading political groups. [22]
The Febrerista movement, active during the 1930s, demonstrated some support for fascism by seeking revolutionary change, endorsing strong nationalism and seeking to, at least in part, introduce corporatism. Their revolutionary, Rafael Franco-led government, however, proved decidedly non-radical during its brief tenure. The Febreristas have since regrouped as the Revolutionary Febrerista Party, a socialist party with no connection to fascism. [6]
The Unión Revolucionaria was initially founded by Luis Miguel Sánchez Cerro in 1931 as the state party of his dictatorship. After his assassination in 1933, the group came under the leadership of Raúl Ferrero Rebagliati who sought to mobilise mass support and even set up a blackshirt movement in imitation of the Italian model. A heavy defeat in the 1944 elections shook confidence in the movement, and it faded. [12]
Following the collapse of Reblagiati's movement, the main outlet for fascism became the Peruvian Fascist Brotherhood, formed by ex-Prime Minister José de la Riva-Agüero y Osma. The group initially enjoyed some prestige, but it receded into the background after Peru entered the Second World War on the side of the Allies. Moreover, the group's credibility was damaged by its leader becoming increasingly eccentric in his personal behaviour. [23]
The Alianza Popular Revolucionaria Americana (APRA) was originally a left-wing nationalist party founded in 1924. During the 1930s, it developed certain similarities with fascism, such as calling for a new national community and founding a small paramilitary wing, but then it very quickly changed course and emerged as a mainstream social democratic party. [6] [24]
The academic Hugo Fernández Artucio wrote the book Nazis in Uruguay in 1940 and campaigned against German fifth column activity in the country during the war. This activity included a plot to take Uruguay as a German colony. Twelve people were arrested for conspiracy and the country placed a ban on the Nazi Party within its German community. [25]
This section's factual accuracy is disputed .(September 2018) |
Beyond some minor Falangist activity Venezuela has had little fascist activity to speak of. However, among the country's German population, Arnold Margerie formed the Groupo Regional de Venezuela del Partido Nazi before the Second World War. The group was behind a number of cultural front groups active among Venezuela's Germans. [26]
Fascism is a far-right, authoritarian, and ultranationalist political ideology and movement, characterized by a dictatorial leader, centralized autocracy, militarism, forcible suppression of opposition, belief in a natural social hierarchy, subordination of individual interests for the perceived good of the nation or race, and strong regimentation of society and the economy. Opposed to anarchism, democracy, pluralism, egalitarianism, liberalism, socialism, and Marxism, fascism is at the far right of the traditional left–right spectrum.
Neo-fascism is a post-World War II far-right ideology that includes significant elements of fascism. Neo-fascism usually includes ultranationalism, ultraconservatism, racial supremacy, right-wing populism, authoritarianism, nativism, xenophobia, and anti-immigration sentiment, sometimes with economic liberal issues, as well as opposition to social democracy, parliamentarianism, Marxism, capitalism, communism, and socialism. As with classical fascism, it occasionally proposes a Third Position as an alternative to market capitalism.
Peronism, also known as justicialism, is an Argentine ideology and movement based on the ideas, doctrine and legacy of Juan Perón (1895–1974). It has been an influential movement in 20th- and 21st-century Argentine politics. Since 1946, Peronists have won 10 out of the 14 presidential elections in which they have been allowed to run. Peronism is defined through its three flags, which are: "economic independence", "social justice" and "political sovereignty". Peronism as an ideology is described as "a brand of populism that sought to deny elites’ and capitalism’s power, empower working class constituents, and help the politically and economically oppressed."
The Vargas Era is the period in the history of Brazil between 1930 and 1946 when the country was governed by president Getúlio Vargas. The period from 1930 to 1937 is known as the Second Brazilian Republic, and the other part of Vargas Era, from 1937 until 1946 is known as the Third Brazilian Republic.
Fascist symbolism is the use of certain images and symbols which are designed to represent aspects of fascism. These include national symbols of historical importance, goals, and political policies. The best-known are the fasces, which was the original symbol of fascism, and the swastika of Nazism.
The Third Position is a set of neo-fascist political ideologies that were first described in Western Europe following the Second World War. Developed in the context of the Cold War, it developed its name through the claim that it represented a third position between the capitalism of the Western Bloc and the communism of the Eastern Bloc.
The history of fascist ideology is long and it draws on many sources. Fascists took inspiration from sources as ancient as the Spartans for their focus on racial purity and their emphasis on rule by an élite minority. Researchers have also seen links between fascism and the ideals of Plato, though there are key differences between the two. Italian Fascism, in particular, styled itself as the ideological successor to Rome, particularly the Roman Empire. Georg Wilhelm Friedrich Hegel's view on the absolute authority of the state also strongly influenced fascist thinking. The 1789 French Revolution was a major influence insofar as the Nazis saw themselves as fighting back against many of the ideas which it brought to prominence, especially liberalism, liberal democracy and racial equality, whereas on the other hand, fascism drew heavily on the revolutionary ideal of nationalism. The prejudice of a "high and noble" Aryan culture as opposed to a "parasitic" Semitic culture was core to Nazi racial views, while other early forms of fascism concerned themselves with non-racialized conceptions of their respective nations.
The National Socialist Movement of Chile was a political movement in Chile, during the Presidential Republic Era, which initially supported the ideas of Adolf Hitler, although it later moved towards a more local form of fascism. They were commonly known as Nacistas.
Falangism in Latin America has been a feature of political life since the 1930s as movements looked to the national syndicalist clerical fascism of the Spanish state and sought to apply it to other Spanish-speaking countries. From the mid-1930s, the Falange Exterior, effectively an overseas version of the Spanish Falange, was active throughout Latin America in order to drum up support among Hispanic communities. However, the ideas would soon permeate into indigenous political groups. The term "Falangism" should not be applied to the military dictatorships of such figures as Alfredo Stroessner, Augusto Pinochet and Rafael Trujillo because while these individuals often enjoyed close relations to Francisco Franco's Spain, their military nature and frequent lack of commitment to national syndicalism and the corporate state mean that they should not be classed as Falangist. The phenomenon can be seen in a number of movements both past and present.
Fascist movements in Europe were the set of various fascist ideologies which were practiced by governments and political organizations in Europe during the 20th century. Fascism was born in Italy following World War I, and other fascist movements, influenced by Italian Fascism, subsequently emerged across Europe. Among the political doctrines which are identified as ideological origins of fascism in Europe are the combining of a traditional national unity and revolutionary anti-democratic rhetoric which was espoused by the integral nationalist Charles Maurras and the revolutionary syndicalist Georges Sorel.
A fascist paramilitary is a fighting force - whether armed, unarmed, or merely symbolic - that is independent of regular military command and is established for the defence and advancement of a movement that adheres to the radical nationalist ideology of fascism. Since fascism is such a militarist ideology, there are very few varieties of fascism where paramilitaries do not play a central role, and some kind of paramilitary participation is almost always a basic requirement of membership in fascist movements. Fascist paramilitaries have seen action in both peacetime and wartime. Most fascist paramilitaries wear political uniforms, and many have taken their names from the colours of their uniforms.
Juan Domingo Perón was an Argentine lieutenant general, politician and statesman who served as the 29th President of Argentina from 1946 to his overthrow in 1955, and again as the 40th President from October 1973 to his death in July 1974. He is the only Argentine president elected three times, and holds the highest percentage of votes in clean elections with universal suffrage. Perón is the most important and controversial Argentine politician of the 20th century, and his influence extends to the present day. Perón's ideas, policies and movement are known as Peronism, which continues to be one of the major forces in Argentine politics.
Rodolfo Irazusta was an Argentine writer and politician who was one of the leading lights of the nationalist movement of the 1920s and 1930s. He collaborated closely with his younger brother Julio Irazusta throughout his career.
Corporatism is a political system of interest representation and policymaking whereby corporate groups, such as agricultural, labour, military, business, scientific, or guild associations, come together on and negotiate contracts or policy on the basis of their common interests. The term is derived from the Latin corpus, or "body".
The Argentine Fascist Party was a fascist political party in Argentina from 1932 until its official disbandment in 1936, when it was succeeded by the National Fascist Union. Founded by Italian Argentines, the party was formed as a breakaway faction from Argentina's National Fascist Party. It was based upon Italian fascism and was recognized by Benito Mussolini's National Fascist Party in 1935. In the 1930s the party became a mass movement, particularly in the Córdoba reguon. Nicholás Vitelli led the PFA's branch in Córdoba until his death in 1934, when Nimio de Anquín took the leadership of the party.
The Nationalist Liberation Alliance, originally known as the Argentine Civic Legion from 1931 to 1937, the Alliance of Nationalist Youth from 1937 to 1943, and then using its final name from 1943 to 1955, was a Nacionalista and fascist movement.
This is a list of words, terms, concepts, and slogans in the Italian language and Latin language which were specifically used in Fascist Italian monarchy and Italian Social Republic.
Fascism has been historically present in Uruguay both in its classical form as in local variants.