Political repression under Abiy Ahmed

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Tewedros Asfaw, the founder of YouTube channel Ethio Selam, has been briefly imprisoned by the government in February 2023. He was a critical opponent to Abiy's government. Tewodros Asfaw (cropped from Ethio Selam YouTube channel) (2).png
Tewedros Asfaw, the founder of YouTube channel Ethio Selam, has been briefly imprisoned by the government in February 2023. He was a critical opponent to Abiy's government.

Political repression is a visible scenario under the leadership of Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed after 2018, characterized by severe human rights violation, restriction of press, speeches, dissents, activism and journalism that are critical to his government. Similar to TPLF-led EPRDF regime, there was a raise of censorship in the country, particularly internet shutdowns under the context of anti-terror legislation labelling them "disinformation and war narratives" since the raise of armed conflict in Ethiopia. [2] In June 2018, Abiy unblocked 64 internet access that include blogs and news outlets.

Contents

Early Abiy reforms were reversal of the former EPRDF repressive regime, such as liberalized the civil society law, released dozen prisoners, and detained journalists and activists. The committee to Protect Journalists noted Ethiopia jumped 40 position in the World Press Freedom Index by 2019. [3]

Detention

Early Abiy Ahmed tenure was characterized by major reforms in human rights, including releasing several political prisoners that were detained by EPRDF regime. [4] After the Tigrayan rebels captured Dessie and advanced towards the capital, Abiy declared state of emergency on 2 November 2021, encouraging mass arrests individuals "suspected of collaborating with terrorist groups" without warrant. The US government, various human rights groups and mainstream media accused the declaration of ethnic profiling against Tigrayans. Secret vigilantes operated in Addis Ababa and submitted individuals to the government supposed supporting the TPLF and OLA rebels. Tigrayan civilians were mostly detained in Western Tigray Zone. [5] [6] The detentions continued after the state of emergency in the capital Addis Ababa, targeting towards to some UN staffs members who were taken from their homes. According to UN spokesperson Stephane Dujarric, 16 staff members of Ethiopian citizen detained while six others were freed. [7]

On 20 May 2022, Brigadier General Tefera Mamo, who led the Amhara Regional Special Forces against Tigrayan rebels during the Tigray War, was arrested after a comment criticizing Abiy and his affiliation in Amhara region of being "motivated by money". [8] [9] Also, by 23 May 2022, the number of arrest has been inclined; 4,500 journalists and activists were arrested in what is called "law enforcement operations" by the government. [10] [11] While Abiy state the mass arrest is justified because of stability and security reasons, critics accused the government of utterly human rights violation, including extrajudicial killings. [12] On 5 January 2023, the Ethiopian Human Rights Council (EHRCO) experts Daniel Tesfaye, Bezuayehu Wondimu, Bereket Daniel and Nahom Husen went to a village called Alem Bank in west Addis Ababa to investigate people whose houses are demolished by the Addis Ababa municipal government. While gathering information around, unidentified police forces detained the four and forcefully disappeared for several hours until they relocated to Gelan Gudan Police Station. They were brought in Sebeta police station. Police alleged that they haven't permission letters to inform Oromia authority to carry out investigation. [13]

Crackdown

During the early Abiy's premiership, there was a hope of democratic transition. [14] He was questioned over his democratic reform, including the release of political prisoners and return of exiled dissent activists to the country. [15] On 14 November 2018, Abiy announced to end the ongoing crackdown on human rights groups by bringing to justice. [16] Since 12 November, 60 officials from intelligence organizations and METEC have been arrested. [17] According to Fana Broadcasting Corporate (FBC), Gudeta Olana, the head of security at Ethio Telecom, detained for no reason. [18] Abiy launched a crackdown against Oromo Liberation Army (OLA) and insurgency and Qeerroo movement in western and southern Oromia in December 2018. [19] For instance, the government sought a crackdown operation in Nekemte in early 2020, where many residents abused, and killing opposition politicians and human rights groups by soldiers. [20] On 26 April 2022, the Ethiopian Media Authority filed criminal cases on 25 media outlets, and began searching for local newsrooms, detaining 19 people including journalists, magazine editors and talk show hosts. [21]

Internet has been frequently shut down since September 2019 protests. The government justified these measures to ensure combatting hate speech via social media platforms. Many state-owned television stations, like EBC, Fana and Walta TV are under government control, broadcasting the alleged human rights violation and corruption issues of the former EPRDF regime as well as glorifying the current regime. The use of documentary propaganda film has been the major feature of Abiy Ahmed regime to entice public support in absence of independent media. [22] Most films are centered around many governmental departments and agencies such as the Federal Police, National Intelligence and Security Service (NISS), the Ethiopian National Defense Force (ENDF), the Information Network Security Agency and the Ethiopian Artificial Intelligence Institute. [23]

In early April 2023, the Ethiopian federal forces stormed in Amhara region to disarm regional military and Fano militias, resulted in skirmish and protests in Gondar, Kobo, Sekota, Weldiya and other cities. The government responded by repression against opposition communication services including mobile operators. [24] According to Armed Conflict Location and Event Data Project (ACLED) report released in 2023, 78 political violence events and at least 226 reported fatalities were recorded. 56% was targeted to civilian, 40% increase compared to May. [25]

Persecution

Abiy Ahmed accused of demolishing 19 mosques since the start of Ramadan 2023 for the sake of development of Sheger City. Muslims marched to protest on 26 May 2023 following prayer at Grand Anwar Mosque and Noor Mosque. 2 people killed as a result of shooting by security forces as dozens injured. [26] The government was accused of neglecting providing religious protection, such as in October 2019 protests, where 86 people mostly Orthodox Christians died of violence. [27]

Ethnic violence becomes longstanding, especially in the areas of Amhara, Benishangul-Gumuz and Oromia regions, where thousands of Amharas are deported from the southern region. Anti-Amharan mistreatment and abuse therefore much of concern for international organizations, notably Amnesty International called the problem "ethnically motivated attack and displacement. [28] British charity worker Graham Peebles argued on his article "The focus of the regime’s enmity is the Amhara people, a large ethnic group making up around 30 percent of the population. In the last four years Amhara communities living in the Oromo region have been subjected to sustained violence by Oromo nationalists: the Oromo Liberation Front (OLF)/Oromo Liberation Army (OLA), together with Oromo Special Forces (OSF) and the Queero (Oromo youth group) are behind the violence, with it seems, the approval, perhaps active participation, of the government." [29]

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<span class="mw-page-title-main">Abiy Ahmed</span> Prime Minister of Ethiopia since 2018

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<span class="mw-page-title-main">Persecution of Amhara people</span>

Persecution of Amhara people Since the 1990s, the Amhara people of Ethiopia have been subject to ethnic violence, including massacres by Tigrayan, Oromo and Gumuz ethnic groups among others, which some have characterized as a genocide. Large-scale killings and grave human rights violations followed the implementation of the ethnic-federalist system in the country. In most of the cases, the mass murders were silent with perpetrators from various ethno-militant groups—from TPLF/TDF, OLF–OLA, and Gumuz armed groups.

The 1995 Ethiopian Federal Constitution formalizes an ethnic federalism law aimed at undermining long-standing ethnic imperial rule, reducing ethnic tensions, promoting regional autonomy, and upholding unqualified rights to self-determination and secession in a state with more than 80 different ethnic groups. But the constitution is divisive, both among Ethiopian nationalists who believe it undermines centralized authority and fuels interethnic conflict, and among ethnic federalists who fear that the development of its vague components could lead to authoritarian centralization or even the maintenance of minority ethnic hegemony. Parliamentary elections since 1995 have taken place every five years since enactment. All but one of these have resulted in government by members of the Ethiopian People's Revolutionary Democratic Front (EPRDF) political coalition, under three prime ministers. The EPRDF was under the effective control of the Tigray People's Liberation Front (TPLF), which represents a small ethnic minority. In 2019 the EPRDF, under Abiy, was dissolved and he inaugurated the pan-ethnic Prosperity Party which won the 2021 Ethiopian Election, returning him as prime minister. But both political entities were different kinds of responses to the ongoing tension between constitutional ethnic federalism and the Ethiopian state's authority. Over the same period, and all administrations, a range of major conflicts with ethnic roots have occurred or continued, and the press and availability of information have been controlled. There has also been dramatic economic growth and liberalization, which has itself been attributed to, and used to justify, authoritarian state policy.

Democratic backsliding in Ethiopia is ongoing, most notably under the administration of Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed. Since assumption of power in April 2018, Ahmed has played crucial role of reforms in the Ethiopian politics and reversal of policies implemented by the former ruling party, the Ethiopian People's Revolutionary Democratic Front (EPRDF). Abiy immediately gained public approval and international recognition owing to liberalized policymaking including in media outlets, gender equality, internet freedom and privatization of economy. Furtherly, he was also warmly gained accolades for ending 20-years conflict between Ethiopia and Eritrea, from which he awarded the 2019 Nobel Peace Prize, being the first Ethiopian to earn the title. In 2019, Ethiopia received a score of 19 out of 100 in the Freedom in the World metric, a significant improvement from previous years, although it is still characterized as "Not Free". In December 2019, he formed the Prosperity Party by dissolution of EPRDF and merged all its ethnic based regional parties while the Tigray People's Liberation Front (TPLF) refused to obey, resulting intense face-off with the federal government. He promised to hold free and fair upcoming election; although due to COVID-19 pandemic deterioration and other security and logistics issues, the election was postponed indefinitely in mid-2020. Opponents called this action as backdrop to "reconsolidate dictatorship" and "constitutional crisis". On 9 September 2020, the Tigray Regional election were held as the federal government deemed illegal election. According to the electoral commission, the TPLF won 98.2% of 152 seats were contested. The federal government and the Tigray authority relations aggravated by late 2020, culminating the Tigray War.

Events in the year 2023 in Ethiopia.

<span class="mw-page-title-main">Anti-Tigrayan sentiment</span> Ethnic hatred against Tigrayans in Ethiopia

Anti-Tigrayan sentiment is a broad opposition, discrimination, hatred and bias against Tigrayans that reside in northern Ethiopia. During the EPRDF era, anti-Tigrayan views have been common among Ethiopians, particularly after the 2005 general election. Not only the irregularities of election caused the sentiment, but also the EPRDF was becoming more authoritarian dictatorship. It also created discontent among Amharas and Oromos; the Oromos demanded justice after an abrupt master plan to expand boundaries of Addis Ababa into Oromia Region, resulted in mass protests.

<span class="mw-page-title-main">Anti-Amhara sentiment</span> Ethnic hatred against Amhara people in Ethiopia

Anti-Amhara sentiment is opposition, hatred, discrimination and bias against Amhara people in Ethiopia. Amharas are subjected to longstanding ethnic hatred among the Tigrayan and Oromo elites. Persecution of Amharas are typically stemmed from accusation of Amhara for atrocities and land acquisition during the colonial rule in the Ethiopian Empire; many Oromo activists and intellectualists pertained Amhara of being "Neftenya", a feaudal lord and vassal who manages the lands loyal to the imperial government.

Oromization is a process of making and assimilating Oromo culture, language supremacy above other ethnic groups in Ethiopia. It is type of subjective political discourse than academic concepts based on common narratives about Ethiopian statehood and Abyssinian colonialism since 19th century. Oromization is a reversal of Amharization and Tigraynization.

References

  1. ↑ "Journalist Tewodros Asfaw released on bail after nine days of imprisonment". Addis Standard . 13 August 2023.
  2. ↑ Mumo, Muthoki (2022-08-01). "Journalists face growing hostility as Ethiopia's civil war persists". Committee to Protect Journalists. Retrieved 2023-08-13.
  3. ↑ "New wave of journalist arrests could roll back press freedom gains". Amnesty International. 2019-07-09. Retrieved 2023-08-13.
  4. ↑ "Ethiopia: Abiy's First Year as Prime Minister, Review of Arbitrary Detention, Torture and Detention Conditions". Human Rights Watch. 2019-04-05. Retrieved 2023-08-13.
  5. ↑ Sew, Mistir (2022-02-11). "Diary of an arbitrary detention in Ethiopia". Ethiopia Insight. Retrieved 2023-08-13.
  6. ↑ "Crackdown Sweeps Ethiopia's Capital as War Draws Near (Published 2021)". 2021-11-04. Retrieved 2023-08-13.
  7. ↑ "UN says 16 local staff detained in Ethiopia amid push to end war". France 24 . 2021-11-09. Retrieved 2023-08-13.
  8. ↑ "Wife says Ethiopian general arrested after criticising government". euronews. 2022-05-21. Retrieved 2023-08-13.
  9. ↑ "Journalists, general, militiamen arrested in Ethiopia's Amhara". Reuters. 2022-05-20. Retrieved 2023-08-13.
  10. ↑ reporter, Guardian (2022-05-30). "More than 4,000 arrested in Amhara as Ethiopia cracks down on militia". The Guardian. ISSN   0261-3077 . Retrieved 2023-08-13.
  11. ↑ "Ethiopia launches crackdown on journalists and activists". AP News. 2022-05-23. Retrieved 2023-08-13.
  12. ↑ "Mass detentions in Ethiopia as humanitarian situation worsens". commonspace.eu. Retrieved 2023-08-13.
  13. ↑ "Ethiopia: Arbitrary detention of four Ethiopian Human Rights Council…". OMCT. Retrieved 2023-08-13.
  14. ↑ "Arrest of Cameraman in Ethiopia Signals Wider Crackdown (Published 2020)". 2020-12-29. Retrieved 2023-08-13.
  15. ↑ Wilson, Tom (2018-09-26). "Ethiopian crackdown clouds premier's reform agenda". Financial Times. Retrieved 2023-08-13.
  16. ↑ "Ethiopia's ongoing crackdown on corruption, human rights abuse will continue: PM - Xinhua | English.news.cn". www.xinhuanet.com. Retrieved 2023-08-13.
  17. ↑ Wilson, Tom (2018-11-16). "Ethiopia arrests senior officials in corruption crackdown". Financial Times. Retrieved 2023-08-13.
  18. ↑ "Ethiopia arrests ex deputy intelligence chief in corruption, rights crackdown". Reuters. 2018-11-15. Retrieved 2023-08-13.
  19. ↑ Gemechu, Milkessa M. (2022-01-25). "How Abiy Ahmed Betrayed Oromia and Endangered Ethiopia". Foreign Policy. Retrieved 2023-08-13.
  20. ↑ "Ethiopia's Abiy faces outcry over crackdown on rebels". France 24 . 2020-02-29. Retrieved 2023-08-13.
  21. ↑ Zelalem, Zecharias. "In Ethiopia, mass detention signals shrinking press freedom". www.aljazeera.com. Retrieved 2023-08-13.
  22. ↑ "Ethiopia: Abiy's First Year as Prime Minister, Review of Freedom of Expression". Human Rights Watch. 2019-04-03. Retrieved 2023-08-13.
  23. ↑ Account (2024-04-27). "Government Manipulation through Propaganda Films : A Tool for Misleading the Public". Borkena Ethiopian News. Retrieved 2024-04-28.
  24. ↑ Ford, Neil (2023-05-05). "Ethiopia: Crackdown in Amhara risks escalating conflict". New African Magazine. Retrieved 2023-08-13.
  25. ↑ ACLED, Communications (2023-07-12). "EPO June 2023 Monthly: Political Violence Declines in Amhara Region Following Government Crackdown". Ethiopia Peace Observatory. Retrieved 2023-08-13.
  26. ↑ "RELIGIOUS PERSECUTION: WHY DOES ABIY AHMED'S GOVERNMENT DEMOLISH MOSQUES AND DESECRATE THE QURAN IN ETHIOPIA?". Al-Estiklal Newspaper . 13 August 2023.
  27. ↑ Desta, Alemayehu (2020-02-25). "Ethiopian Christians Endure Persecution". providencemag.com. Retrieved 2023-08-13.
  28. ↑ "Ethiopia needs to end the persecution of a key ethnic group to achieve real reform". Quartz. 2018-06-21. Retrieved 2023-08-13.
  29. ↑ "Identity and Violence: Abiy Ahmed's Amhara genocide denial". Reset DOC. 2023-05-04. Retrieved 2023-08-13.
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