Glacier Northwest, Inc. v. Teamsters | |
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Argued January 10, 2023 Decided June 1, 2023 | |
Full case name | Glacier Northwest, Inc., dba CalPortland v. International Brotherhood of Teamsters Local Union No. 174 |
Docket no. | 21-1449 |
Citations | 598 U.S. 771 ( more ) |
Argument | Oral argument |
Opinion announcement | Opinion announcement |
Case history | |
Prior | Judgment for defendants, (Washington Supreme Court, Dec. 16, 2021); |
Holding | |
The National Labor Relations Act did not preempt Glacier’s state tort claims related to the destruction of company property during a labor dispute where the union failed to take reasonable precautions to avoid foreseeable and imminent danger to the property. Washington Supreme Court reversed and remanded. | |
Court membership | |
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Case opinions | |
Majority | Barrett, joined by Roberts, Sotomayor, Kagan, Kavanaugh |
Concurrence | Thomas (in judgment), joined by Gorsuch |
Concurrence | Alito (in judgment), joined by Thomas, Gorsuch |
Dissent | Jackson |
Laws applied | |
National Labor Relations Act |
Glacier Northwest, Inc. v. International Brotherhood of Teamsters Local Union No. 174, No. 21-1449, 598 U.S. 771 (2023) was a decision of the Supreme Court of the United States related to federal labor law, concerning the power of employers to sue labor unions regarding intentional destruction of employer property following a strike. In an 8-1 decision, the Court acknowledged that the right to strike is not absolute, and concluded that the National Labor Relations Act did not preempt lawsuits filed against the union, thus allowing litigation to continue. [1]
Glacier Northwest delivers concrete to customers in the State of Washington using ready-mix trucks with rotating drums that prevent the concrete from hardening during transit. Concrete is highly perishable, and even concrete in a rotating drum will eventually harden, causing significant damage to the vehicle. Glacier's truck drivers are members of the International Brotherhood of Teamsters Local Union No. 174. After a collective-bargaining agreement between Glacier and the Union expired, the Union called for a work stoppage on a morning it knew the company was in the midst of mixing substantial amounts of concrete, loading batches into ready-mix trucks, and making deliveries. The Union directed drivers to ignore Glacier's instructions to finish deliveries in progress. At least 16 drivers who had already set out for deliveries returned with fully loaded trucks. By initiating emergency maneuvers to offload the concrete, Glacier prevented significant damage to its trucks, but all the concrete mixed that day hardened and became useless. [2]
Glacier sued the Union for damages in state court, claiming that the Union intentionally destroyed the company's concrete and that this conduct amounted to common-law conversion and trespass to chattels. The Union moved to dismiss Glacier's tort claims on the ground that the National Labor Relations Act preempted them. While a federal law generally preempts state law when the two conflict, the NLRA preempts state law even when the two only arguably conflict. In the Union's view, the NLRA—which protects employees’ rights “to selforganization, to form, join, or assist labor organizations,...and to engage in other concerted activities for the purpose of collective bargaining or other mutual aid or protection”—at least arguably protected the drivers’ conduct, so the State lacked the power to hold the Union accountable for any of the strike's consequences. The Washington Supreme Court agreed with the Union, reasoning that “the NLRA preempts Glacier’s tort claims related to the loss of its concrete product because that loss was incidental to a strike arguably protected by federal law.” [2]
A number of organizations filed amicus briefs, or "friend of the court" filings, in the case when it came before the Supreme Court. Among the organizations that filed amicus briefs in support of the plaintiff, Glacier, were the National Right to Work Legal Defense Foundation, the Landmark Legal Foundation, the United States Chamber of Commerce, and the Buckeye Institute. [3] Amicus briefs in support of the defendant, by contrast, included UNITE HERE International, SMART International, the United Brotherhood of Carpenters and Joiners of America, and the AFL-CIO. [3]
On June 1, 2023, the Supreme Court reversed and remanded the judgment of the Washington Supreme Court in an 8–1 vote, finding that the NLRA does not preempt claims for intentional destruction of property. Justice Amy Coney Barrett wrote the controlling majority opinion, joined by Chief Justice Roberts and Justices Sotomayor, Kagan, and Kavanaugh. The majority found that the union's "actions not only resulted in the destruction of all the concrete Glacier had prepared that day; they also posed a risk of foreseeable, aggravated, and imminent harm to Glacier’s trucks. Because the Union took affirmative steps to endanger Glacier’s property rather than reasonable precautions to mitigate that risk, the NLRA does not arguably protect its conduct," the decision said. [2]
Justice Samuel Alito, joined by Justices Thomas and Gorsuch, concurred in the judgment. Justice Thomas, joined by Justice Gorsuch, also filed an opinion concurring in the judgment. These justices agreed with the majority that the conduct of the union was not protected—but would have resolved the case on broader grounds.
Justice Ketanji Brown Jackson filed the sole dissenting opinion. Jackson argued that the Court "fails, in multiple respects, to heed Congress’s intent with respect to the Board's primary role in adjudicating labor disputes." Jackson also added that the decision will likely create confusion for the lower courts and "risk the erosion of the right to strike." [2] [4] [5]
There were mixed reactions to the decision. The attorney for the International Brotherhood of Teamsters Local Union No. 174, Darin Dalmat, said he was "relieved" that the decision did not explicitly overturn precedents and pleased the court "reaffirmed that strikers don’t have to give notice of the timing of a strike, outside of the healthcare industry." [6] University of Minnesota Law School Professor Charlotte Garden, who specializes in labor law, stated that the ruling isn't "as bad as it could have been" for organized labor but said it left open the possibility that unions will be "on the hook for product loss" attributable to employer actions following a strike. [7] CNN analyst and University of Texas School of Law professor Steve Vladeck stated that the decision will create uncertainty for "when striking workers can and can’t be sued for damage to their employers" but stated that since Amy Coney Barrett’s analysis "rests on the narrow facts of this case" it was enough to bring in "two of the three Democratic appointees, and too narrow for some of her fellow conservatives." [8] AFL-CIO President Liz Shuler said the ruling had relied on "unfounded allegations" by Glacier Northwest, and said that when the facts are shown during the remanded case, it will be clear that the union acted correctly, that the strike is "protected by federal law," and said that the decision would "in no way deter workers from going on strike." [9] Jane McAlevey of The Nation said that the ruling was a "blow to workers" but not a "knockout punch" that the United States Chamber of Commerce, as it leaves "the Garmon preemption" intact, but states that Justices Thomas, Alito, and Gorsuch are ready to "totally eviscerate the NLRB." [10]
Some groups praised the decision. The lawyer for the Glacier Northwest, Noel Francisco, argued that the ruling vindicated the principle that federal law doesn't shield labor unions "from tort liability when they intentionally destroy an employer’s property" and said the company is entitled to "just compensation for...property that the union intentionally destroyed." [7] [8] The National Right to Work Legal Defense Foundation, which supported Glacier Northwest, praised the decision, stating that the court had ruled correctly, stating that union officials should not have "immunity from state lawsuits over deliberate property damage perpetrated during union strike actions". [9] Walter Olson of CATO Institute stated that the court's decision "showed a good measure of consensus and civility." [11]
Others were more critical. General president of the International Brotherhood of Teamsters, Sean O'Brien derided the justices as "political hacks" and argued that the Supreme Court had "again voted in favor of corporations over working people" by disregarding previous precedent in a press release. He added that the ruling would give companies "more power to hobble workers" if there are attempts to fight against "a growing system of corruption." [7] [12] [13] Jules Roscoe wrote in Vice.com that the decision sets a new precedent for "how companies can respond to striking workers, as large-scale strikes become more common in the U.S." [14] Erwin Chemerinsky and Catherine Fisk, both at the UC Berkeley School of Law, argued that the ruling eroded the right to strike and said "workers will pay the price" for the ruling. [15] Sharon Block, a Harvard University professor, said the decision is like "putting a tax on the right to strike" and will chill labor activism. [16] [17]
The Guardian described the decision as a "setback to labor unions". [18] UPI stated that the ruling asserted that companies can sue workers if "they believe their activism leads to damages." [19] Vox called it a "significant blow to workers’ right to strike" and said it will make it easier for "well-moneyed employers to grind down unions with legal fees." [20] Prior to the decision, Stanford Law professor William Gould, predicted that the court would narrow the jurisdiction of the NLRB and "expose unions to damages for engaging in strikes," which he described as "really unprecedented." [21] Association of Flight Attendants-CWA president Sarah Nelson stated that the decision will "create even more instability in the workplace" and stated the court has to respect the right to strike or "workers will take it into their own hands." [16] Jane McAlevey wrote that the case was "messy" and argued that in a "cleaner case" the court would "dismantle the legal right to strike" and that the UPS-Teamsters deal in 2023 is "Glacier-proof." [22]
The National Labor Relations Act of 1935, also known as the Wagner Act, is a foundational statute of United States labor law that guarantees the right of private sector employees to organize into trade unions, engage in collective bargaining, and take collective action such as strikes. Central to the act was a ban on company unions. The act was written by Senator Robert F. Wagner, passed by the 74th United States Congress, and signed into law by President Franklin D. Roosevelt.
The Labor Management Relations Act of 1947, better known as the Taft–Hartley Act, is a United States federal law that restricts the activities and power of labor unions. It was enacted by the 80th United States Congress over the veto of President Harry S. Truman, becoming law on June 23, 1947.
The National Labor Relations Board (NLRB) is an independent agency of the federal government of the United States that enforces U.S. labor law in relation to collective bargaining and unfair labor practices. Under the National Labor Relations Act of 1935, the NLRB has the authority to supervise elections for labor union representation and to investigate and remedy unfair labor practices. Unfair labor practices may involve union-related situations or instances of protected concerted activity.
Union violence is violence committed by unions or union members during labor disputes. When union violence has occurred, it has frequently been in the context of industrial unrest. Violence has ranged from isolated acts by individuals to wider campaigns of organized violence aimed at furthering union goals within an industrial dispute.
United States labor law sets the rights and duties for employees, labor unions, and employers in the US. Labor law's basic aim is to remedy the "inequality of bargaining power" between employees and employers, especially employers "organized in the corporate or other forms of ownership association". Over the 20th century, federal law created minimum social and economic rights, and encouraged state laws to go beyond the minimum to favor employees. The Fair Labor Standards Act of 1938 requires a federal minimum wage, currently $7.25 but higher in 29 states and D.C., and discourages working weeks over 40 hours through time-and-a-half overtime pay. There are no federal laws, and few state laws, requiring paid holidays or paid family leave. The Family and Medical Leave Act of 1993 creates a limited right to 12 weeks of unpaid leave in larger employers. There is no automatic right to an occupational pension beyond federally guaranteed Social Security, but the Employee Retirement Income Security Act of 1974 requires standards of prudent management and good governance if employers agree to provide pensions, health plans or other benefits. The Occupational Safety and Health Act of 1970 requires employees have a safe system of work.
The Minneapolis general strike of 1934 grew out of a strike by Teamsters against most of the trucking companies operating in Minneapolis, the major distribution center for the Upper Midwest. The strike began on May 16, 1934 in the Market District. The worst single day was Friday, July 20, called "Bloody Friday", when police shot at strikers in a downtown truck battle, killing two and injuring 67. Ensuing violence lasted periodically throughout the summer. The strike was formally ended on August 22.
Lechmere, Inc. v. National Labor Relations Board, 502 U.S. 527 (1992), is a US labor law case of the Supreme Court of the United States on union rights and private property rights. It forbids nonemployee union organizers from soliciting support on private property unless no reasonable alternatives exist.
Brown v. Hotel and Restaurant Employees, 468 U.S. 491 (1984), is a 4-to-3 ruling by the United States Supreme Court which held that a New Jersey state gaming law requiring union leaders to be of good moral character was not preempted by the National Labor Relations Act (NLRA).
NLRB v. Truck Drivers Local 449 , 353 U.S. 87 (1957), is an 8-0 decision by the Supreme Court of the United States in which the Court held that a temporary lockout by a multi-employer bargaining group threatened by a whipsaw strike was lawful under the National Labor Relations Act (NLRA), as amended by the Taft-Hartley Act.
NLRB v. Mackay Radio & Telegraph Co., 304 U.S. 333 (1938), is a United States labor law case of the Supreme Court of the United States which held that workers who strike remain employees for the purposes of the National Labor Relations Act (NLRA). The Court granted the relief sought by the National Labor Relations Board, which sought to have the workers reinstated by the employer. However, the decision is much better known today for its obiter dicta in which the Court said that an employer may hire strikebreakers and is not bound to discharge any of them if or when the strike ends.
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Ketanji Onyika Brown Jackson is an American lawyer and jurist who is an associate justice of the Supreme Court of the United States. Jackson was nominated to the Supreme Court by President Joe Biden on February 25, 2022, and confirmed by the U.S. Senate and sworn into office that same year. She is the first black woman and the first former federal public defender to serve on the Supreme Court. From 2021 to 2022, Jackson was a United States circuit judge of the United States Court of Appeals for the District of Columbia Circuit.
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De Veau v. Braisted, 363 U.S. 144 (1960), is a 5-to-3 ruling by the Supreme Court of the United States that an interstate compact restricting convicted felons from holding union office is not preempted by the National Labor Relations Act or the Labor Management Reporting and Disclosure Act, does not violate the Due Process Clause of the 14th Amendment, and is not an ex post facto law or bill of attainder in violation of Article One, Section 10 of the Constitution.
National Labor Relations Board v. Fansteel Metallurgical Corporation, 306 U.S. 240 (1939), is a United States Supreme Court case on labor laws in which the Court held that the National Labor Relations Board had no authority to order an employer to reinstate workers fired after a sit-down strike, even if the employer's illegal actions triggered that strike.
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