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According to the U.S. Department of State's human rights report for 2022, there exists "significant human rights issues" in Ethiopia. In addition to extrajudicial killings and instances of "enforced disappearance", other human right issues in Ethiopia include arbitrary arrest, the censorship and unjustified arrests of journalists, the use of child soldiers, and more. [1]
Reports of human rights violations within the country have been levied at the federal government of Ethiopia, and by various militant groups and regional militias; including the Tigray People's Liberation Front. [1]
This section needs to be updated. The reason given is: A brief overview/cross-link on the Tigray War and other aspects of the 2020 and post-2020 human rights situation is needed.(June 2024) |
During Emperor Haile Selassie's reign, laws began to be systematically codified, allowing for the enactment of Ethiopia's first two constitutions: the Constitution of 1931 and the Revised Constitution of the Empire of Ethiopia of 1955, as well as six Codes that remain fundamental to Ethiopia's laws today. [2] However, both the 1931 Constitution and the 1955 Constitution systematized the power of the Emperor, leaving out what rights and freedoms his subjects should possess. [2]
After overthrowing Selassie in 1974, Major Mengistu Haile Marium established a military dictatorship that subjected its political opponents to "arbitrary arrests and detentions, torture, enforced disappearances and extra-judicial execution." [2] Five years later, Mengistu began the Derg's planned transition to a civil government, forming a Commission for the Establishment of the Worker's Party in 1979 and declaring a socialist republic, led by the Workers Party of Ethiopia, in 1984. [3] In 1987, the Constitution of the People's Democratic Republic of Ethiopia (PDRE Constitution) formally dissolved the Derg and inaugurated the People's Democratic Republic of Ethiopia (PDRE), a Marxist–Leninist one-party state that was dominated by the military and former Derg members. [3] The PDRE Constitution outlined basic rights and freedoms, including freedom of speech, press, and assembly; freedom of conscience and religion; and the rights of the accused and arrested. [4] Due to the PDRE's socialist ideology, the PDRE Constitution emphasized socioeconomic and cultural rights, [5] such as the right to free education; the right to healthcare; and the freedom to participate in science, technology, and the arts. [4] However, the same rights established in the PDRE Constitution were violated by Mengistu's military state. [2]
Mengistu's authoritarian military regime faced organized opposition for all of its fourteen years of rule. [5] Opposition groups including the Ethiopian People's Revolutionary Party (EPRP), a rival Marxist–Leninist group, and the Tigray-based Ethiopian People's Revolutionary Democratic Front, a coalition of ethnic democratic forces, led armed resistance to the Derg in a conflict known as the Ethiopian Civil War. [2] [6] [7] The Derg used violence, commonly enacted through military campaigns, to suppress dissidents. [8] In 1976, the Derg instigated the Qey Shibir (Ethiopian Red Terror), a violent political repression campaign targeting the EPRP. [8] Under Mengistu's leadership, the Derg did not only rely on state personnel to carry out the Qey Shibir; it also armed militias and civilian supporters and granted "genuine revolutionaries and patriots" impunity, further localizing state violence. [8] The Qey Shibir resulted in 50,000 fatalities. [9] In addition, many victims of the Qey Shibir were subjected to torture, exile, and sexual assault. [8] The Qey Shibir and the 1983-1985 famine, an event partly created and exacerbated by the government's military policies, increased popular support for the EPRDF, which successfully overthrew Mengistu's regime in 1991. [8] [10]
The EPRDF took power in 1991 with the promise of a transitional program that would rehabilitate those negatively impacted by the previous regime, promote democracy, and recognize and protect human and minority group rights. [11] [12] The Transitional Period Charter, which was adopted during the post-war conference in 1991, officially established a transitional government. [12] Drawing from the United Nations' Universal Declaration of Human Rights, Article 1 of the Charter guaranteed basic rights and civil liberties, specifically freedom of expression, association, and assembly; freedom of conscience; and the right to "unrestricted" political participation and party organization, "provided the exercise of such right does not infringe upon the rights of others." [13] The Charter also addressed the state of interethnic relations in Ethiopia. Article 17 of the Charter stated that the Transitional Government of Ethiopia (TGE) would work to de-escalate ethnic conflict as it led the country toward a full democracy. [13] Article 2 proclaimed the rights of ethnic groups in Ethiopia, which are officially referred to as nations or nationalities. [14] Among the rights granted to all Ethiopian "nations, nationalities, and peoples" was the right to self-determination, including the right to secede. [13]
In 1994, the EPRDF adopted the Constitution of the Federal Democratic Republic of Ethiopia, which came into effect following the 1995 general election. [2] Following the blueprint laid out by the Transitional Period Charter, the 1995 Constitution established an ethnic federal system. [11] [14] Like the Charter, the 1995 Constitution draws from the Universal Declaration of Human Rights while also establishing protections of group rights. [11] Articles 14 through 44 of the 1995 Constitution codify "fundamental rights and freedoms," with Articles 14 through 28 pertaining to "human rights" and articles 29 through 44 establishing "democratic rights." [15]
In April 2018, Abiy Ahmed became Prime Minister and promised multiple reforms in terms of human rights. In 2018, his government freed thousands of political prisoners, lifted the state of emergency, ended the Eritrean–Ethiopian War, selected a new cabinet among which half the ministers were women, and appointed a woman judge, Birtukan Mideksa, as the head of the National Election Board of Ethiopia (NEBE). [16] [17]
Ethiopia's Anti-Terrorism Proclamation was introduced in 2009. [18] The broad provisions of the Anti-Terrorism Proclamation allow the authorities to criminalize the exercise of freedom of expression. [19] Amnesty International believes that at least 108 journalists and opposition members were arrested in 2011 primarily because of their legitimate and peaceful criticism of the government. The sheer numbers involved in this wave of arrests represents the most far-reaching crackdown on freedom of expression seen in many years in Ethiopia. [20]
From March 2011 to December 2011 at least 108 opposition party members and six journalists were arrested in Ethiopia for alleged involvement with various proscribed terrorist groups. The detainees had been charged with crimes under the Anti-Terrorism Proclamation and the Criminal Code. Many arrests in 2011 came in the days immediately after individuals publicly criticized the government, were involved in public calls for reform, applied for permission to hold demonstrations, or attempted to conduct investigative journalism in a region of Ethiopia to which the government severely restricts access. [20]
Amnesty International believes the individuals will not receive a fair trial and will be convicted for exercising their right to freedom of expression. Many of the detainees complained that they experienced torture and were forced to sign confessions or incriminating evidence. Almost all were denied access to lawyers and family at the start of detention. [21]
The trials have become deeply politicized owing to the interest of senior government officials including the Prime Minister who declared in the national parliament that all the defendants are guilty. The Prime Minister has publicly threatened to carry out further arrests. In the first week of December 135 people were reported to be arrested in Oromia. Amnesty International calls on the United Nations, European Union, African Union, and governments to: Conduct systematic monitoring of the ongoing terrorism trials and the trials of members of the Oromo people political opposition arrested during 2011 and make findings public. [20]
Two journalists and four opposition politicians of the Unity for Democracy and Justice (UDJ) party, and the Ethiopian National Democratic party, were arrested on 14 September and on 9 September 2011. They were accused of involvement with the Ginbot 7 group, a banned political party. [22]
According to Amnesty International citizens were pressured to leave opposition parties in May 2010 elections. Voters in Addis Ababa were reportedly threatened with the withdrawal of state assistance if they did not vote for the EPRDF. There was political violence: One candidate and several activists were killed. Registration as candidates was reportedly prevented by armed forces. Opposition parties said that their members were harassed, beaten, and detained by the EPRDF in the build-up to the elections. Hundreds of people were allegedly arrested arbitrarily in the Oromia region, often on the grounds of supporting the (OLF), an armed group. Detention without trial, torture and killings of Oromos were reported. [23]
The Ethiopian People's Revolutionary Democratic Front (EPRDF) consolidated political control with 99.6 percent victory in the May 2010 parliamentary elections. According to Human Rights Watch the polls were preceded by months of intimidation of opposition party supporters. According to European election observers, the election fell short of international standards. The government had a five-year strategy to systematically close down space for political dissent and independent criticism. [24]
The Universal Declaration of Human Rights Article 19 of the freedom of expression states: Everyone has the right to freedom of opinion and expression; this right includes freedom to hold opinions without interference and to seek, receive and impart information and ideas through any media and regardless of frontiers.
According to Reporters Without Borders Ethiopia was 139 out of 178 in its latest worldwide index in January 2012. [25] [26] Freedom House stated in 2007 that citizens had little access to media other than the state-owned networks, and most private newspapers struggled to remain open and suffered periodic harassment from the government. [27]
Government censorship, harassment and arrest of bloggers and journalists severely restricts freedom of the press in Ethiopia:
All of the above individuals were held at the Kaliti Prison.
During the Abiy Ahmed prime ministership that started in April 2018, thousands of political prisoners were released in May 2018. [16] The rate of imprisonment of journalists during Abiy's first year of power dropped for the first time since 2004. In April 2019, the media remained reluctant to criticize the government out of fear of punishment. [33] From May 2019 to December 2020, Addis Standard counted 33 detentions of journalists. Most were released on bail, some without charges. The longest detention prior to bail among those listed was that of Kenyan freelance journalist Yassin Juma, who was detained for 49 days, accused of "inciting ethnic violence and plotting to kill senior Ethiopian officials". [34]
On 27 March 2020, Ethiopian police arrested journalist Yayesew Shimelis following his report about the COVID-19 pandemic. Following court orders to release him, police added additional charges, including terrorism charges. The Committee to Protect Journalists called the new accusations "dubious", and the One Free Press Coalition highlighted him in its May 2020 list of "10 Most Urgent" list of journalists under attack. [35] [36] [37]
In 2005, the Ethiopian Police Massacre took place. In this, it was claimed that the Ethiopian police massacred almost 200 opposition protesters, who were protesting in response to the May 2005 General Elections. During this, live gunfire from government forces was directed at protesters and bystanders.
On 6 January 2009, the Ethiopian parliament passed the "Charities and Societies Proclamation (NGO law)", which "criminalizes most human rights work in the country" according to HRW, who added that "the law is a direct rebuke to governments that assist Ethiopia and that had expressed concerns about the law's restrictions on freedom of association and expression." [38] The Charities and Societies Proclamation No. 621/2009 of Ethiopia (Civil Society Law or CSO law) was enacted on 6 January 2009. The 2009 CSO law was part of the many measures behind the government's post-2005 authoritarian turn and sought to and to some degree succeeded in either dominating independent civil society or replacing them with Government Owned Non-Governmental Organizations (GONGOs). [39]
According to a paper by the Center for International Human Rights at Northwestern University School of Law, "The CSO law is the product of the Ethiopian government's deep suspicion of civil society" and has been frequently used to silence any organization that advocates for human rights in Ethiopia. [40] This law is more draconian than a similar Russian law and is most similar to a draft of a Zimbabwean NGO bill that was never signed into law. Research indicates that Ethiopia's CSO law is among the most restrictive in the world. [40]
This law prohibits "foreign" NGO's from engaging in a very wide range of activities including human rights, women's rights, children's rights, disability rights, citizenship rights, conflict resolution or democratic governance. The definition of "foreign" NGO was broadened to include local NGOs that receive more than ten percent of their funding from foreign sources. Given that most local NGO's cannot sustain themselves without some foreign funding, this definition is broad enough to include almost all NGO's in Ethiopia. However, the government of Ethiopia itself receives 50 to 60 percent of its national budget from foreign governments, which according to its own definition would clearly make it a foreign entity as well. [41]
Over the years Ethiopian organizations that have found themselves to be targets of harassment using the CSO Law include the Ethiopian Human Rights Council (EHRCO), the Ethiopian Women Lawyers Association (EWLA) which provided pro bono service to Ethiopian women who could not afford a lawyer. Despite the fact that Article 31 of the Ethiopian Constitution provides that "every person has the right to freedom of association for any cause or purpose", the prohibition of NGO's by the CSO Law has had the effect of severely restricting citizens' right of association, as members of NGO's can not associate freely. [ citation needed ]
In 2012, Ethiopia passed a law that criminalizes providing Internet voice communication (VoIP) and requiring inspection of any imported voice communications equipment. [42] Additionally, it prohibits "bypasses the telecom infrastructure established by the telecom service provider", which restricts Internet access to only the ETC. [43] [44]
According to Freedom House's Freedom on the Net 2013 report, Ethiopia ranked 56th out of 60 countries on Internet freedom [45] and 47th out of 53 in 2012. [46]
In October 2016, many Ethiopians protested against the government after they prohibited use of social media, and banned several television channels. [47] As a result, hundreds of people were killed and hundreds more imprisoned. [48]
According to surveys in 2003 by the National Committee on Traditional Practices in Ethiopia, marriage by abduction accounts for 69% of the nation's marriages, with around 80% in the largest region, Oromia, and as high as 92 percent in the Southern Nations, Nationalities, and People's Region. [49] [50]
On 9 November 2021, the Human Rights Watch reported that the blocking of Tigray aid by the Ethiopian government, along with health facilities in Ethiopia's northern Tigray region destroyed, is preventing sexual violence survivors from obtaining essential care. The report named “I Always Remember That Day: Access to Services for Gender-Based Violence Survivors in Ethiopia's Tigray Region,” documents the serious health impact, trauma, and stigma experienced by rape survivors since the beginning of the armed conflict in Tigray. [51]
According to the 2005 Ethiopian Demographic Health Survey, more than 74% of women between the ages of 15 and 49 have undergone some form of genital mutilation and cutting with more than 97% in the Somali Region. [52]
Among certain Omotic Karo and Hamar communities in southern Ethiopia, adults and children with physical abnormalities are considered to be mingi, "ritually impure". The latter are believed to exert an evil influence upon others; disabled infants have traditionally been murdered without a proper burial. [53] [54] The Karo officially banned the practice in July 2012. [55]
A nationwide series of violent protests, concentrated in the Oromia Region, broke out starting on 23 October 2019, sparked by activist and media owner Jawar Mohammed's allegation that security forces had attempted to detain him. According to official reports, 86 people were killed. [56] On 29 May 2020, Amnesty International released a report accusing the security forces of Ethiopia of mass detentions and extrajudicial killings. The report stated that in 2019, at least 25 people, suspected of supporting the Oromo Liberation Army, were killed by the forces in parts of the Oromia Region. Between January and September 2019, at least 10,000 people were detained under suspicion, where most were "subjected to brutal beatings". [57]
Ethnic violence in the south between Oromo, the largest ethnic group in the country, and the Gedeo and, in the east, between the Oromo and the Somalis led to Ethiopia having the largest number of people to flee their homes in the world in 2018. [58] About 1.4 million refugees fled their homes in Ethiopia in 2018. The largest number were from the Gedeo–Oromo clashes, where about 800,000 mostly ethnic Gedeos fled the district of West Guji in Oromia, a higher number and over a shorter period of time, than occurred at the height of Myanmar's Rohingya crisis the year before. [59] The government pressures the refugees to return to their homes even though they fear for their lives, often by denying refugees access to humanitarian aid. [60]
Gambela Region has a population of 307,000, mainly indigenous Anuak and Nuer. Its richly fertile soil has attracted foreign and domestic investors who have leased large tracts of land at favorable prices. [61] From 2008 through January 2011, Ethiopia leased out at least 3.6 million hectares of land, an area the size of the Netherlands. An additional 2.1 million hectares of land is available through the federal government's land bank for agricultural investment. In Gambella, 42 percent of the land is marketed for investors. [62] A similar 2012 report by Human Rights Watch also describes the Ethiopian government's 2010–2011 villagization program in Gambela, with plans to carry out similar resettlements in other regions. [63]
In 2013, the Oakland Institute released a report accusing the Ethiopian government of forcing the relocation of "hundreds of thousands of indigenous people from their lands" in the Gambela Region. [64] According to several reports by the organization, those who refused were the subject of a variety of intimidation techniques including physical and sexual abuse, which sometimes led to deaths. [65] [66] [67]
The Ethiopian government has denied the accusations of land grabbing and instead pointed to the positive trajectory of the country's economy as evidence of the development program's benefits. [67]
Homosexual acts are illegal in Ethiopia. According to Criminal Code Article 629, same-sex activity is punished up to 15 years to life in prison. [68] Ethiopia has been a socially conservative country. The majority of people are hostile towards LGBT people and persecution is commonplace on the grounds of religious and societal norms. Homosexuality came to light in the country after the failed 2008 appeal to the Council of Ministers, and the LGBT scene began to thrive slightly in major metropolitan locations, such as Addis Ababa. Some notable hotels like Sheraton Addis and Hilton Hotel became hotbeds of accusations for alleged lobbying. [69]
The Ethiopian Orthodox Church plays a frontal role in opposition; some of its members formed anti-gay organizations. For example, Dereje Negash, one prominent activist, founded "Zim Anlem" in 2014, which is a traditionalism and anti-gender movement. [70] According to the 2007 Pew Global Attitudes Project, 97 percent [71] of Ethiopians believe homosexuality is a way of life that society should not accept. This was the second-highest rate of non-acceptance in the 45 countries surveyed. [72]
Police force unlawful use of force has become a recent phenomena in Ethiopia. During the Derg regime, the security sector had a primary role to repress opposition groups and rebel rivals. There have also been sightings of abusing the local population. The violation also existed during the EPRDF era; in the protest of the 2005 general election, 193 people were killed by police forces initiated by government crackdown. [73] [74] In Article 52 of the Constitution, the Federal Police was obligated to administer state police force and maintain public order and peace within the state. [75]
Police brutality reappeared during Abiy Ahmed tenure. [76] On 26 August 2019, a video of a handcuffed man beaten by two officers went viral on Twitter, with many shared outrage against the government administration. [77]
According to a report released by Human Rights Watch (HRW) in June 2008, the Ethiopian army has committed widespread executions, torture and rape in Ogaden, as part of a counterinsurgency campaign. [78] The Ethiopian Ministry of Foreign Affairs responded with a big press release stating that they performed an investigation during August and September of that year, which "found no trace of serious human rights violation let alone war crimes or crimes against humanity" during their response to the Abole oil field raid, but claimed the investigation found "a mass of evidence of further systematic abuses committed by the ONLF." [79] However, the U.S. State Department's annual report on human rights notes that Lisan Yohannes, a "former ruling party insider", led the investigation, an appointment which "opens questions about the independence of the investigation." [80]
Following the State of Emergency declared in 2016, there were reports of thousands of deaths of citizens. [81] After protests in Oromo, Amhara, and the Southern Nations, Nationalities, and People's region, The Ethiopian Human Rights Council reported that there were 669 deaths on aggregate. [81] According to other NGOs and Oromo region officials, there were hundreds of deaths due to militia groups in the eastern side of Ethiopia. [81]
On 30 June 2020, Amnesty International called upon the Ethiopian authorities to thoroughly and impartially investigate the 29 June killing of popular Oromo singer Hachalu Hundessa. [82]
In a 2017 HRCO report, detention centers in Ethiopia came under scrutiny. [81] The prisons are overcrowded, for example a prison in Asella has a capacity of 400 people, but holds 3000 detainees. The prisoners were beaten and some killed, like Ayele Beyene in Kilinto who was beaten by guards and then his wounds were ignored which eventually led to his death. [81] Once people are placed in the prison system their families have little knowledge of their whereabouts. Detainees in some places cannot receive visitors and there is no database or organization to find the location of prisoners. [81]
In the 2017 HRCO report, the conditions of the Finote Selam Prison in Amhara, the Awash Arba Prison, and Kilinto Prison, were revealed. [81] In the Finote Selam Prison the reports indicated the detainees were beaten and tortured, and the Amahara and Oromo ethnicities were given worse treatment than other groups. Detainees were also subjected to spend time immersed in latrine pits of human feces. In the Awash Arba Prison, they were overcrowded, unfed, beaten, and forced to do manual labor. [81] In addition, the detainees spent time outside walking barefoot and sitting in the sun for consecutive days. In Kilinto, the prisoners were forced to give confessions at the threat of physical punishment, while being mistreated. [81]
In 2018, under the new leadership of Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed, the Ethiopian Government closed Jail Ogaden in the Somali Region of Ethiopia. [83] Jail Ogaden was operated under the former leader of the Somali Region, Abdi Mohamoud Omar, with many of the imprisoned there without charges against them. [84] A Human Rights Watch report indicates that the prisoners were malnourished, beaten, and kept in small confines that promoted rampant disease spread. [84] The former head of the prison Shamaahiye Sheikh Farah was arrested in September 2018 for his role in the prison. Shamaahiye's most infamous incident of torture was having a month of hunger, where none of the prisoners were allowed to eat. [85]
The following chart shows Ethiopia's ratings from 1972 to 2011 in the Freedom in the World reports, published annually by Freedom House. A rating of 1 is "free"; 7, "not free". [86] 1
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Ethiopia's stances on international human rights treaties are as follows:
Human rights in Kenya internationally maintain a variety of mixed opinions; specifically, political freedoms are highlighted as being poor and homosexuality remains a crime. In the Freedom in the World index for 2017, Kenya held a rating of '4' for civil liberties and political freedoms, in which a scale of "1" to "7" is practised.
Human rights in Eritrea are viewed, as of the 2020s, by non-governmental organisations (NGOs) such as Human Rights Watch as among the worst in the world, particularly with regards to freedom of the press. Eritrea is a one-party state in which national legislative elections have been repeatedly postponed, the judiciary is weak, and constitutional provisions protecting individual freedom have yet to be fully implemented. Some Western countries, particularly the United States, accuse the government of Eritrea of arbitrary arrest and detentions and of detaining an unknown number of people without charge for their political activism. Additionally, Eritrean citizens, both men and women, are forcibly conscripted into the military with an indefinite length of service and used as forced labour.
Human rights in Libya is the record of human rights upheld and violated in various stages of Libya's history. The Kingdom of Libya, from 1951 to 1969, was heavily influenced by the British and Y.R.K companies. Under the King, Libya had a constitution. The kingdom, however, was marked by a feudal regime. Due to the previous colonial regime, Libya had a low literacy rate of 10%, a low life expectancy of 57 years, with many people living in shanties and tents. Illiteracy and homelessness were chronic problems during this era, when iron shacks dotted many urban centres in the country.
According to the U.S. Department of State's annual report on human rights in Mali for 2003, Mali's government generally respects the human rights of its citizens and observes relevant constitutional provisions and prohibitions.
Morocco became a highly repressive country under the absolute monarchy of King Hassan II, and continues to be considered repressive under the reign of King Mohammed VI, though the latter has instituted some reforms. Dozens of journalists, artists, and ordinary citizens are regularly sentenced to lengthy prison sentences for exercising basic rights enjoyed elsewhere in the world, such as freedom of the press, protesting the government, or criticizing government officials. Morocco heavily restricts basic human rights, such as freedom of speech, the right to assembly, and the right to criticize officials. Moroccans also feel the pressures of inflation within the country, such as the lack of basic services like healthcare, clean water, and the difficulty of parents to access quality education for their children. While there have been a handful of reforms that have been generally welcomed internationally, most Moroccans feel this is insufficient, and continue to be unhappy with the trajectory of the country under the policies of King Mohammed VI, despite his transition of the government to an ostensible constitutional monarchy. Under his father, King Hassan II, Morocco had one of the worst human rights records in Africa and the world, especially during the time period known as the "Years Of Lead", which lasted from the early 1960s until the late 1980s; it was a period in the country's history that was known for the brutal repression of political dissent and opposition, that involved wide-scale arrests, arbitrary detention, lengthy imprisonment, and even killings of political opponents. Currently, Morocco continues to face some of these issues, as well as other human rights problems, such as poor prison conditions, the mistreatment of women and the LGBT community, and the widespread use of torture by police. Despite the considerable improvements made in the last several years under the leadership of King Mohammed VI, who has rolled back some of his father's harshest decrees, repression of political dissidence, and torture of citizens by officials, is still commonplace in Morocco today.
The U.S. Department of State's Country Report on Human Rights Practices for São Tomé and Príncipe states that the government generally respects the human rights of its citizens, despite problems in a few areas.
Human rights in Egypt are guaranteed by the Constitution of the Arab Republic of Egypt under the various articles of Chapter 3. The country is also a party to numerous international human rights treaties, including the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights and the International Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights. However, the state of human rights in the country has been criticized both in the past and the present, especially by foreign human rights organisations such as Amnesty International and Human Rights Watch. As of 2022, Human Rights Watch has declared that Egypt's human rights crises under the government of President Abdel Fattah al-Sisi is "one of its worst ... in many decades", and that "tens of thousands of government critics, including journalists, peaceful activists, and human rights defenders, remain imprisoned on abusive 'terrorism' charges, many in lengthy pretrial detention." International human rights organizations, such as the aforementioned HRW and Amnesty International, have alleged that as of January 2020, there are some 60,000 political prisoners in Egypt. Other complaints made are of authorities harassing and detaining "relatives of dissidents abroad" and use of "vague 'morality' charges to prosecute LGBT people, female social media influencers, and survivors of sexual violence." The Egyptian government has frequently rejected such criticism, denying that any of the prisoners it holds are political prisoners.
According to the Republic of Niger's Constitution of 1999, most human rights, as defined by the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, are upheld and protected. Despite these protections, concerns of both domestic and international human rights organizations have been raised over the behavior of the government, military, police forces, and over the continuation of traditional practices which contravene the 1999 constitution. Under French colonial rule (1900–1960) and from independence until 1992, citizens of Niger had few political rights, and lived under arbitrary government power. Although the situation has improved since the return to civilian rule, criticisms remain over the state of human rights in the country.
Human rights in Rwanda have been violated on a grand scale. The greatest violation is the Rwandan genocide of Tutsi in 1994. The post-genocide government is also responsible for grave violations of human rights.
Human rights in Cameroon are addressed in the constitution. However, the 2009 Human Rights Report by the United States Department of State noted concerns in regard to election irregularities, security forces torture and arbitrary arrests.
Human rights in Burkina Faso are addressed in its constitution, which was ratified in 1991. The 2009 Human Rights Report by the United States Department of State noted concerns regarding restrictions on the press and the operation of the judiciary system. In its 2021 report, Human Rights Watch described the human rights situation in Burkina Faso as being "precarious" in light of ongoing violence committed by Islamists, government security forces, and pro-government militias.
In 2022, Freedom House rated Burundi's human rights at 14 out 100.
Eswatini, Africa's last remaining absolute monarchy, was rated by Freedom House from 1972 to 1992 as "Partly Free"; since 1993, it has been considered "Not Free". During these years the country's Freedom House rating for "Political Rights" has slipped from 4 to 7, and "Civil Liberties" from 2 to 5. Political parties have been banned in Eswatini since 1973. A 2011 Human Rights Watch report described the country as being "in the midst of a serious crisis of governance", noting that "[y]ears of extravagant expenditure by the royal family, fiscal indiscipline, and government corruption have left the country on the brink of economic disaster". In 2012, the African Commission on Human and Peoples' Rights (ACHPR) issued a sharp criticism of Eswatini's human-rights record, calling on the Swazi government to honor its commitments under international law in regards to freedom of expression, association, and assembly. HRW notes that owing to a 40% unemployment rate and low wages that oblige 80% of Swazis to live on less than US$2 a day, the government has been under "increasing pressure from civil society activists and trade unionists to implement economic reforms and open up the space for civil and political activism" and that dozens of arrests have taken place "during protests against the government's poor governance and human rights record".
Human rights in Liberia became a focus of international attention when the country's president, Ellen Johnson Sirleaf, was named one of the three female co-winners of the 2011 Nobel Peace Prize, all of whom were cited "for their non-violent struggle for the safety of women and for women's rights to full participation in peace-building work".
Human rights are "rights and freedoms to which all humans are entitled". Proponents of the concept usually assert that everyone is endowed with certain entitlements merely by reason of being human.
The issue of human rights in Djibouti, a small country situated within the Horn of Africa, is a matter of concern for several human rights organizations.
Human rights in Sierra Leone are in a rather deplorable state, but have improved gradually since the end of its civil war in 2002. Among the major human-rights problems in Sierra Leone today, according to a 2011 U.S. State Department report, are "security force abuse and use of excessive force with detainees, including juveniles; harsh conditions in prisons and jails; official impunity; arbitrary arrest and detention; prolonged detention, excessive bail, and insufficient legal representation; interference with freedom of speech and press; forcible dispersion of demonstrators; widespread official corruption; societal discrimination and violence against women, discrimination based on sexual orientation; female genital mutilation (FGM); child abuse; trafficking in persons, including children; and forced child labor".
Human rights in Lesotho, a nation of 2,067,000 people completely surrounded by South Africa, is a contentious issue. In its 2012 Freedom in the World report, Freedom House declared the country "Partly Free". According to the United States Bureau of Democracy, Human Rights and Labor, which produces annual human rights reports on the country, the most pressing human rights issues are the use of torture, poor prison conditions, and the abuse of women and children.
Human rights in Guinea, a nation of approximately 10,069,000 people in West Africa, are a contentious issue. In its 2012 Freedom in the World report, Freedom House named Guinea "partly free" for the second year in a row, an improvement over its former status as one of the least free countries in Africa.
Since the 1990s, the Amhara people of Ethiopia have been subject to ethnic violence, including massacres by Tigrayan, Oromo and Gumuz ethnic groups among others, which some have characterized as a genocide. Large-scale killings and grave human rights violations followed the implementation of the ethnic-federalist system in the country. In most of the cases, the mass murders were silent with perpetrators from various ethno-militant groups—from TPLF/TDF, OLF–OLA, and Gumuz armed groups.
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