Claudia Koonz | |
---|---|
Nationality | American |
Academic background | |
Alma mater | University of Wisconsin–Madison Columbia University Rutgers University |
Academic work | |
Discipline | History |
Institutions | Duke University |
Claudia Ann Koonz is an American historian of Nazi Germany. Koonz's critique of the role of women during the Nazi era,from a feminist perspective,has become a subject of much debate and research in itself. [1] [2] She is a recipient of the PEN New England Award,and a National Book Award finalist. [3] [4] Koonz has appeared on the podcasts Holocaust,hosted by University of California Television, [5] and Real Dictators,hosted by Paul McGann. [6] In the months before the 2020 United States presidential election,Koonz wrote about the risks of autocracy in the United States for History News Network [7] [8] and the New School's Public Seminar. [9]
Koonz received a BA in 1962 from the University of Wisconsin,Madison that included two semesters studying at the University of Munich. After a year of traveling overland through Asia, [10] she studied at Columbia University,from which she earned an MA in 1964,before earning a PhD from Rutgers University in 1969. [11]
Claudia Koonz is Peabody Family Professor emerita in the History Department at Duke University. Before coming to Duke in 1988,she taught at College of the Holy Cross in Worcester,Massachusetts, [10] and at Long Island University,Southampton from 1969 to 1971.
Together with Renate Bridenthal,she edited the first anthology of European women’s history,Becoming Visible. [12] She subsequently published two books,Mothers in the Fatherland:Women,the Family and Nazi Politics and The Nazi Conscience,which analyze the sources of ordinary Germans' support for the Nazi Party during Weimar and Nazi Germany. [10] The Nazi Conscience has been translated into Spanish,Japanese,and Russian. [13] Her current book on stereotypes in French media (forthcoming with Duke University Press) is Between Foreign and French:Prominent French Women from Muslim Backgrounds in the Media Spotlight,1989-2020. [13]
Koonz is best known for documenting the appeal of Nazism to German women and understanding their enthusiasm for the Nazis. Koonz has established that the leaders of German feminist,civic,and religious groups acquiesced to Nazification ( Gleichschaltung ) that coerced Germans into following Nazi policy. Women in Marxist movements joined with men in operating underground opposition networks. Koonz has noted that female supporters of the Nazis accepted the Nazi division of the sexes into a public sphere for men and a private sphere for women. A reviewer in the New York Times wrote that Mothers in the Fatherland explored the “paradox that the very women who were so protective of their children,so warm,nurturing and giving to their families,could at the same time display extraordinary cruelty.” [14] Koonz has claimed that women involved in resistance activities were more likely to escape notice owing to the "masculine" values of the Third Reich. [15] A mother,for example,could smuggle illegal leaflets through a checkpoint in a pram without arousing suspicion.
Koonz is also known for her claim that two kinds of women asserted themselves in the Third Reich:those,like Gertrud Scholtz-Klink,who gained power over women under their supervision in exchange for subservience to the men who wielded power over them (the authoritarian trade off) and the women who violated the norms of civilized society,such as camp guards like Ilse Koch. Koonz includes women who were opposed to Nazism 100% as well as "single issue" critics (of,for example,sterilization and euthanasia) but did not protect or protest the deportation of Jews to death camps. Koonz's views have often been pitted against those of Gisela Bock in a battle some have referred to as the Historikerinnenstreit (quarrel among historians of women). [2] [16] [17] [18]
Mothers in the Fatherland integrates archival research into an exploration of “the nature of feminist commitment,complicity in the Holocaust,and the meaning of Germany’s past.” [19] [20] The Nazis promised “emancipation from emancipation,”an appeal that resonated with Germans who feared that male-female equality meant “social and family disintegration.”But Koonz highlights the paradoxes produced by the Third Reich’s dependence on women’s participation (as subordinates,to be sure) in child-bearing,social work,education,surveillance,health care,and compliance with race policy. A reviewer in the New York Times wrote that Koonz dug “deeply and discerningly into a variety of documents,... to record the mixed results of Nazi efforts at mobilizing women’s groups,secular,Protestant and Catholic”and Jewish women’s efforts to fight against confiscation,ostracism,deportation and murder. [21]
Catherine Stimpson called the contradictory message of Mothers of the Fatherland “painful”because:
“If many societies deprive women of power over themselves,women still have power to exercise. Women,though Other to men,have their Others too. In the United States white women did own black slaves of both sexes,and in Nazi Germany,as Claudia Koonz showed us in her heartbreaking book,Mothers in the Fatherland, Nazi women did brutalize and kill Jews of both sexes. And colonizers both lorded and ladied it over the colonized of both sexes.” [22]
Conventional scholarship defines Nazism by its anti-Semitism,anti-modernism,and anti-liberalism,as expressed in publications like Der Stürmer ,but The Nazi Conscience examines the “positive”values of community and ethnic purity that attracted ordinary Germans,including millions who had never voted Nazi before Adolf Hitler's takeover.
A reviewer wrote that Koonz’s book challenges us to “suspend temporarily our understanding of Nazism and to try to understand the movement as the Nazis themselves understood it. In doing so,we can better understand how murderous racist doctrines infiltrated the moral and psychological fabric of the German people so easily.” [23]
A reviewer for The Review of Politics called The Nazi Conscience a “meticulously researched and engrossingly written book”. [24] Another reviewer called it a "tour de force" that documents the formation of a consensus that evolved during the “normal”years of the Third Reich,1933-1941. [25] This was a time when National Socialist racial policy congealed,or according to Koonz,“metastasized”in three contexts:Hitler’s public persona,academic think tanks,and bureaucratic networks. [26]
During these years,the rabidly anti-Semitic Nazi base was held in check by Hitler himself and the proponents of a “rational”assault against Jews. Although ordinary Germans deplored violence,anti-Semitic measures that appeared “legal”were scarcely noticed. [27] After all,fewer than one percent of all Germans were Jewish,and by 1939 half of them had emigrated. Besides,Hitler’s government ended unemployment,scored diplomatic victories,and revived national pride. Most citizens “accepted a new Nazi-specific morality that was steeped in the language of ethnic superiority,love of fatherland,and community values," according to another review of The Nazi Conscience. [28]
Koonz cautioned that nostalgia for imagined glory is a potent force that could rally aggrieved citizens to ethnic nationalism elsewhere. “In examining how National Socialism mobilized diverse but quotidian institutional contexts to create a ‘community of moral obligation,’she invites us to reflect on . . . the ways contemporary society demonizes,ostracizes,and excludes certain classes of people." [24] Corey Robin noted Koonz “might have cited Thomas Jefferson who,anticipating the Nazis by more than a century,saw no future for freed blacks other than deportation or extermination.” [29]
Prior to the 2020 United States presidential election,Koonz published articles in History News Network and the New School's Public Seminar warning about the risks of autocracy in the United States. [7] [8] [9] Following the election of Joe Biden in 2020,Koonz's work analyzed the presidency of Donald Trump through the lens of World War II history, [30] and analyzed the withdrawal of United States troops from Afghanistan in 2021 through a historical lens. [31]
The Nazi term Gleichschaltung or "coordination" was the process of Nazification by which Adolf Hitler and the Nazi Party successively established a system of totalitarian control and coordination over all aspects of German society and societies occupied by Nazi Germany "from the economy and trade associations to the media, culture and education". Although the Weimar Constitution remained nominally in effect until Germany's surrender following World War II, near total Nazification had been secured by the 1935 resolutions approved during the Nuremberg Rally, when the symbols of the Nazi Party and the state were fused and German Jews were deprived of their citizenship.
The League of German Girls or the Band of German Maidens was the girls' wing of the Nazi Party youth movement, the Hitler Youth. It was the only legal female youth organization in Nazi Germany.
The Führerprinzip prescribed the fundamental basis of political authority in the Government of Nazi Germany. This principle can be most succinctly understood to mean that "the Führer's word is above all written law" and that governmental policies, decisions, and offices ought to work toward the realization of this end. In actual political usage, it refers mainly to the practice of dictatorship within the ranks of a political party itself, and as such, it has become an earmark of political fascism. Nazi Germany aimed to implement the leader principle at all levels of society, with as many organizations and institutions as possible being run by an individual appointed leader rather than by an elected committee. This included schools, sports associations, factories, and more. A common theme of Nazi propaganda was that of a single heroic leader overcoming the adversity of committees, bureaucrats and parliaments. German history, from Frederick the Great and Otto von Bismarck, and Nordic sagas were interpreted to emphasize the value of unquestioning obedience to a visionary leader.
Achim Gercke was a German politician.
Dr. Walter Gross was a German physician appointed to create the Office for Enlightenment on Population Policy and Racial Welfare for the Nazi Party. He headed this office, renamed the Office of Racial Policy in 1934, until his suicide at the close of World War II.
Gertrud Emma Scholtz-Klink, néeTreusch, later known as Maria Stuckebrock, was a Nazi Party member and leader of the National Socialist Women's League (NS-Frauenschaft) in Nazi Germany.
Volksgemeinschaft is a German expression meaning "people's community", "folk community", "national community", or "racial community", depending on the translation of its component term Volk. This expression originally became popular during World War I as Germans rallied in support of the war, and many experienced "relief that at one fell swoop all social and political divisions could be solved in the great national equation". The idea of a Volksgemeinschaft was rooted in the notion of uniting people across class divides to achieve a national purpose, and the hope that national unity would "obliterate all conflicts - between employers and employees, town and countryside, producers and consumers, industry and craft".
Sir Richard John Evans is a British historian of 19th- and 20th-century Europe with a focus on Germany. He is the author of eighteen books, including his three-volume The Third Reich Trilogy (2003–2008). Evans was Regius Professor of History at the University of Cambridge from 2008 until his retirement in 2014, and President of Cambridge's Wolfson College from 2010 to 2017. He has been Provost of Gresham College in London since 2014. Evans was appointed Knight Bachelor for services to scholarship in the 2012 Birthday Honours.
Das Schwarze Korps was the official newspaper of the Schutzstaffel (SS). This newspaper was published on Wednesdays and distributed free of charge. All SS members were encouraged to read it. The chief editor was SS leader Gunter d'Alquen; the publisher was Max Amann of the Franz-Eher-Verlag publishing company. The paper was hostile to many groups, with frequent articles condemning the Catholic Church, Jews, Communism, Freemasonry, and others.
Rassenschande or Blutschande was an anti-miscegenation concept in Nazi German racial policy, pertaining to sexual relations between Aryans and non-Aryans. It was put into practice by policies like the Aryan certificate requirement, and later by anti-miscegenation laws such as the Nuremberg Laws, adopted unanimously by the Reichstag on 15 September 1935. Initially, these laws referred predominantly to relations between ethnic Germans and non-Aryans, regardless of citizenship. In the early stages the culprits were targeted informally; later, they were punished systematically and legally.
Franz Gürtner was a German Minister of Justice in the governments of Franz von Papen, Kurt von Schleicher and Adolf Hitler. Gürtner was responsible for coordinating jurisprudence in Nazi Germany and provided official sanction and legal grounds for a series of repressive actions under the Nazi regime from 1933 until his death in 1941.
The propaganda used by the German Nazi Party in the years leading up to and during Adolf Hitler's dictatorship of Germany from 1933 to 1945 was a crucial instrument for acquiring and maintaining power, and for the implementation of Nazi policies.
Georg Paul Erich Hilgenfeldt was a high Nazi Party government official.
Protofeminism is a concept that anticipates modern feminism in eras when the feminist concept as such was still unknown. This refers particularly to times before the 20th century, although the precise usage is disputed, as 18th-century feminism and 19th-century feminism are often subsumed into "feminism". The usefulness of the term protofeminist has been questioned by some modern scholars, as has the term postfeminist.
The propaganda of the Nazi regime that governed Germany from 1933 to 1945 promoted Nazi ideology by demonizing the enemies of the Nazi Party, notably Jews and communists, but also capitalists and intellectuals. It promoted the values asserted by the Nazis, including heroic death, Führerprinzip, Volksgemeinschaft, Blut und Boden and pride in the Germanic Herrenvolk. Propaganda was also used to maintain the cult of personality around Nazi leader Adolf Hitler, and to promote campaigns for eugenics and the annexation of German-speaking areas. After the outbreak of World War II, Nazi propaganda vilified Germany's enemies, notably the United Kingdom, the Soviet Union and the United States, and in 1943 exhorted the population to total war.
Women in Nazi Germany were subject to doctrines of Nazism by the Nazi Party (NSDAP), which promoted exclusion of women from the political and academic life of Germany as well as its executive body and executive committees. On the other hand, whether through sheer numbers, lack of local organization, or both, many German women did indeed become Nazi Party members. In spite of this, the Nazi regime officially encouraged and pressured women to fill the roles of mother and wife only. Women were excluded from all other positions of responsibility, including political and academic spheres.
Feminism in Germany as a modern movement began during the Wilhelmine period (1888–1918) with individual women and women's rights groups pressuring a range of traditional institutions, from universities to government, to open their doors to women. This movement culminated in women's suffrage in 1919. Later waves of feminist activists pushed to expand women's rights.
The history of German women covers gender roles, personalities and movements from medieval times to the present in German-speaking lands.
The Crucifix Decrees were part of the Nazi Regime's efforts to secularize public life. For example, crucifixes throughout public places like schools were to be replaced with the Führer's picture. The Crucifix Decrees throughout the years of 1935 to 1941 sparked protests against removing crucifixes from traditional places. Protests notably occurred in Oldenburg in 1936, Frankenholz (Saarland) and Frauenberg in 1937, and in Bavaria in 1941. These incidents prompted Nazi party leaders to back away from crucifix removals in 1941.
On 30 January 1939, Nazi German dictator Adolf Hitler gave a speech in the Kroll Opera House to the Reichstag delegates, which is best known for the prediction he made that "the annihilation of the Jewish race in Europe" would ensue if another world war were to occur.