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Fascism in Peru comprises a number of movements and parties in Peru which espoused and promoted fascism in the South American nation. Peru experienced fascist-led governments through the 1930s, though its popularity declined in the 1940s during World War II. Into the twenty first century, neofascism has emerged in Peru, especially during the Peruvian political crisis.
Historian José Ignacio López Soria outlined fascism in Peru, focusing on its main emergence during the 1930s. [1] [2] López Soria organized Peruvian fascism into three groups; aristocratic fascism as promoted by José de la Riva-Agüero y Osma, mesocratic fascism as supported by Raúl Ferrero Rebagliati, and finally popular fascism as espoused by Unión Revolucionaria (Revolutionary Union). [1] [2]
The Pontifical Catholic University of Peru, Catholic Action and other Catholic groups supported Ferrero Rebagliati's concept of mesocratic fascism. [1] [2] The mesocratic movement opposed the historic ruling class and sought to promote the needs of mestizos to build support among the diverse groups in Peru. [2] The movement was inspired by the National Fascist Party, Nazism and Falangism. [1] [2]
Another main outlet for fascism became the Peruvian Fascist Brotherhood, formed by ex-Prime Minister José de la Riva-Agüero y Osma. Riva-Agüero became more supportive of fascism after he returned to Catholicism in 1932, believing, according to López Soria, that Peru should "return to the medieval, Catholic, Hispanic tradition as embodied now by fascism" [1] [2] and he used the teachings of Bartolomé Herrera and Alejandro Deustua to support his ideology. [3] The Fascist Brotherhood initially enjoyed some prestige but it receded into the background after Peru entered the Second World War on the side of the Allies. [4] Moreover, the group's credibility was damaged by its leader becoming increasingly eccentric in his personal behaviour. [4]
The most popular fascist faction in Peru was Revolutionary Union (UR), [2] which was initially founded by President Luis Miguel Sánchez Cerro in 1931 as the state party of his dictatorship. President Sánchez Cerro, who had humble origins, was highly charismatic, familiar with the populace's customs and was recognized as courageous after overthrowing President Augusto B. Leguía. [2] UR quickly found support from former Civilista Party members and the traditional oligarchy families who wanted to protect themselves from other populist movements. [2] After President Sánchez Cerro's assassination in 1933, the group came under the leadership of Luis A. Flores, who sought to mobilise mass support and even set up a Blackshirt movement in imitation of the Italian model. [5] [6] Óscar R. Benavides, who took office after the assassination, also led an authoritarian fascist regime from 1933 to 1939. [1] [2] [7] During his government, Benavides built a strong relationship with Peru's business leaders. [7]
The Alianza Popular Revolucionaria Americana (APRA) was inspired by Víctor Raúl Haya de la Torre's observations of fascist and communist parties during his time in Europe. [8] During the 1930s APRA developed certain similarities with fascism, such as calling for a new national community and founding a small paramilitary wing, but then it very quickly changed course and emerged as a mainstream social democratic party. [9] [10]
In 1944, APRA formed the National Democratic Front political coalition beside the far-right Reformist Democratic Party and the fascist Revolutionary Union party, excluding the Peruvian Communist Party. [11] The alliance led to the triumph of ultraconservative José Luis Bustamante y Rivero becoming president the same year. [11] The overall defeat of Revolutionary Union in the 1944 elections shook confidence in the movement and it faded. [5]
Ultraconservative groups began to emerge in Peru around 2017 when proposals to introduce gender studies to education curricula occurred. [12] La Resistencia Dios, Patria y Familia, a self-described Fujimorist and far-right organization, [13] has been independently described as neofascist. [14] [15] [16] [17] Members have been seen using fascist symbolism, wearing black uniforms, using the swastika, waving the Cross of Burgundy and gesturing the fascist salute at events, which was described as being similar to the Nazi salute. [13] [14] [15] [18] [16] [19] La Resistencia has denied its support of fascism. [20]
The Peruvian Aprista Party is a Peruvian political party and a member of the Socialist International. The party was founded as the American Popular Revolutionary Alliance by Víctor Raúl Haya de la Torre, who originally intended to create a network of anti-imperialist social and political movements in Latin America. Members are called "compañeros", based on the fraternity espoused by Haya de la Torre. Originally a centre-left to left-wing party with democratic socialist and nationalist elements, the party moved closer to the political centre under the leadership of Alan García starting in the 1980s, embracing social democracy and later some Third Way policies. In 2006, the party adopted a new platform as García's second presidency implemented a series of policies labelled as centre-right, embracing free-market capitalism, dialogue with other right-wing parties and organizations in the country, and closer ties with the Catholic Church and Evangelical churches.
Víctor Raúl Haya de la Torre was a Peruvian politician, philosopher, and author who founded the American Popular Revolutionary Alliance (APRA) political movement, the oldest currently existing political party in Peru by the name of the Peruvian Aprista Party (PAP).
José Luis Bustamante y Rivero was a lawyer, writer, politician, and diplomat who served as the 44th President of Peru from 1945 to 1948 and President of the International Court of Justice in The Hague from 1967 to 1970.
Óscar Raymundo Benavides Larrea was a Peruvian field marshal, diplomat, and politician who served as the 38th and 42nd (1933–1939) President of Peru, with his latter term being a period of authoritarian fascism.
El Comercio is a Peruvian newspaper based in Lima. Founded in 1839, it is the oldest newspaper in Peru and one of the oldest Spanish-language papers in the world. It has a daily circulation of more than 120,000. It is considered a newspaper of record and one of the most influential media in Peru.
Revolutionary Union was a fascist political party in Peru that lasted from 1931 to 1945.
National Democratic Front was a political coalition in Peru that was founded in 1944 in Arequipa by ultraconservative Manuel J. Bustamante de la Fuente. Future president Fernando Belaúnde Terry was also present during the party's foundation. The initial coalition comprised APRA, the far-right Reformist Democratic Party and the fascist Revolutionary Union party, ultimately excluding the Peruvian Communist Party. The alliance led to the triumph of ultraconservative José Luis Bustamante y Rivero becoming president the same year.
Popular Force, known as Force 2011 until 2012, is a right-wing populist and Fujimorist political party in Peru. The party is led by Keiko Fujimori, former congresswoman and daughter of former President Alberto Fujimori. She ran unsuccessfully for the presidency in the 2011, 2016 and 2021 presidential elections, all losing by a narrow margin.
Magda Portal was a Peruvian poet, feminist, author, and political activist and leader. She was recognized in the vanguardia poetry literary movement in Peru and Latin America, and she was one of the founders of the APRA political party.
Fascism in South America encompasses an assortment of political parties and movements modeled on fascism. Although the ideology originated in and is primarily associated with Europe, fascism crossed the Atlantic Ocean in the interwar period and had an influence on South American politics. Italian fascism had a deep impact in the region, both directly and indirectly.
José de la Riva-Agüero y Osma, 6th Marquess of Montealegre de Aulestia and 5th of Casa-Dávila was a Peruvian lawyer, historian, writer, essayist and politician who served as Prime Minister of Peru, Minister of Justice and Mayor of Lima. He was a leading member of the so-called Generation of 900, a conservative ideological movement of the early 20th century that also included other important member of Peruvian society, such as Víctor Andrés Belaúnde, Francisco García Calderón Rey, Óscar Miró Quesada de la Guerra and José Gálvez Barrenechea.
Fujimorism denotes the policies and the political ideology of former President of Peru Alberto Fujimori as well as the personality cult built around him, his policies and his family, especially Keiko Fujimori. The ideology is defined by authoritarianism, its support for neoliberal economics, opposition to communism, and socially and culturally conservative stances such as opposition to LGBT rights and school curriculums including gender equality or sex education. Opponents of Fujimorism are known as anti-Fujimorists.
Búfalos is the name attributed to paramilitary squads connected to the APRA Party in Peru, originating in the 1930s. The name of the group was taken from Manuel 'Bufálo' Barreto, who had led an attack on the O'Donovan military base in 1932. Búfalos have traditionally acted as bodyguards of APRA leaders. In the discourse of APRA chief Victor Raúl Haya de la Torre, búfalos would be responsible for crowd control during mass rallies.
The history of the far-right in Spain dates back to at least the 1800s and refers to any manifestation of far-right politics in Spain. Individuals and organizations associated with the far-right in Spain often employ reactionary traditionalism, religious fundamentalism, corporate Catholicism, and fascism in their ideological practice. In the case of Spain, according to historian Pedro Carlos González Cuevas, the predominance of Catholicism played an essential role in the suppression of external political innovations such as Social Darwinism, positivism, and vitalism in Spanish far-right politics.
Antonio Rodríguez Ramírez was a Peruvian military officer and politician who served as Minister of Government and Police (1935-1939) and Second Vice President of the Republic (1936-1939) under General Óscar R. Benavides.
Roque Eduardo Benavides Ganoza is a Peruvian engineer, businessman, and mining magnate, who is the chairman and former CEO of Compañía de Minas Buenaventura. A leading businessman in the mining sector, Benavides is considered one of the most powerful Peruvian entrepreneurs, and has a net worth of US$2 billion as of March 2013, making him the fifth-wealthiest person in Peru.
Popular Renewal is a Peruvian conservative political party. Founded in 2020, the party is the successor of the former National Solidarity Party founded and led by former Lima Mayor Luis Castañeda Lossio. Following its poor results at the 2020 snap parliamentary election, leader Rafael López Aliaga announced the party's re-foundation under the Popular Renewal.
La Resistencia Dios, Patria y Familia, commonly known as La Resistencia, is a far-right neo-fascist militant organization that promotes Fujimorism in Peru.
Josué Manuel Gutiérrez Cóndor is a Peruvian lawyer and politician. He served as a member of the Congress of Peru from 2011 to 2016. In May 2023, he was appointed Ombudsman of Peru by Congress.
The Casa Tenaud, also known as the Palacio Tenaud or as the Palacete Tenaud, was a building located at the intersection of today's Grau Avenue and the Paseo de la República, in Lima, Peru. The building was burned down on December 7, 1945, due to it being the location of the offices of the Revolutionary Union political party, including that of its leader, Luis A. Flores.
As a number of authors have noted, Victor Raúl Haya de la Torre, who had founded the party and was responsible for its organization, had been heavily influenced by the discipline and order of fascist and communist parties during his trip to Europe in the 1920s.
In the elections of 1939 APRA stood ready to ally with ... the fascist Union Revolucionaria (UR) whose leader, Luis A. Flores, described himself as a "fascist by temperament and conviction" ... APRA allied itself to Manuel Prado, ... Apristas who had already voted for Prado, and his triumph was due to this support and to the electoral fraud effected by Benavides. In 1944 APRA formed part of the reformist Frente Democratico Nacional (FDN) ... including the fascist UR, ... The triumph of the FDN made Dr. Bustamante y Rivero the new President; he belonged to the ultra-conservative sector ... In the elections called in 1950 ... the Aprista Party supported the candidacy of the ultra-conservative General Ernesto Montagne, an ex-minister in the Sanchez Cerro and Benavides dictatorships.
The deaths of the two young men led to a dispute over public space that prefigured the following months: the memorials erected spontaneously by citizens were repeatedly razed to the ground by the pro-Fujimori group La Resistencia, a far-right shock troop that months later would boast of shouting "no to communism" with the fascist gesture of the raised right arm during the second round between Keiko Fujimori (Fuerza Popular) and Pedro Castillo (Perú Libre).
neofascist groups like La Resistencia, with close ties to the fujimorista movement, have sought to intimidate government ministers, independent journalists and feminist activists.
