Brunei People's Party

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Brunei People's Party
Parti Rakyat Brunei
ڤرتي رعيت بروني
AbbreviationBRP, PRB
Leader A. M. Azahari
FounderA. M. Azahari
Salleh Masri
Founded21 January 1956 (1956-01-21)
Registered15 August 1956
Banned9 December 1962
Preceded byAngkatan Pemuda Brunei
Barisan Pemuda
Succeeded byBrunei United Party
Brunei National Party
Headquarters Brunei Town, Brunei
Military North Kalimantan National Army
Membership (1957)16,000
Ideology Left-wing nationalism
Malay nationalism
Anti-colonial nationalism
Political position Left-wing
Religion Sunni Islam
Regional affiliation Malayan People's Party
Party flag
Flag of the PRB.svg

Brunei People's Party (BPR), also known as Parti Rakyat Brunei (PRB), is a banned political party in Brunei. The party was established as a left-wing party in 1956 and aimed to bring Brunei into full independence from the United Kingdom. The party called for a constitution that would unite[ why? ] Brunei, North Borneo, and Sarawak under a fully democratic government, the Unitary State of North Kalimantan or Negara Kesatuan Kalimantan Utara (NKKU). However, in 1958 the British publicised their own ideas and rejected the Borneo union ambitions of the PRB, seeking instead for a gradual democratic transformation. The PRB's reactions to both the plan for a Federation of Malaysia and the Constitution of Brunei led to a mutiny in the first part of December 1962. [1]

Contents

The PRB seeks to establish a fully democratic government for Brunei while preserving the country's monarchy, it frequently displays a lack of agreement with the government, particularly when it comes to the creation of a new constitution. Azahari has suggested to the government that 75% of the Legislative Council of Brunei (LegCo) members should be elected independently rather than chosen by the Sultan in order to demand that the people of Brunei have complete democracy in their governance. [2]

History

Formation and early success

Muhammad bin Haji Manggol spearheaded an underground campaign in Temburong District in October 1953, but the government put an end to it, and Muhammad and his allies were arrested for trying to topple British control. The protest that followed and the denial of Brunei Film Production Company's (BRUFICO) registration served as a stark reminder of this discontent and signaled the start of Brunei's nationalist movement. As a result of these developments, Azahari was able to establish the PRB, which was inspired by the Indonesian National Revolution and aimed to steer Brunei toward independence. [3]

Founders of PRB
A.M. Azahari (1959).jpg
A. M. Azahari
H.M. Salleh.jpg
Salleh Masri

With the help of Salleh Masri, A. M. Azahari established the Parti Rakyat Brunei (PRB), the country's first officially recognised political party, on 21 or 22 January 1956, [4] as an offshoot of the Malayan People's Party. [5] On 15 August, the party finally registered and received legal status, provided that it limited its operations to Brunei. [6] In addition to fighting for independence for the entire archipelago and preserving Sultan Omar Ali Saifuddien III's position by establishing the North Borneo Federation, the anti-colonialism ideology of the party intended included political, economic, and social ones. PRB aimed to create a sovereign, democratic Malay nation free from British influence that ensures the security and well-being of its citizens under a monarchy. [7] The majority of its members were non-aristocratic Malay people who were against both monarchy and colonial authority. [5]

As the PRB was an offshoot of the Ahmad Boestamam-led Malayan People's Party, the government of Brunei initially refused to approve its registration. The PRB broke up relations with the Malayan People's Party and updated its policy rules to better suit Brunei's requirements in order to comply with Bruneian legal standards. With the public's backing thanks to Azahari's convincing speeches and arguments, the PRB was able to enlist 16,000 members in 1957, [8] representing a variety of races in Brunei, North Borneo, and Sarawak. Encouraged by this backing, Azahari vehemently denounced the Sultan's incremental changes, calling for complete democracy and denouncing the 1959 Constitution of Brunei as inadequate for establishing a democratic society. [9]

The rise of the PRB presented a threat to the Sultan's plans for a nation-state establishment. Despite receiving license for registration, the PRB was prohibited from operating and conducting campaigns without government oversight since uncontrolled movements may jeopardise Brunei's peace and prosperity. The PRB attracted a varied membership by promising a better political and socioeconomic system, even after the government warned the people about the party's impact. This broad support demonstrated that Azahari's nationalist plan included all of British Borneo, demonstrating the PRB's substantial influence over the area. [2]

Disagreements with the government

The PRB asked Burhanuddin al-Helmy and Boestamam to speak at its first congress on 30 March 1957, and its second congress on 30 March 1958, to motivate the people's fight for Brunei's independence. Nonetheless, Azahari criticised the government for attempting to bar these prominent Malayan politicians from attending, charging that they were planning to keep Brunei under British colonial rule. The PRB was a strong force in Brunei's political landscape, but the government was unwavering in its refusal to compromise. [2]

The PRB quickly sent a delegation of its own to intercept the government group that was scheduled to go to London to draft a new Written Constitution for Brunei. Seeking approval for its political demands and recommendations, the PRB team met with the Secretary of State for the Colonies in London on 5 September 1957. The British demanded that all requests follow established protocols, forcing the PRB to first meet with the Sultan, Brunei's legal authority, thus the delegation returned empty-handed. After returning, the PRB delegates attempted to hide their own shortcomings by accusing the British of not meeting their requests. As a result, several Bruneians lost faith in the trustworthiness of the PRB and its officials. [10]

The party's defeat has been impacted by this meaningless agreement not just in terms of political morality but also financially because it paid for the delegation's trip to London. It is said that Azahari resigned as party leader when the PRB delegation in London failed, citing his refusal to present the PRB's financial information that was utilised. But he eventually withdrew this resignation, citing the continued necessity for his leadership. Zaini Ahmad brought himself to pursue his education in the UK while working as his secretary. On 29 September 1959, the new Written Constitution of the State of Brunei was signed and proclaimed following many rounds of negotiations between the Bruneian government and the British government in London and Brunei from 1957 to 1959. The Bruneian government was represented by the Sultan, while the British government was represented by Robert Heatlie Scott. By abolishing the 1906 Agreement and creating the position of British High Commissioner in place of British Resident, this constitution limited British authority to defence and foreign relations. [11]

After the 1959 constitution was enacted, Brunei's politics seemed stable, but the idea brought in fresh waves of disruption in the early 1960s. Tunku Abdul Rahman, invited Brunei, Sabah, Sarawak, and Singapore to join the planned Federation of Malaysia on 27 May 1961. Based on common lineage, culture, and sociopolitical structures, he proposed this union, reasoning that it would provide political, economic, and security advantages while reducing Communist influence in the area. Furthermore, he asserted that the states that joined Malaysia would become fully independent of British sovereignty faster. [12]

As several PRB leaders quit to create other parties due to a lack of faith in their ability to govern, Brunei's political landscape grew increasingly complicated. As a result, the Brunei United Party (BUP) was founded in December 1961 and the Brunei National Party (BNO) in August 1960. On 30 August 1962, Brunei conducted its first district council election amid negotiations over the formation of Malaysia. With the exception of Labu in the Temburong District, which was won by an independent candidate, the PRB secured 54 of the 55 seats in the District Assembly, demonstrating strong backing for Brunei's decision to refuse membership in Malaysia. [13] The lone non-PRB councillor joined the PRB a week after the election, and 16 of the 55 District Councillors went on to become LegCo members, numbering 33. [14] The PRB leaders were reaffirmed in their goal of creating a North Borneo nation-state as a substitute for Greater Malaysia, which was in fact supported by the people, after BNO and BUP suffered a resounding defeat. [13]

Brunei revolt

British soldiers from the Queen's Own Highlanders at Brunei Town in December 1962 THE BRUNEI REVOLT, DECEMBER 1962 (HU 111881).jpg
British soldiers from the Queen's Own Highlanders at Brunei Town in December 1962

The North Kalimantan National Army (TNKU), an armed wing of the PRB that won the election, was founded earlier. In order to create the NKKU and establish Brunei's independence, the TNKU began the Brunei revolt on 8 December 1962. Their primary objective was to seize control of the Police Headquarters, Istana Darul Hana, and the Menteri Besar's house in Brunei Town. They planned to persuade the Sultan, if they were successful in detaining him, to proclaim the creation of an independent NKKU and designate him as the head of state, or Seri Mahkota. The three most important posts in the new nation-state's government—Prime Minister, Minister of Defence, and Minister of Foreign Affairs—would fall to Azahari. [15] Azahari appointed him Minister of Economics, Commerce, and Industry of the projected NKKU. [16] He was in Manila in support of the Malaysia Agreement [17] during the Azahari visit to the UN Headquarters in New York City when the Brunei uprising started in 1962. [18]

Half a year before the rebellion, in April or May 1962, the PRB asked the Sarawak Liberation League (SLL) to send a delegation in secret to discuss the political situation in North Kalimantan. At Canada Hill, which is close to Miri, the PRB delegation was received by the SLL delegates. The representatives of the PRB asserted that since the British colonial authority had refused them any lawful avenues for protest and had already sent their forces to Brunei, they were left with no choice but to employ force. The PRB resorted to violent conflict in response to the British colonial government's disregard for its mission, which resulted in the Brunei revolt on 8 December 1962. The primary leaders of the PRB were either arrested or fled to neighbouring countries, especially Indonesia, and there hasn't been enough analysis done on the links between this rebellion and the armed fight in Sarawak. [19]

A Queen's Royal Irish Hussars soldier at the Secretariat Building in January 1963 TR 18612 THE BRITISH ARMY IN BRUNEI, JANUARY 1963.jpg
A Queen's Royal Irish Hussars soldier at the Secretariat Building in January 1963

Within days of the Sultan declaring a state of emergency, [5] Singaporean British troops from the British Far East Command put an end to the uprising. The leaders were detained or exiled from once the PRB was outlawed. [20] [14] Even though it doesn't appear that any PRB personnel trained with the Sarawak youths in Indonesian territory, their political collaboration persisted. The LegCo was disbanded on 19 December 1962, and an Emergency Council took its place. The LegCo was placed under suspension in 2004 but was later reopened following additional constitutional modifications that increased the Sultan's authority. Brunei attained independence in 1984. However, since then, the state of emergency has been repeatedly extended, and Brunei commemorated its 50th year under emergency government in 2012. [5]

Exile and current status

Following the defeat, Azahari escaped to Jakarta, where he remained in Bogor, West Java, when President Sukarno gave him shelter in 1963. [21] After the failed uprising, he and his associates created an exile government with help from Malaysia and Indonesia. Relations between Brunei and Malaysia were tight since, until about 1975, Malaysia had backed his case at the United Nations (UN). However, his objectives were lessened as regional diplomatic connections strengthened and ASEAN was formed following the end of Konfrontasi. [22]

From an operation headed by Sheikh Saleh Sheikh Mahmud, the nephew and brother of Azahari, Zaini and six other senior PRB detainees from the Berakas Detention Camp, [23] including Yassin Affandi, managed to escape by sea to nearby Limbang in Sarawak on 12 July 1973, Sultan Omar Ali Saifuddien III's birthday. According to reports, Ghazali Shafie, who was Malaysia's Minister of Foreign Affairs at the time, secretly encouraged the escape because of the Sultan's 1963 rejection to join the Federation of Malaysia and Brunei's treatment of Malaysian public staff. This backing for the release of Zaini and others probably acted as a message to the Sultan to change his policies or else suffer the repercussions. [24] Ten Bruneians, including Zaini, who had fled to Malaysia were granted political asylum by the Malaysian government as soon as they arrived, according to a report released by Utusan Malaysia on the 27. [23]

In December 1973, an ad hoc committee for the Independence of Brunei was established in Kuala Lumpur. Subsequently, on 7 May 1974, the PRB was formally reactivated with the naming of an executive committee with Azahari as president. It primarily aimed at the intention of pressuring "friendly" states and international organizations to put pressure on Brunei to implement political changes in order to introduce representative government. For instance, Mahmud Saedon was tasked with lobbying the Indonesian government and reestablishing the party's ties with the Afro-Asian Peoples' Solidarity Organization (AAPSO). [25]

Even though the leadership of Malaysia had provided the PRB (including its second-in-command Zaini) with permanent refuge in Kuala Lumpur and even supported their anti-colonial stance at the UN, a microstate whose leaders' understanding of "security" is in fact fundamentally related to the survival of its internal political structure might not find the "assurance" offered by that physically vast neighbor entirely comforting. What appears to be significant is that Zaini retained some of his natural optimism about the chances of bringing about a more democratic transition in Brunei during the years of struggle-in-exile, when he served as Sheikh Azahari's effective replacement as head of Indonesia. [26]

It is thought that PRB is still active in exile today, [27] albeit it is probably inactive. On 12 September 2005, former political prisoner. [28] and Secretary General of PRB, Yassin, co-founded the National Development Party (NDP). [29]

Related Research Articles

The history of Brunei concerns the settlements and societies located on the north coast of the island of Borneo, which has been under the influence of Indianised kingdoms and empires for much of its history. Local scholars assume that the Islamisation of Brunei started in the fifteenth century with the formation of the Bruneian Empire, a thalassocracy that covered the northern part of Borneo and the southern Philippines. At the end of the 17th century, Brunei subsequently entered a period of decline brought on by the Brunei Civil War, piracy, and European colonial expansion. Later, there was a brief war with Spain, in which Brunei lost Manila and evacuated its capital for a brief period until the Spanish withdrew. The empire lost much of its territory with the arrival of the Western powers, such as the Spanish in the Philippines and the British in Labuan, Sarawak, and North Borneo. The decline of the Bruneian Empire accelerated in the nineteenth century when Brunei gave much of its territory to the White Rajahs of Sarawak, resulting in its current small landmass and separation into two parts. Sultan Hashim Jalilul Alam Aqamaddin later appealed to the British to stop further annexation in 1888. In the same year, the British signed a "Treaty of Protection" and made Brunei a British protectorate until 1984 when it gained independence and prospered due to the discovery of oil.

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<span class="mw-page-title-main">Kedayan</span> Ethnic group in Borneo

The Kedayan are an ethnic group residing in Brunei, Federal Territory of Labuan, southwest of Sabah, and north of Sarawak on the island of Borneo. According to the Language and Literature Bureau of Brunei, the Kedayan language is spoken by about 30,000 people in Brunei, and it has been claimed that there are a further 46,500 speakers in Sabah and 37,000 in Sarawak. In Sabah, the Kedayan mainly live in the southern districts of Sipitang and Beaufort, where they are counted as a part of the local Malay populace. Whilst in Sarawak, the Kedayans mostly reside in the towns of Lawas, Limbang and Miri.

<span class="mw-page-title-main">A. M. Azahari</span> Bruneian politician (1928–2002)

Sheikh Ahmad M. Azahari bin Sheikh Mahmud, better known as A. M. Azahari, was a Bruneian politician, businessman and nationalist of Arab descent who fought against Dutch colonialism in the Dutch East Indies, the chairman of the Parti Rakyat Brunei from 1947 to 1962, and the Prime Minister of the North Borneo Federation in 1962.

<span class="mw-page-title-main">Abdul Momin</span> Sultan of Brunei from 1852 to 1885

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<span class="mw-page-title-main">Hashim Jalilul Alam Aqamaddin</span> Sultan of Brunei from 1885 to 1906

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District council elections were held for the first time in Brunei on 30 August 1962. A total of 55 seats on the four district councils were contested by the Brunei People's Party, the Brunei National Organisation (6), the Brunei United Party (1) and eighteen independents. The BPP won 54 seats, whilst the sole independent elected later joined the party. Voter turnout was around 89%.

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The Sultanate of Brunei or simply Brunei, also known as the Brunei Empire, was a Malay sultanate, centered around Brunei on the northern coast of Borneo in Southeast Asia. Brunei became a sovereign state around the 15th century, when it substantially expanded after the fall of Malacca to the Portuguese, extending throughout coastal areas of Borneo and the Philippines, before it declined in the 17th and 18th centuries. It became a British protectorate in the 19th century.

Saiful Rijal ibni Abdul Kahar, also spelled Saiful Rehal and Saiful Rizal, was the eighth Sultan of Brunei and reigned from 1533 to 1581. He was succeeded by his eldest son Shah Berunai.

<span class="mw-page-title-main">Abdul Hapidz</span> Bruneian businessperson (1928–2022)

Abdul Hapidz bin Abdul Razak, also sometimes referred to as Pehin Hapidz, was a Bruneian nobleman, politician and businessman who formerly was the managing director of Abdul Razak Holdings (ARH), President of Malay Brunei Darussalam Malay Chamber of Commerce and Industry from 1964 to 1999, the director of Laksamana College of Business (LCB), a member of the country's executive council, and legislative council.

<span class="mw-page-title-main">Abdul Aziz Umar</span> Bruneian politician (born 1936)

Dato Seri Setia Dr. Haji Abdul Aziz bin Haji Umar, also sometimes referred to as Pehin Abdul Aziz Umar, is a Bruneian nobleman and politician whom had a wide range of positions in the Government of Brunei. Before to that, he served as the Minister of Communications, the Minister of Education, and the Minister of Health. His last position was as Minister of Education, which he held from 1988 until 24 May 2005. He served in the civil service beginning with his first appointment in 1964 and held a number of roles from that time until Brunei's independence in 1984, including acting Chief Minister.

The Wazir are a group of royal dignitaries within the Sultanate of Brunei whose position ranks the second-highest official in the country behind the Sultan. The vizier had formerly held the position of the Sultan's highest official in the administration of the then-reigning government throughout Brunei's history, particularly during the times prior to and after the British protectorate. The core of Brunei's nobility consisted of this class of governmental offices, and it consists of a Perdana Wazir, and four Wazir under him, namely Bendahara, Di-Gadong, Pemancha and Temenggong. Notably, they are sometimes referred to as and acted as senior ministers.

<span class="mw-page-title-main">Salleh Masri</span> Bruneian politician, writer and educator

Mohd Salleh bin Masri, pen name H. M. Salleh, was a Bruneian nobleman, nationalist politician, activist and an experience teacher who was among the founding members of the Brunei Youth Front and Brunei People's Party. Him alongside Yura Halim were considered to be the country's first novelists. He was the initial head of the Brunei Nationalist Movement in the 1940s and 1950s.

<span class="mw-page-title-main">Johar Nordin</span> Bruneian politician

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<span class="mw-page-title-main">Yassin Affandi</span> Bruneian politician

Muhammad Yasin bin Abdul Rahman, also known as Yassin Affandi, was a Bruneian politician who served as the president of the National Development Party from 2005 to 2010. He worked with A.M. Azahari during the Brunei revolt of 1962, when they called for the unification of Brunei, Sarawak, and North Borneo (Sabah) under a single administration. Together with other rebels, they directed against Brunei's proposed inclusion in the Federation of Malaysia.

<span class="mw-page-title-main">Mahmud Saedon</span> Bruneian writer (1943–2002)

Mahmud Saedon bin Othman was a Bruneian writer and Muslim scholar. His proficiency in the legal and Islamic domains, served as the foundation for the nation's giving of diplomas in law and Syar'ie law. Additionally, he was the principal advocate for the progressive reinstatement of syariah laws as the supreme law of the nation and the Islamic Legal Specialist in the Ministry of Religious Affairs (MORA).

<span class="mw-page-title-main">Barisan Pemuda</span> Former political party in Brunei

Barisan Pemuda (BARIP), also known as the Youth Front or Brunei Youth Front, was an early left-wing political party formed in Brunei. It began as a political youth organisation in late 1946 with the goal of bringing the Bruneian Malays together and achieving independence for Brunei. It was said that the three main founders of BARIP were Salleh Masri, Pengiran Yusuf, and Jamil Al-Sufri.

Although Brunei attained full independence in 1984, it was able to establish autonomous government in 1959. According to the Constitution of Brunei, the Sultan of Brunei has a great deal of political authority and can reject the choices made by the Executive Council as long as he justifies it in writing. The Privy Council, which counsels the Sultan on questions of compassion, constitutional modifications, and honorific designations, the Legislative Council, which is supposed to consist of both elected and appointed members, and District Councils were also formed under the constitution. As the head of state and religion, the Sultan Brunei is in charge of the legislative, executive, and judicial departments of government. Brunei is a unitary state with a constitutional monarchy. Islam is the recognised state religion.

<span class="mw-page-title-main">Zaini Ahmad</span> Bruneian politician and writer (born 1935)

Haji Zaini bin Haji Ahmad is a Bruneian politician, civil servant and writer who served on the Partai Rakyat Brunei's (PRB) Executive Committee and founding the anti-government newspaper Suara Bakti, he was detained in Brunei, escaped to Malaysia in 1974, participated in the PRB's UN Mission in 1976, and was considered the A. M. Azahari's personal assistant. He and Azahari headed the PRB when the Brunei revolt erupted in December 1962.

References

  1. ↑ Awang Mohamad Yusop Damit 1995, p. 13–14.
  2. 1 2 3 Prof. Madya Dr. Haji Awang Asbol Bin Haji Mail 2012, p. 135.
  3. ↑ Prof. Madya Dr. Haji Awang Asbol Bin Haji Mail 2012, p. 132–133.
  4. ↑ Ahmad (Haji.) 1984, p. 9.
  5. 1 2 3 4 Human Rights Resource Centre, p. 1.
  6. ↑ Keat Gin Ooi 2004, p. 1028.
  7. ↑ Prof. Madya Dr. Haji Awang Asbol Bin Haji Mail 2012, p. 133.
  8. ↑ Muhammad Hadi bin Muhammad Melayong 2010, p. 54.
  9. ↑ Prof. Madya Dr. Haji Awang Asbol Bin Haji Mail 2012, p. 133–134.
  10. ↑ Prof. Madya Dr. Haji Awang Asbol Bin Haji Mail 2012, p. 135–136.
  11. ↑ Prof. Madya Dr. Haji Awang Asbol Bin Haji Mail 2012, p. 136.
  12. ↑ Prof. Madya Dr. Haji Awang Asbol Bin Haji Mail 2012, p. 137.
  13. 1 2 Prof. Madya Dr. Haji Awang Asbol Bin Haji Mail 2012, p. 137–138.
  14. 1 2 Hara 2005, p. 496.
  15. ↑ Prof. Madya Dr. Haji Awang Asbol Bin Haji Mail 2012, p. 139.
  16. ↑ Stockwell 2004, p. 681.
  17. ↑ Mohamad Yusop Damit 1995, p. 412.
  18. ↑ Sidhu 2009, p. 249.
  19. ↑ Hara 2005, p. 497.
  20. ↑ Human Rights Resource Centre, p. 5.
  21. ↑ Asiaweek Limited 1990, p. 39.
  22. ↑ B. A. Hussainmiya 2020, p. 36.
  23. 1 2 Pusat Maklumat dan Arkib 2022.
  24. ↑ Borneo Research Bulletin 2008.
  25. ↑ Sidhu 2009, p. 178.
  26. ↑ Kershaw 2011, p. 112.
  27. ↑ Mcmillion.
  28. ↑ Ali 2008.
  29. ↑ Brunei Direct 2007.
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