Moral economy is a way of viewing economic activity in terms of its moral, rather than material, aspects. The concept was developed in 1971 by British Marxist social historian and political activist E. P. Thompson in his essay, "The Moral Economy of the English Crowd in the Eighteenth Century". He referred to a specific class struggle in a specific era, seen from the perspective of the poorest citizens—the "crowd".
According to Thompson,[1]James Bronterre O'Brien introduced the term in his 1837 criticism of capitalism[2] and of 19th century political economists. Bronterre wrote, "True political economy is like a true domestic economy; it does not consist solely in slaving and saving; there is a moral economy as well as political... These quacks would make wreck of the affections, in exchange for incessant production and accumulation... It is indeed the moral economy that they always keep out of sight. When they talk about the tendency of large masses of capital, and the division of labour, to increase production and cheapen commodities, they do not tell us of the inferior human being which a single and fixed occupation must produce."[1][3]:336–337
Thompson first used the term in his 1963 book The Making of the English Working Class in reference to England's 1795 food riots.[4]:67–73[5] This "crowd" included "tinners, colliers, weavers, hosiery workers, and labouring people",[6] regularly rioted against grain merchants and traders who raised their prices in lean years.[7][8][9] The 1971 essay provided a description of the traditional feudal economy as "moral", in contrast to the "classical" (in the sense of an economy in which prices were determined by supply and demand). Thompson saw the "crowd" as active subjects, not passive objects.
He worked in the emerging discipline of social history, adopting the perspective of the crowd, rather than that of investors and business owners, crafting a "history from below" to explain why the crowd made the decision to riot. He concluded that they grieved the loss of their traditional livelihoods, facing hunger and/or starvation.
Thompson traced the root causes to the enclosure system that converted common lands into individually held plots, to merchants who raised prices in times of relative shortage, and to other practices that Thompson associated with freetrade, free markets, and limited regulation (laissez-faire) regulation that he identified with Adam Smith's 1776 book The Wealth of Nations.
Thompson explored how peasants' grievances reflected a popular consensus that economic activity should occur in accord with commonly held values. These included social norms, mutual obligations, and responsibilities. During industrialization, protective laws disappeared, and previously illegal activities became legal/common. Feudal peasants became industrial workers who experienced deprivation, and in extreme cases, starvation. Thompson said that the English riots were not just a response to physical hunger, but reflected public outrage against what rioters perceived to be the immorality of the new economic system.[3]
Thompson re-defined and re-analyzed the concept.[2] In his 1991 review of his 1971 article and its numerous critics, Thompson said that his use of the concept was set within that specific historical context.[3]
E. P. Thompson
Thompson described himself as an empiricist.[10]:19 Thompson's historical writing and his political engagement were linked.[11] In the 1960s, he sided with the students in the student protests at his university, and in the 1980s, he was Europe's most well-known antinuclear activist.[11]
He spent almost a decade gathering evidence for his 1971 Past & Present journal article "The Moral Economy of the Crowd in Eighteenth Century".[7] The article was based on a collaborative project he had undertaken in 1963 with Richard Charles Cobb, who was working on 18th and 19th century protests in France.[12]
In his 1964 book, The Crowd in History, George Rudé "explored the pattern of food riots and market disturbances in terms of their geographical distribution, frequency, level of violence".[16] Thompson focused on the mindset of the 18th century crowd—used to the older, disintegrating economic system, which Thompson described as a moral economy—that paternalistically protected workers through crises and death, in return for authority over them. He contrasted this with the emerging system that broke that implicit compact.[17]
Thompson investigated how in rural England in the 18th century, peasants made the decision to riot. He acknowledged that "riots were triggered off by soaring prices, by malpractices among dealers, or by hunger." However, he claimed that the riots were powered by the sense that old norms had been unjustly discarded and that the new ways were illegitimate, specifically referring to marketing, milling, and baking as examples. He defined the moral economy of the poor as "grounded upon a consistent traditional view of social norms and obligations, of the proper economic functions of several parties within the community."[7]:178–79 According to Thompson these riots were generally peaceable events demanding that the prices of essential goods be set according to traditional feudal rights. These peasants held that a traditional "fair price" was better than a market price and they punished large farmers who sold their surpluses at higher prices outside the village while needs remained within.
Thompson said that the riots were "legitimized by the assumptions of an older moral economy, which taught the immorality of... profiteering upon the necessities of the people".[4]:67–73 The riots were an effort by the protestors to re-establish the disintegrating Tudor policies of provision.[4]:67–73
Norbert Götz examined Thompson's moral economy in relation to classical political economy.[2] He claimed that Thompson "treated the concept as a neologism that had no prior history".[2] In 1991, Thompson acknowledged that he did not coin it. He wrote that he thought that the term dated to at least the mid-18th century.[3]:336–337[18] Thompson cited Bronterre O'Brien's 1837 usage, which was similar to Thompson's.[3]:336–337 Götz wrote that in pre-capitalist England, the customary order had roots in both the Edwardian and Tudor eras and was based on market exchange.
Thompson's concept of moral economy was adopted by scholars from disciplines outside history, such as political science, sociology, and anthropology.[2][10]
Thompson presented his work at an April 1966 conference. He described moral economy as a "traditional consensus of crowd rights that were swept away by market forces."[2] Thompson contrasted the "bread-nexus" that emerged in the 18th century with the "cash-nexus" of the industrial revolution.[18]:189
Prior to the eighteenth century rise of classical economics, European and colonial economies were governed by a variety of (formal and informal) regulations that had accumulated over time.[citation needed] In the older system, economic transactions were based on mutual obligation.[19]:162 Horwitz claimed that as markets for commodities developed in the second half of the 18th century, "the price of grain was no longer local, but regional; this [presupposed for the first time] the general use of money and a wide marketability of goods."[20][19]:164 This happened around the same time that organized markets were emerging and the economic system was transforming.[19]:164 Horwitz criticized late 18th century writers of contract law, such as John Joseph Powell, author of the 1790 "Essay upon the law of contracts and agreements", for denouncing the older systems for undermining the "rule of law". Horwitz claimed that the older systems were better ways of organizing contracts, as they were more "equitable conceptions of substantive justice".[19]
Thompson claimed that the emerging political economy was epitomized by Smith's chapter, "Digression concerning the corn trade"[21] in The Wealth of Nations. In this chapter Smith rejects the tax on corn exports, writing "The unlimited, unrestrained freedom of the corn trade, as it is the only effectual preventative of the miseries of a famine, so it is the best palliative of the inconveniences of a dearth; for the inconveniences of a real scarcity cannot be remedied, they can only be palliated."[21] In other words, given that corn was in short supply, the question was who got to eat it, those who could pay or those who had eaten when it was abundant. This essay influenced many British leaders, including William Pitt the Younger, Lord Grenville, and Edmund Burke.
Thompson cited examples of British administrators sent to India who resisted government interventions in the market in spite of the "vast exigencies of Indian famine" during the Great Bengal famine of 1770.[3]:276Amartya Sen estimated that approximately 10 million people died in the famine, which Sen described as manmade.[22] In England, poor laws and charity protected many from starvation in the 18th century.[3]:287 For example, in 1795, the government enacted the Speenhamland system to address extreme poverty.[3]:276[clarification needed]
Thompson held that a community consensus agreed that rioters were "informed by the belief that they were defending traditional rights or customs."[7]:78Patrick Collinson said in his chapter in the 2001 book Puritanism and the Poor that clergymen in the sixteenth and seventeenth century preached against economic practices that were not strictly illegal, but were "uncharitable".[23]:242–58 He said that, when the clergy condemned selling food at high prices or raising rents, it is possible that this influenced the behavior of Christians who were concerned about their reputations.[23]
The 1991 compilation of Thompson's essays, Customs in Common, included the 1971 essay "The Moral Economy" along with his reflections on the article. In Marc Edelman's chapter "E. P. Thompson and Moral Economies", in the 2012 A Companion to Moral Anthropology, he wrote that Thompson's use of 'moral' conflates 'moral' as in 'mores' or customs with 'moral' as the principled stance—especially in terms of the "common good" as defined by "customary rights and utopian aspirations".[6]:55 In his reflection, Thompson wrote that "Maybe the trouble lies in the word 'moral'. Moral is a signal which brings on a rush of polemical blood to the academic head. Nothing had made my critics angrier than the notion that a food rioter might have been more 'moral' than a disciple of Dr. Adam Smith."[3]:271 Thompson attempted to clarify that his concept of moral economy was focused on a specific geographic, political, social, and temporal context. It included the combination of "beliefs, usages, and forms associated with the marketing of food" in 18th century England.[3]:338
James C. Scott
Cambodian rice farming
In the 1970s and 1980s political scientist James C. Scott revised Thompson's concept of moral economics.[24] He applied it in his 1976 publication The Moral Economy of the Peasant: Rebellion and Subsistence in Southeast Asia.[25][24] He studied colonial archives in Paris and London. He focused on colonization and decolonization in the peasant world of Burma and Vietnam, which included two unsuccessful 1930s uprisings.[24] Scott reported that during the colonial era, economic and political transformations systematically violated what the lower classes perceived as social equity, and that this was an important cause of rebellions. Scott summarized peasant ideas of economic justice and exploitation as their moral economy and that violations of those norms led to revolts.[24][25]
Scott, citing Polanyi, described how farmers, tenants, and laborers invoked "moral economies or market logic"[26]:6 when it served their interests against market forces. The kind of market regulation they struggled with was informed by "historical origins and institutional structure of any particular economy".[26]:6[clarification needed]
In his introduction Scott described a "safety first subsistence ethic" that he observed. He claimed it was a consequence of precapitalist peasant societies enduring inadequate reserves and fearing food shortages.[25]:2
Scott differentiated his views from those of Barrington Moore Jr., author of the 1966 Social Origins of Dictatorship and Democracy: Lord and Peasant in the Making of the Modern World,[27] and Eric R. Wolf, author of the 1969 Peasant Wars of the Twentieth Century.[28][25]:2[clarification needed] Scott also cited Richard Charles Cobb, author The Police and the People: French Popular Protest 1789-1820 (1970).[12]
Beyond Thompson and Scott
The conclusions obtained by Russian-Soviet economist A.V. Chayanov largely coincide with the results of modern research. And despite the fact that A.V. Chayanov did not directly introduce the term ‘moral economy’ in his works in the 1910s-1930s, he largely predetermined its emergence, including the methodological aspects of the later research.[29]
In the chapter, "The 'Moral Economy' of the English Crowd: Myth and Reality" John Stevenson criticized Thompson and the other British scholars who, he claimed, followed the lead of the French Annales school-historians, shifting away from traditional historiography.[30] In his 1975 book, Stevenson was critical of Thompson for his attempt to decode peasant culture in the context of social and economic change.[31] He rejected Thompson's concept of moral economy based on what Thompson called "extraordinary deep-rooted pattern of behaviour and belief" which legitimised their protests against the "propertied and those in authority".[31][clarification needed]
In the 1998 book Moral Economy, John P. Powelson wrote: "In a moral economy [an economy that is morally acceptable], with today's technology no one should be poor… The moral economy captures the benefits of technological invention through classic liberalism while using sidewise checks and balances to prevent environmental damage, ethnic and gender bias, and distorted distributions of wealth... In the moral economy, governments facilitate but rarely mandate."[32]:19[33] Such an economy maintains a balance between interventionism and libertarianism; between economic factors and ethical norms.[32] Powelson sees a moral economy and economic prosperity as mutually reinforcing.[32]
Building on E.P. Thompson's affirmative notion of populism and Ernesto Laclau's observation that pre-industrial food riots provide ‘a good starting point for an approach to populism’ [34] Norbert Götz and Emilia Palonen have identified the affective dimension, parochialism, and disregard for third parties as key affinities between moral economy and populism.[35]
Moral Economy Project
The Quaker Institute for the Future (QIF), established in 2003, launched the Moral Economy Project. The project expanded the term to incorporate environmental concerns. The project was based on Kenneth Boulding's 1966 article, "The economics of the coming spaceship earth".[36] Boulding advocated for an integrated, holistic, ecological worldview.[37]:xvi The related 2009 publication, Right Relationship: Building a Whole Earth Economy, claimed that the well-being of the planet requires a "whole earth economy", which they also called a moral economy.[37] The authors described a moral economy as ecologically and morally coherent resource use for the common good.[37]:51 The authors address purpose, function, size, fairness, and governance.[37]
Others
Other works that invoke moral economy include:
Steven Shapin's 2009 The Scientific Life: A Moral History of a Late Modern Vocation[38][39]:26
Götz, Siméant-Germanos,[Notes 3] and Sandberg (2015)[40]
In his 2017 book, The Moral Economists, Tim Rogan included Thompson in his trio of the 20th century's most influential critics of capitalism—along with Tawney and Polanyi because they were read widely, informed research, and influenced public opinion.[48] All three were historians who challenged utilitarianism in economics as outsiders.[48]
↑ Black and MacRaild wrote that Thompson's 1966 essay, 'History from below', in the Times Literary Supplement "was the real starting point, not only of the term, but of attempts to define it, to intellectualise about it, and to give it a coherent agenda..." Howard Zinn's 1980 book, A People's History of the United States introduced the concept to a wider audience.
↑ Polanyi did not use the term "moral economy". This was Scott's summary.
Capitalism is an economic system based on the private ownership of the means of production and their operation for profit. The defining characteristics of capitalism include private property, capital accumulation, competitive markets, price systems, recognition of property rights, self-interest, economic freedom, work ethic, consumer sovereignty, decentralized decision-making, profit motive, a financial infrastructure of money and investment that makes possible credit and debt, entrepreneurship, commodification, voluntary exchange, wage labor, production of commodities and services, and a strong emphasis on innovation and economic growth. In a market economy, decision-making and investments are determined by owners of wealth, property, or ability to maneuver capital or production ability in capital and financial markets—whereas prices and the distribution of goods and services are mainly determined by competition in goods and services markets.
Socialism is an economic and political philosophy encompassing diverse economic and social systems characterised by social ownership of the means of production, as opposed to private ownership. It describes the economic, political, and social theories and movements associated with the implementation of such systems. Social ownership can take various forms, including public, community, collective, cooperative, or employee. As one of the main ideologies on the political spectrum, socialism is considered as the standard left-wing ideology in most countries. Types of socialism vary based on the role of markets and planning in resource allocation, and the structure of management in organizations.
A market economy is an economic system in which the decisions regarding investment, production, and distribution to the consumers are guided by the price signals created by the forces of supply and demand. The major characteristic of a market economy is the existence of factor markets that play a dominant role in the allocation of capital and the factors of production.
A peasant is a pre-industrial agricultural laborer or a farmer with limited land-ownership, especially one living in the Middle Ages under feudalism and paying rent, tax, fees, or services to a landlord. In Europe, three classes of peasants existed: non-free slaves, semi-free serfs, and free tenants. Peasants might hold title to land outright, or by any of several forms of land tenure, among them socage, quit-rent, leasehold, and copyhold.
Private property is a legal designation for the ownership of property by non-governmental legal entities. Private property is distinguishable from public property, which is owned by a state entity, and from collective or cooperative property, which is owned by one or more non-governmental entities. John Locke described private property as a natural law principle arguing in his labor theory of property that when a person mixes their labor with nature, the labor enters the object conferring individual private ownership. Private property is foundational to capitalism, an economic system based on the private ownership of the means of production and their operation for profit. As a legal concept, private property is defined and enforced by a country's political system.
Humanitarianism is an ideology centered on the value of human life, whereby humans practice benevolent treatment and provide assistance to other humans to reduce suffering and improve the conditions of humanity for moral, altruistic, and emotional reasons.
The just price is a theory of ethics in economics that attempts to set standards of fairness in transactions. With intellectual roots in ancient Greek philosophy, it was advanced by Thomas Aquinas based on an argument against usury, which in his time referred to the making of any rate of interest on loans. It gave rise to the contractual principle of laesio enormis.
Economic anthropology is a field that attempts to explain human economic behavior in its widest historic, geographic and cultural scope. It is an amalgamation of economics and anthropology. It is practiced by anthropologists and has a complex relationship with the discipline of economics, of which it is highly critical. Its origins as a sub-field of anthropology began with work by the Polish founder of anthropology Bronislaw Malinowski and the French Marcel Mauss on the nature of reciprocity as an alternative to market exchange. In an earlier German context, Heinrich Schurtz has been cited as a “founder of economic anthropology" for his pioneering inquiries into money and exchange across different cultural settings.
Rebellion is a violent uprising against one's government. A rebel is a person who engages in a rebellion. A rebel group is a consciously coordinated group that seeks to gain political control over an entire state or a portion of a state. A rebellion is often caused by political, religious, or social grievances that originate from a perceived inequality or marginalization. Rebellion comes from Latin re and bellum, and in Lockian philosophy refers to the responsibility of the people to overthrow unjust government.
James Campbell Scott was an American political scientist and anthropologist specializing in comparative politics. He was a comparative scholar of agrarian and non-state societies.
The Great Transformation is a book by Karl Polanyi, a Hungarian political economist. First published in 1944 by Farrar & Rinehart, it deals with the social and political upheavals that took place in England during the rise of the market economy. Polanyi contends that the modern market economy and the modern nation-state should be understood not as discrete elements but as a single human invention, which he calls the "Market Society".
In the history of economic thought, ancient economic thought refers to the ideas from people before the Middle Ages.
Ricardian socialism is a branch of classical economic thought based upon the work of the economist David Ricardo (1772–1823). Despite Ricardo being a capitalist economist, the term is used to describe economists in the 1820s and 1830s who developed a theory of capitalist exploitation from the theory developed by Ricardo that stated that labor is the source of all wealth and exchange value. This principle extends back to the principles of English philosopher John Locke. The Ricardian socialists reasoned that labor is entitled to all it produces, and that rent, profit and interest were not natural outgrowths of the free market process but were instead distortions. They argued that private ownership of the means of production should be supplanted by cooperatives owned by associations of workers.
Spheres of exchange is a heuristic tool for analyzing trading restrictions within societies that are communally governed and where resources are communally available. Goods and services of specific types are relegated to distinct value categories, and moral sanctions are invoked to prevent exchange between spheres. It is a classic topic in economic anthropology.
The Flour War refers to a wave of riots from April to May 1775, in the northern, eastern, and western parts of the Kingdom of France. It followed an increase in grain prices, and subsequently bread prices; bread was an important source of food among the populace. Contributing factors to the riots include poor weather and harvests, and the withholding by police of public grain supplies from the royal stores in 1773–1774. This large-scale revolt subsided following wheat price controls imposed by Turgot, Louis XVI's Controller-General of Finances, and the deploying of military troops.
Women-led uprisings are mass protests that are initiated by women as an act of resistance or rebellion in defiance of an established government. A protest is a statement or action taken part to express disapproval of or object an authority, most commonly led in order to influence public opinion or government policy. They range from village food riots against imposed taxes to protests that initiated the Russian Revolution.
Political economy in anthropology is the application of the theories and methods of historical materialism to the traditional concerns of anthropology, including but not limited to non-capitalist societies. Political economy introduced questions of history and colonialism to ahistorical anthropological theories of social structure and culture. Most anthropologists moved away from modes of production analysis typical of structural Marxism, and focused instead on the complex historical relations of class, culture and hegemony in regions undergoing complex colonial and capitalist transitions in the emerging world system.
The New Economic Policy (NEP) was an economic policy of the Soviet Union proposed by Vladimir Lenin in 1921 as a temporary expedient. Lenin characterized the NEP in 1922 as an economic system that would include "a free market and capitalism, both subject to state control", while socialized state enterprises would operate on "a profit basis".
The 1766 food riots took place across England in response to rises in the prices of wheat and other cereals following a series of poor harvests. Riots were sparked by the first largescale exports of grain in August and peaked in September–October. Around 131 riots were recorded, though many were relatively non-violent. In many cases traders and farmers were forced by the rioters to sell their wares at lower rates. In some instances, violence occurred with shops and warehouses looted and mills destroyed. There were riots in many towns and villages across the country but particularly in the South West and the Midlands, which included the Nottingham cheese riot.
The Mughal Empire's economic prowess and sophisticated infrastructure played a pivotal role in shaping South Asia's history. While the Mughal Empire is conventionally said to have been founded in 1526 by Babur, the Mughal imperial structure, however, is sometimes dated to 1600, to the rule of Babur's grandson, Akbar. The economy in South Asia during the Mughal era increased in productivity compared to medieval times. Mughal India's economy has been described as a form of proto-industrialization, an inspiration for the 18th-century putting-out system of Western Europe prior to the Industrial Revolution. It was described as large and prosperous. India under Mughal rule produced about 28% of the world's industrial output up until the 18th century with significant exports in textiles, shipbuilding, and steel, driving a strong export-driven economy. At the start of 17th century, the economic expansion within Mughal territories become the largest and surpassed the Qing dynasty and Europe. The share of the world's economy grew from 22.7% in 1600, which at the end of 16th century, had surpassed China to have the world's largest gross domestic product (GDP). Bengal Subah, the empire's wealthiest province, alone contributed to 12% of GDP and was a major hub for industries, contributing significantly to global trade and European imports, particularly in textiles and shipbuilding.
References
1 2 Bronterre (21 January 1837), Bronterre's National Reformer
1 2 Edelman, Marc (2012). "E. P. Thompson and Moral Economies". In Fassin, Didier (ed.). A Companion to Moral Anthropology(PDF). John Wiley & Sons. Retrieved 8 April 2021.
↑ Randall, Adrian; Charlesworth, Andrew, eds. (2000). Moral Economy and Popular Protest: Crowds, Conflict and Authority. Basingstoke: Macmillan. ISBN0-333-67184-8.
1 2 Burke, Peter (2005) [1993]. History and Social Theory(PDF). Ithaca: Cornell University Press. Retrieved 8 April 2021.
1 2 Bess, Michael (1993). Realism, utopia, and the mushroom cloud: four activist intellectuals and their strategies for peace, 1945-1989: Louise Weiss (France), Leo Szilard (USA), E.P. Thompson (England), Danilo Dolci (Italy). Chicago: University of Chicago Press. ISBN978-0-226-04420-0.
1 2 Cobb, Richard Charles (1 April 1970). The Police and the People: French Popular Protest 1789-1820. London, New York: Oxford University Press. ISBN978-0-19-881297-5.
↑ Black, Jeremy; MacRaild, Donald M. (1 January 2016) [2007]. Studying History. Macmillan Education UK. ISBN978-1-137-47860-3.
1 2 Patrick Collinson (2001). "Puritanism and the Poor". In Horrox, Rosemary; Jones, Sarah Rees (eds.). Pragmatic utopias: ideals and communities, 1200-1630. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.
↑ Moore, Barrington; Moore, Lecturer on Sociology Barrington (1993) [1966]. Social Origins of Dictatorship and Democracy: Lord and Peasant in the Making of the Modern World. Beacon Press. ISBN978-0-8070-5073-6.
↑ Wolf, Eric R. (1999) [1969]. Peasant Wars of the Twentieth Century. University of Oklahoma Press. ISBN978-0-8061-3196-2.
1 2 Quinault, R.; Quinault, Roland E.; Stevenson, John (1975). Popular Protest and Public Order: Six Studies in British History, 1790-1920. Allen & Unwin. ISBN978-0-04-942137-0.
1 2 3 Powelson, John P. (2000) [1998]. The Moral Economy. University of Michigan Press. ISBN978-0-472-08672-6.
↑ Ernesto Laclau, On Populist Reason (London: Verso, 2005), p. 76
↑ Norbert Götz and Emilia Palonen, ‘History: The Moral Economy Perspective’, in Research Handbook on Populism, ed. Yannis Stavrakakis and Giorgos Katsambekis (Cheltenham: Elgar, 2024), 239–50.
↑ Götz, Norbert; Brewis, Georgina; Werther, Steffen (2020). Humanitarianism in the Modern World: The Moral Economy of Famine Relief. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. doi:10.1017/9781108655903. ISBN9781108655903. S2CID225454514.
↑ Hodgson, Geoffrey M. (2013). From Pleasure Machines to Moral Communities: An Evolutionary Economics Without Homo Economicus. University of Chicago Press. ISBN978-0-226-92271-3.
Götz, Norbert; Palonen, Emilia (2024). "History: The Moral Economy Perspective". In Stavrakakis, Yannis; Katsambekis, Giorgos (eds.). Research Handbook on Populism. Cheltenham: Elgar. p.239–250.
Scott, James C. (1976). The Moral Economy of the Peasant: Rebellion and subsistence in Southeast Asia. Princeton: Princeton University Press. ISBN0-300-02190-9.
Stehr, Nico; Henning, Christoph; Weiler, Bernd (31 December 2011). The Moralization of the Markets. Transaction Publishers. ISBN978-1-4128-1587-1.* Thompson, E. P. (1971). "The Moral Economy of the English Crowd in the 18th Century". Past & Present (50): 76–136. doi:10.1093/past/50.1.76.
This page is based on this Wikipedia article Text is available under the CC BY-SA 4.0 license; additional terms may apply. Images, videos and audio are available under their respective licenses.
