The term "Hindu rate of growth" was coined by the Indian economist Raj Krishna in 1978. It refers to the annual growth rate of India's economy before the economic reforms of 1991, which averaged 4% from the 1950s to the 1980s. [1] Advocates of liberalisation often use this term. However, modern neoliberal economists criticise the term, as they believe that the low growth rate was caused by the failed five-year plan model and economic mismanagement. Dirigiste policies often include indicative planning, state-directed investment, and the use of market instruments (taxes and subsidies) to incentivize market entities to fulfill state economic objectives. Eighth Five Year Plan (1992 - 1997) was for managing the transition from a centrally planned economy to market led economy through indicative planning.
India was a leader in the non-aligned movement and sought to maintain a neutral stance during the Cold War. As a result, it did not receive the same level of aid from the US and other Western countries as countries that were more closely aligned with the West. [2] [3] Economists critical of neoliberalism criticised the term as oversimplifying the complex economic, political, and social factors that contribute to a country's rate of growth, as well as the use of GDP Growth Rate as a metric for "progress". [4]
The economy of India accelerated and has grown at a rate of around 3–9% since economic liberalisation began in the 1990s with the exception of 2020. [5] [6] Recent research has shown that India's growth rate had begun to attain higher growth since Indira Gandhi's time in 1980s due to economic reforms, with average growth rate of 5.8% in 1981 to 1991. [7] GDP growth rate has however slowed since 2016. [8] In March 2023, Raghuram Rajan said that the growth rate in recent times was dangerously close to India's old Hindu rate of growth. [7]
The word "Hindu" in the term was used by some early economists like Vikas Mishra to imply that the Hindu outlook of fatalism and contentedness was responsible for the slow growth. [9] [10] Later liberal economists reject this connection and instead attribute the rate to the Indian government's protectionist and interventionist policies, rather than to a specific religion or to the attitude of some of the adherents of a particular religion. Accordingly, some neoliberal writers instead use the term "Nehruvian rate of growth". [11]
The first time Hinduism was equated with economic growth was in February 1973, by B.P.R. Vithal, who wrote under a pseudonym, Najin Yanupi about India’s per capita growth rates: “This is the range within which alone the Hindu view of life will hold." [12] [13] The term was formally coined by Indian economist Raj Krishna. [14] [15] It suggests that the low growth rate of India, a country with mostly Hindu population was in a sharp contrast to high growth rates in other Asian countries, especially the East Asian Tigers, which were also newly independent. This meaning of the term, popularised by Robert McNamara,[ citation needed ] was used disparagingly and has connotations that refer to the supposed Hindu outlook of fatalism and contentedness. [16]
India has never been a socialist country in the strict sense of the term. After independence in 1947, India adopted a mixed economy model, with elements of both socialism and capitalism. [17] It was seen as a way to achieve rapid industrialization and economic development, and to reduce the country's dependence on foreign capital and imports. [18] This approach, known as the "dirgitse model," involved state control of key industries, such as banking, insurance, and heavy industry, and the promotion of import substitution and self-reliance.
India moved away from its dirigiste model of economic development in the 1990s adopting a more market-oriented approach, known as neoliberalism. This transition was spurred by wider shifts in the global economy, including the dissolution of the Soviet Union and the rise of globalisation. [19] Additionally, during the 1991 Balance of Payments crisis, India's acceptance of an IMF loan came with the stipulation that it implement economic reforms. These reforms encompassed liberalisation, deregulation, and privatisation.
In 1947, the average annual income in India was $439, compared with $619 for China, $770 for South Korea, and $936 for Taiwan. By 1999, the numbers were $1,818; $3,259; $13,317; and $15,720. [20]
Year | India | China | South Korea | Taiwan |
---|---|---|---|---|
1947 | $439 | $619 | $770 | $936 |
1999 | $1,818 | $3,259 | $13,317 | $15,720 |
India's growth rate was low by standards of developing countries. At the same time, Pakistan grew by 5%, Indonesia by 6%, Thailand by 7%, Taiwan by 8% and South Korea by 9%. [21]
Year | India | Pakistan | China |
---|---|---|---|
1950 | $987 | $1025 | $799 |
1999 | $2708 | $3112 | $4667 |
2018 | $6807 | $5510 | $13102 |
The comparison with South Korea was stark:
South Korea received much higher U.S aid and foreign investment when compared to India. [24] South Korea, similar to India was also forced to adopt IMF and World Bank imposed reforms during the 1997 Asian Financial crisis.
Comparing economic performance between India and South Korea is a complex task that requires consideration of historical, political, and economic contexts. While South Korea did adopt a more market-oriented model of development, the government still played an active role in shaping and directing economic growth through targeted investments and support for key industries and companies. [25] India, on the other hand, pursued a more mixed economy model with less external support.
China kept a significant part of its economy under state control even after reform and opening up despite receiving criticism from liberal institutions. [26] However, despite such policies Chinese economy grew at a much higher pace than India's, [22] overtaking Japan in 2010. [27]
Pakistan meanwhile, despite implementing liberal reforms under Pervez Musharraf experienced lower economic growth compared to India. [28]
Therefore, the economic performance of a country is influenced by a multitude of factors, and not solely determined by its GDP per capita. Factors such as bureaucracy, state control, and red tape are often cited as potential hindrances to economic development, but a simplistic view that reduces complex factors to simple buzzwords may fail to accurately capture the complete picture of a country's economic performance.
Neoliberals and conservatives, for instance, attribute every problem to government regulation, taxation and public ownership (in short, a mixed economy). To defend their position, they create a logic that defines economies in ways that categorize regulations, taxes and public enterprise as an overhead burden, not as productive or playing a catalytic role or maintaining a fair and balanced allocation of wealth and income. Fraud and crime by banks and business do not appear in such models, so all wealth and income are portrayed as being earned as a result of contributing to GDP.
— Michael Hudson, J Is for Junk Economics: A Guide to Reality in an Age of Deception, Page 62
Noted neoliberal politician and journalist Arun Shourie claimed that the "Hindu rate of growth" was a result of socialist policies implemented by governments:
because of those very socialist policies that their kind had swallowed and imposed on the country, our growth was held down to 3–4 per cent, it was dubbed — with much glee — as ‘the Hindu rate of growth’. [31]
According to economist Sanjeev Sanyal, the term was an attempt to suggest that "it was not Nehruvian economic policies that had failed India, it was India’s cultural moorings that had failed Nehru." He linked it with what he considered to be the ideological domination of the left, backed by the socialist regime, in post-Independence India. [32] However, Raj Krishna, who coined the term, was known as a right winger and opposed to Congress government. After the Indira Gandhi government was ousted in 1977, he became a member of the Planning Commission under the Janata Party government. [7]
The term is also seen by some as oversimplifying the complex economic, political, and social factors that contribute to a country's rate of growth. Economic growth is influenced by a wide range of factors such as education, infrastructure, political stability, and access to capital, among others. [4] It also neglects the progress in self-reliance that India had attained in metallurgical, mechanical, chemical, power and transport sectors. [7]
The economy of South Korea is a highly developed mixed economy. By nominal GDP, the economy was worth ₩2.24 quadrillion. It has the 4th largest economy in Asia and the 14th largest in the world as of 2024. South Korea is notable for its rapid economic development from an underdeveloped nation to a developed, high-income country in a few generations. This economic growth has been described as the Miracle on the Han River, which has allowed it to join the OECD and the G20. It is included in the group of Next Eleven countries as having the potential to play a dominant role in the global economy by the middle of the 21st century. Among OECD members, South Korea has a highly efficient and strong social security system; social expenditure stood at roughly 15.5% of GDP. South Korea spends around 4.93% of GDP on advance research and development across various sectors of the economy.
In economics, income distribution covers how a country's total GDP is distributed amongst its population. Economic theory and economic policy have long seen income and its distribution as a central concern. Unequal distribution of income causes economic inequality which is a concern in almost all countries around the world.
The Kerala model refers to the practices adopted by the Indian state of Kerala to further human development. It is characterised by results showing strong social indicators when compared to the rest of the country such as high literacy and life expectancy rates, highly improved access to healthcare, and low infant mortality and birth rates. Despite having a lower per capita income, the state is sometimes compared to developed countries. These achievements along with the factors responsible for such achievements have been considered characteristic results of the Kerala model. Academic literature discusses the primary factors underlying the success of the Kerala model as its decentralization efforts, the political mobilization of the poor, and the active involvement of civil society organizations in the planning and implementation of development policies.
The economy of Asia comprises about 4.7 billion people living in 50 different nations. Asia is the fastest growing economic region, as well as the largest continental economy by both GDP Nominal and PPP in the world. Moreover, Asia is the site of some of the world's longest modern economic booms.
The Gross National Income (GNI), previously known as Gross National Product (GNP), is the total domestic and foreign financial output claimed by the residents of a country, consisting of Gross Domestic Product (GDP), plus factor incomes earned by foreign residents, minus income earned in the domestic economy by nonresidents.
An emerging market is a market that has some characteristics of a developed market, but does not fully meet its standards. This includes markets that may become developed markets in the future or were in the past. The term "frontier market" is used for developing countries with smaller, riskier, or more illiquid capital markets than "emerging". As of 2006, the economies of China and India are considered to be the largest emerging markets. According to The Economist, many people find the term outdated, but no new term has gained traction. Emerging market hedge fund capital reached a record new level in the first quarter of 2011 of $121 billion. Emerging market economies’ share of global PPP-adjusted GDP has risen from 27 percent in 1960 to around 53 percent by 2013. The ten largest emerging economies by nominal GDP are 4 of the 9 BRICS countries along with Mexico, South Korea, Indonesia, Turkey, Saudi Arabia, and Poland. The inclusion of South Korea, Poland, and sometimes Taiwan are questionable given they are no longer considered emerging markets by the IMF and World Bank If we ignore those three, the top ten would include Argentina and Thailand.
BRIC is a term describing the foreign investment strategies grouping acronym that stands for Brazil, Russia, India, and China. The separate BRICS organisation would go on to become a political and economic organization largely based on such grouping.
The economy of India is a developing mixed economy with a notable public sector in strategic sectors. It is the world's fifth-largest economy by nominal GDP and the third-largest by purchasing power parity (PPP); on a per capita income basis, India ranked 136th by GDP (nominal) and 125th by GDP (PPP). From independence in 1947 until 1991, successive governments followed the Soviet model and promoted protectionist economic policies, with extensive Sovietization, state intervention, demand-side economics, natural resources, bureaucrat driven enterprises and economic regulation. This is characterised as dirigism, in the form of the Licence Raj. The end of the Cold War and an acute balance of payments crisis in 1991 led to the adoption of a broad economic liberalisation in India and indicative planning. Since the start of the 21st century, annual average GDP growth has been 6% to 7%., India has about 1,900 public sector companies, Indian state has complete control and ownership of railways, highways; majority control and stake in banking, insurance, farming, dairy, fertilizers & chemicals, airports, nuclear, mining, digitization, defense, steel, rare earths, water, electricity, oil and gas industries and power plants, and has substantial control over digitalization, Broadband as national infrastructure, telecommunication, supercomputing, space, port and shipping industries, among other industries, were effectively nationalised in the mid-1950s.
From 1947 to 2017, the Indian economy was premised on the concept of planning. This was carried through the Five-Year Plans, developed, executed, and monitored by the Planning Commission (1951–2014) and the NITI Aayog (2015–2017).
development in Indian Politics in 1990's
The economic development in India followed socialist-inspired politicians for most of its independent history, including state-ownership of many sectors; India's per capita income increased at only around 1% annualised rate in the three decades after its independence. Since the mid-1980s, India has slowly opened up its markets through economic liberalisation. After more fundamental reforms since 1991 and their renewal in the 2000s, India has progressed towards a free market economy. The Indian economy is still performing well, with foreign investment and looser regulations driving significant growth in the country.
Income in India discusses the financial state in India. With rising economic growth and prosperity, India's income is also rising rapidly. As an overview, India's per capita net national income or NNI was around Rs. 98,374 in 2022-23. The per-capita income is a crude indicator of the prosperity of a country. In contrast, the gross national income at constant prices stood at over 128 trillion rupees. The same year, GRI growth rate at constant prices was around 6.6 percent. While GNI and NNI are both indicators for a country's economic performance and welfare, the GNI is related to the GDP or the Gross Domestic Product plus the net receipts from abroad, including wages and salaries, property income, net taxes and subsidies receivable from abroad. On the other hand, the NNI of a country is equal to its GNI net of depreciation.
The economic liberalisation in India refers to the series of policy changes aimed at opening up the country's economy to the world, with the objective of making it more market-oriented and consumption-driven. The goal was to expand the role of private and foreign investment, which was seen as a means of achieving economic growth and development. Although some attempts at liberalisation were made in 1966 and the early 1980s, a more thorough liberalisation was initiated in 1991.
The Mumbai Consensus is a term used to refer to India's model of economic development, with a "people-centric" approach for managing its economy which may be taken up by other developing nations in time. The Indian model of economic growth, which relies on its domestic market more than exports, boosted domestic consumption rather than investment, pursued service-oriented industries rather than low-skilled manufacturing industries, and has greatly differed from the typical Asian strategy of exporting labor-intensive, low-priced manufactured goods to the West. This model of economic development remains distinct from the Beijing Consensus with an export-led growth economy, and the Washington Consensus focused instead on encouraging the spread of democracy and free trade.
Income inequality in India refers to the unequal distribution of wealth and income among its citizens. According to the CIA World Factbook, the Gini coefficient of India, which is a measure of income distribution inequality, was 35.2 in 2011, ranking 95th out of 157. Wealth distribution is also uneven, with one report estimating that 54% of the country's wealth is controlled by millionaires, the second highest after Russia, as of November 2016. The richest 1% of Indians own 58% of wealth, while the richest 10% of Indians own 80% of the wealth. This trend has consistently increased, meaning the rich are getting richer much faster than the poor, widening the income gap. Inequality worsened since the establishment of income tax in 1922, overtaking the British Raj's record of the share of the top 1% in national income, which was 20.7% in 1939–40. According to Oxfam India's report of 2023, "Survival of the Richest: India Story," just 5 per cent of Indians own more than 60 per cent of the country's wealth, while the bottom 50 per cent of the population possess only 3 per cent of the wealth. It also says that between 2012 and 2021, 40% of wealth generated in India has gone to just 1% of the total population and 3% of the wealth has gone to bottom 50%. The number of hungry Indians increased to 350 million in 2022 from 190 million in 2018, while the number of billionaires has increased from 102 in 2020 to 166 in 2022. The covid pandemic reduced the income of the poor, but the wealthy did well. The combined wealth of India's 100 richest is now above $600 billion, which is equivalent to India's Union Budget for 18 months. According to Union Government 's own submission to Supreme Court of India, widespread hunger has caused 65% of deaths of children under the age of 5 in 2022. Saurabh Mukherjee, the founder and CIO of Marcellus Investment Managers, along with his colleague Nandita Rajhansa, has coined the term "Octopus Class" to depict 2 lakh families or around 1 million people in India who control 80% of India's wealth. This class has consolidated financial, social and political power and has continuously pushed its 'tentacles' in every profitable activity they are interested in, aided by liberalisation and consequent growth of globalised economy since 1991.
After World War II, many countries adopted policies of economic liberalization in order to stimulate their economies.
Pakistan began a period of economic liberalisation in the 1990s to promote and accelerate economic independence, development, and GDP growth.
The economic de-industrialisation of India refers to a period of studied reduction in industrial based activities within the Indian economy from 1757 to 1947.
The economy of South Asia comprises 2 billion people living in eight countries. The Indian subcontinent was historically one of the richest regions in the world, comprising 25% of world GDP as recently as 1700, but experienced significant de-industrialisation and a doubling of extreme poverty during the colonial era of the late 18th to mid-20th century. In the post-colonial era, South Asia has grown significantly, with India advancing because of economic liberalisation from the 1980s onwards, and extreme poverty now below 15% in the region. South Asia has been the fastest-growing region of the world since 2014.
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