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In 2022, Freedom House rated Burundi's human rights at 14 out 100 (not free). [1]
Burundi is governed as a presidential representative democratic republic, with an estimated population of 10,557,259 in 2012. [2] The country has experienced a long history of social unrest and ethnic tension between the Hutu majority and Tutsi minority, with successive civil wars jeopardizing national development since Burundi's decolonization as a Belgian territory in 1962. The most recent conflict broke out in 1993 with the assassination of Burundi's first democratically elected president, Melchior Ndadaye, and led to large-scale violations of human rights and general impunity. [3] In line with the Arusha Agreement of August 2000, peace was brokered between rebel groups the National Council for the Defense of Democracy–Forces for the Defense of Democracy (CNDD-FDD) and the National Forces of Liberation (FNL), and a new Constitution [4] was adopted by national referendum in 2005. The Constitution established cognitive institutions of State, including the Executive, Judiciary, and Legislature, with a view to promoting the rule of law and a more cogent human rights framework.
In 2010, the incumbent CNDD-FDD party won its second municipal elections, despite accusations of intimidation, fraud, inciting political violence, and restricting freedoms of association and expression around election time. [3] Accordingly, the legitimacy of these newly established institutions of State has been drawn into question in light of the irregularities and repression of the elections. The major challenge facing the advancement of human rights in Burundi continues to stem from the continuance of political volatility, and the persistence of discriminatory remedies of Customary Law in the absence of an accountable justice system.
Burundi has, since gaining its independence, been cited as a State guilty of widespread violations of human rights. A 2010 Transparency International report named Burundi as the most corrupt country in East Africa. [5]
Burundi has ratified and acceded to a number of significant human rights instruments, including the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (ICCPR), International Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights (ICESCR), African Charter on Human and Peoples Rights (ACHPR), Convention on the Prevention and Punishment of the Crime of Genocide (CPPCG), and the United Nations Convention Against Torture (Convention against Torture and Other Cruel, Inhuman or Degrading Treatment or Punishment – CATCIDTP). Articles 13-19 of the Burundian Constitution embody these rights. [4]
Following the recommendations of a Universal Periodic Review (UPR) in 2008, Burundi ratified the International Convention for the Protection of All Persons from Enforced Disappearance (ICCPED), Optional Protocol to the Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination against Women (OP-CEDAW), and the Optional Protocol to the Convention against Torture and other Cruel, Inhuman or Degrading Treatment or Punishment (OPCAT). During the UPR, a panel of 41 delegations praised Burundi's ratification of a substantial number of international instruments.
In 2000, a rudimentary Governmental Commission on Human Rights was set up, which at the recommendation of the 2008 Universal Periodic Review (UPR) [3] became the National Independent Human Rights Commission in 2009. However, the institution is yet to be accredited by the International Coordinating Committee of National Human Rights Institutions, thus lacks the key element of compliance with Paris Principles. Its current role as an investigatory and reporting body remains unfulfilled.
In a 2011 report, Human Rights Watch called on the government to strengthen its support for the NIHRC. [6] The role of a national Commission has become increasingly important since the termination of a United Nations Human Rights Council mandate in the country in September 2011. This coincides with a rapid rise in politically motivated killings and general impunity throughout the country. The Burundian government, however, has been reluctant in providing adequate financial support to the Commission, thus its ability to investigate serious violations of human rights is significantly compromised.
Despite the flourishing of multiparty politics in Burundi (an unusual characteristic for the region), Amnesty International noted in a 2011 report [7] that repressive tactics are often taken out by political parties with a view to precluding other parties from electoral success. This practice rendered the 2010 elections particularly volatile. As polls closed in June, it was reported that "the voting was held against the backdrop of daily grenade blasts that threatened to push the country back into civil strife", [8] and that political freedom was severely compromised. [9] The Burundian non-governmental organization (NGO) Commission Episcopale et Paix Archived 2020-02-04 at the Wayback Machine documented a range of violations during the elections, including campaigning before the legally authorized campaign period, assassinations, arbitrary arrests, verbal confrontations, fraud, restrictions on the right to free assembly, bribery, and hiring and firing based on political affiliation. [10] At least six political parties had committed offenses, but the ruling CNDD-FDD was cited as most frequently responsible. In the wake of the elections (which the incumbent CNDD-FDD and President Pierre Nkurunziza won after the opposition pulled out), reciprocal killings were perpetrated by the government against the former rebel group, and its main opposition rival, the Hutu FNL.
While freedom of speech is constitutionally guaranteed, Freedom House noted several instances during and after the election where journalists had been targeted for criticizing the government. This included arbitrary arrests, threats, detainment, and beatings. Consequently, in 2011 Burundi was given the press status of 'Not Free' by the NGO. [11] In March 2019, seven minor schoolgirls were arrested for doodling on a portrait of President Nkurunziza's face in their schoolbooks. Four of them, the youngest of whom was 13, were released, but the remaining three were formally charged on March 18 with "insulting the head of state" which carries a jail sentence of up to five years. [12] [13]
The Working Group on the UPR, in accordance with the Human Rights Council (HRC), held its review on Burundi in December 2009. The next UPR is planned for 2014.
In the report Archived 2015-09-19 at the Wayback Machine of the Working Group, Burundi's Criminal Code was criticized for a number of shortcomings. The Working Group highlighted several areas of concern for the development of human rights, including:
The report also examined key areas of concern in more detail.
Although guaranteed in the Constitution, the 1993-2005 civil war led to massive violations of the right to life. A primary cause behind these violations was the proliferation of firearms among the civil population. A 2011 Human Rights Watch report suggested that government officials distributed weapons to civilians associated with the CNDD-FDD and police officers provided military training to civilians. [14] Additionally, individual conceptions of justice had resulted in isolated cases of lynching. The Working Group cited judicial delay as a major factor in inciting people to take justice into their own hands. General governmental and police inertia had contributed to the perception that State institutions cannot provide protection, and that citizens must be accountable for their own safety. [14]
Burundi has not ratified the Second Optional Protocol to the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights, although it has expressed interest in amending the Criminal Code insofar abolishing capital punishment. [3]
The Working Group noted that in 2006, Burundi submitted a report to the United Nations Convention Against Torture. In its response, the UN Committee expressed concern at the lack of clarity in Burundian law surrounding the status of torture in the statute books, and recommended the government focus on implementing the CATCIDTP domestically and formulate a legislative definition of torture. [3] Concern was also expressed by the Committee at the lack of provision in the Criminal Code relating to protection whilst in police custody, and available access to legal aid. [3] The Working Group reiterated these messages, but highlighted an overall decline in reported torture cases since 2007. [3] The number of torture cases greatly increased during the Burundian unrest. [15]
The Working Group noted that the Burundian government had taken step
However, the report noted that despite these efforts at the governmental level, the gender approach had not been fully accepted by Burundian society. The disparity manifested itself most notably at the public service level; women were vastly underrepresented at all levels of decision making in government. The Working Group thus recommended the national gender policy be extended to adopt an array of changes equalizing laws of succession, taxation, adultery, the selling of family assets, labour codes, and the standardization of the age of marriage. [3]
The 1993-2005 conflict particularly heightened gender-based abuse.
The report noted that the situation of children in Burundi is deteriorating. Ongoing conflict, poverty, and high rates of HIV/AIDS were cited as the main factors contributing to the plight of Burundian children. [3] (A Unicef study in 2010 found 68% of households in Burundi living in poverty, and 17% of children orphaned because of AIDS [16] ). In spite of the government's insistence that it does not recruit soldiers under the age of 18, the report also highlighted concerns that the recruitment of child soldiers persists. [3] Partisan youth groups add to political volatility, raising concerns that youth could easily be manipulated into carrying out acts of violence. [14]
The report also noted the lack of a juvenile justice system. The holding of children in the same cells as convicted adults made them extremely vulnerable to abuse. [3]
The phenomenon of sexual violence, particularly against women and children, was cited by the Working Group as one of the critical areas for concern. [3] However, there was a significant lack of data pertaining to the number of sexual assaults taking place throughout the country; this was partly due to cultural prejudice, meaning some cases are not reported and instead adjudicated within the family.
The Initiative for Peacebuilding noted in a 2010 study on gender issues in Burundi [ permanent dead link ] that there is a strong correlation between areas of intense military activity and high incidences of sexual violence. Furthermore, Amnesty International claims rape, in addition to physical mutilation, was used during the 1993-2005 conflict as 'a strategy of war' [7]
Because of the prevalence of conflict in Burundi since independence, the country has witnessed a massive exodus of Burundian refugees to neighboring countries (predominantly Tanzania, Rwanda, and the Democratic Republic of the Congo). Most repatriated citizens returning since the 1993 conflict had found their properties either already occupied or requisitioned by the State. This had led to problems with destitution and homelessness. The report noted the saturation of the courts with cases of land disputes; the consequent judicial delay leading to violence between parties. [3] With the aim of settling these disputes, the government had set up the Land and Other Properties Commission which sought to resolve these land problems and rehabilitate victims. However, a 2008 report of the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees noted the Commission has limited powers and 'is not able to handle disputes within expected timelines'. [17]
The abrogation of the rights of victims also fed directly into the right to housing . The 1993 crisis destroyed a substantial number of settlements, which gave rise to a significant humanitarian challenge. A governmental housing policy had met the needs of some, but not the majority of, destitute Burundians. [3]
Although the Constitution guarantees the right to a fair trial, the exercise of this right is often undermined by the inadequacy of human, financial, material and logistic resources. [3] Amnesty International noted in its submission to the Working Group that the judiciary is hindered by corruption, a lack of resources and training, and executive interference. [18] Consequently, a large number of cases go unreported. In its submission to the Working Group, the International Court of Justice urged Burundi to 'refrain, as a matter of priority, from arbitrary detention, extrajudicial and arbitrary executions...and ensure that persons arrested or detained on criminal charges are held in official places of detention'. There have been many cases of extrajudicial killings during the Burundian unrest. [19]
Prison conditions in Burundi are dire. Decent food, clothing, hygiene and medical care cannot be properly funded by their low budget. The prisons are also overcrowded. In November 2018 10,987 persons were officially detained in Burundi's prisons, which are only designed to hold 4,195. NGO workers believe that many detainees receive no legal assistance, accused persons stay imprisoned without trial for long periods of time and that penal alternatives to prison sentencing must be introduced. [20]
In a report [ permanent dead link ] issued in March 2009, the HRC adopted all recommendations the Working Group made in respect of Burundi. In particular, the Council applauded the introduction of a new penal code which criminalized war crimes, crimes against humanity, genocide, torture, rape and sexual violence, and guaranteed children's rights. It also encouraged the ongoing development of the NIHRC.
Although the aforementioned amendments were introduced to the statute books in 2009, in the same revision the government officially criminalized same-sex relations. The Burundian gay rights group Humure has since reported cases of forced evictions of homosexuals. [21] However, it is noted that homophobia in Burundi is not as extreme as cases in other African countries, where the penalty for homosexuality is death.
International Bridges to Justice report that prison conditions remain poor, and more than 60% of inmates are pre-trial detainees. [22] Little progress has been made in the area of improving public defender and legal aid services.
In the wake of the 2010 elections, Human Rights Watch reported that the National Intelligence Service arbitrarily practiced physical and psychological torture on members of the opposition who had been arrested on a variety of dubious charges, including 'threatening state security' and 'participation in armed groups'. [14]
A September 2010 report published by the Center for Global Development highlighted that Burundi had made progress in only one of its 15 Millennium Development Goals. [23]
The constitution addresses issues such as freedom of speech and of the press; however, the government generally did not respect these rights in practice. [24] [25]
In April 2009, 782 people were arrested arbitrarily during the political unrest between political factions and the military. [26]
Government security forces continued to commit numerous serious human rights abuses, including killings, rapes, and beatings of civilians and detainees with widespread impunity. Human rights problems also included vigilante abuse and personal score-settling; rape of men and boys; harsh, life-threatening prison and detention center conditions; prolonged prenatal detention and arbitrary arrest and detention; lack of judicial dependence and efficiency, and judicial corruption; detention and imprisonment of social prisoners and political detainees; and restrictions on freedom of speech, assembly, and association, especially for political parties. Domestic and sexual violence and discrimination against women remained problems. Homosexuality remains widely unaccepted for the Burundi people, and their government. [26]
Burundi's government has been repeatedly criticized by human rights organizations including The Committee to Protect Journalists, [27] Human Rights Watch, [28] and Front Line [29] for the multiple arrests and trials of journalist Jean-Claude Kavumbagu for issues related to his reporting. Amnesty International named him a prisoner of conscience and called for his "immediate and unconditional release." [30] On 13 May 2011, Kavumbagu was acquitted of treason, but found guilty on the charge of publishing an article "likely to discredit the state or economy". [31] He was sentenced to eight months' imprisonment and was released for time served. [31] Human Rights Watch and the Committee to Protect Journalists protested the verdict, the latter reiterating its belief that "Burundi should decriminalize press offenses and allow journalists to speak and write freely without fear of harassment or arrest". [31] In early 2018, Human Rights Watch published documents on how Burundi's security services and members of the ruling party Imbonerakure beat, raped, and killed suspected opponents during the month of May. The referendum for constitution was held on May 17. [32]
On 1 June 2020, the Human Rights Watch documented serious allegations of abuse during Burundi's presidential, legislative and communal elections on May 20. The elections were mutilated by violence, arrests of opposition members, including candidates, and a crackdown on free speech. [33]
On 13 July 2020, Amnesty International demanded the release of Burundian human rights defender Germain Rukuki, who is currently serving an outrageous 32-year prison sentence simply for advocating for human rights. [34]
On 18 May 2022, Human Rights Watch published a report that human rights abuses by Imbonerakure members have substantially worsened since Évariste Ndayishimiye became president in 2020, particularly in the northwestern part of the country. [35]
The following chart shows Burundi's ratings since 1972 in the Freedom in the World reports, published annually by Freedom House. A rating of 1 is "free"; 7, "not free". [36] 1
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Burundi's stances on international human rights treaties are as follows:
Human rights in Kenya internationally maintain a variety of mixed opinions; specifically, political freedoms are highlighted as being poor and homosexuality remains a crime. In the Freedom in the World index for 2017, Kenya held a rating of '4' for civil liberties and political freedoms, in which a scale of "1" to "7" is practised.
Human rights in Eritrea are viewed, as of the 2020s, by non-governmental organisations (NGOs) such as Human Rights Watch as among the worst in the world, particularly with regards to freedom of the press. Eritrea is a one-party state in which national legislative elections have been repeatedly postponed, the judiciary is weak, and constitutional provisions protecting individual freedom have yet to be fully implemented. Some Western countries, particularly the United States, accuse the government of Eritrea of arbitrary arrest and detentions and of detaining an unknown number of people without charge for their political activism. Additionally, Eritrean citizens, both men and women, are forcibly conscripted into the military with an indefinite length of service and used as forced labour.
Morocco became a highly repressive country under the absolute monarchy of King Hassan II, and continues to be considered repressive under the reign of King Mohammed VI, though the latter has instituted some reforms. Dozens of journalists, artists, and ordinary citizens are regularly sentenced to lengthy prison sentences for exercising basic rights enjoyed elsewhere in the world, such as freedom of the press, protesting the government, or criticizing government officials. Morocco heavily restricts basic human rights, such as freedom of speech, the right to assembly, and the right to criticize officials. Moroccans also feel the pressures of inflation within the country, such as the lack of basic services like healthcare, clean water, and the difficulty of parents to access quality education for their children. While there have been a handful of reforms that have been generally welcomed internationally, most Moroccans feel this is insufficient, and continue to be unhappy with the trajectory of the country under the policies of King Mohammed VI, despite his transition of the government to an ostensible constitutional monarchy. Under his father, King Hassan II, Morocco had one of the worst human rights records in Africa and the world, especially during the time period known as the "Years Of Lead", which lasted from the early 1960s until the late 1980s; it was a period in the country's history that was known for the brutal repression of political dissent and opposition, that involved wide-scale arrests, arbitrary detention, lengthy imprisonment, and even killings of political opponents. Currently, Morocco continues to face some of these issues, as well as other human rights problems, such as poor prison conditions, the mistreatment of women and the LGBT community, and the widespread use of torture by police. Despite the considerable improvements made in the last several years under the leadership of King Mohammed VI, who has rolled back some of his father's harshest decrees, repression of political dissidence, and torture of citizens by officials, is still commonplace in Morocco today.
The U.S. Department of State's Country Report on Human Rights Practices for São Tomé and Príncipe states that the government generally respects the human rights of its citizens, despite problems in a few areas.
Human rights in Chad have been described as "poor"; for example, Freedom House has designated the country as "Not Free." Chad received a score of 7 for political rights and 6 for civil liberties.
Historically, Comoros has had a relatively poor human rights record.
Human rights in Rwanda have been violated on a grand scale. The greatest violation is the Rwandan genocide of Tutsi in 1994. The post-genocide government is also responsible for grave violations of human rights.
The Republic of Congo gained independence from French Equatorial Africa in 1960. It was a one-party Marxist–Leninist state from 1969 to 1991. Multi-party elections have been held since 1992, although a democratically elected government was ousted in the 1997 civil war and President Denis Sassou Nguesso has ruled for 26 of the past 36 years. The political stability and development of hydrocarbon production made the Republic of the Congo the fourth largest oil producer in the Gulf of Guinea region, providing the country with relative prosperity despite instability in some areas and unequal distribution of oil revenue nationwide.
The Congolese Human Right Observatory claims a number of unresolved and pending issues in the country.
Discrimination against Pygmies is widespread, the result of cultural biases, especially traditional relationships with the Bantu, as well as more contemporary forms of exploitation.
Human rights in Madagascar are protected under the national constitution. However, the extent to which such rights are reflected in practice is subject to debate. The 2009 Human Rights Report by the United States Department of State noted concerns regarding the suspension of democratic electoral processes as the result of recent political unrest. Furthermore, reports of corruption, arbitrary arrest and child labor highlight the prevalence of human rights issues in the country.
Human rights in Cameroon are addressed in the constitution. However, the 2009 Human Rights Report by the United States Department of State noted concerns in regard to election irregularities, security forces torture and arbitrary arrests.
Human rights in Cape Verde are addressed under the national constitution.
Human rights in Burkina Faso are addressed in its constitution, which was ratified in 1991. The 2009 Human Rights Report by the United States Department of State noted concerns regarding restrictions on the press and the operation of the judiciary system. In its 2021 report, Human Rights Watch described the human rights situation in Burkina Faso as being "precarious" in light of ongoing violence committed by Islamists, government security forces, and pro-government militias.
Eswatini, Africa's last remaining absolute monarchy, was rated by Freedom House from 1972 to 1992 as "Partly Free"; since 1993, it has been considered "Not Free". During these years the country's Freedom House rating for "Political Rights" has slipped from 4 to 7, and "Civil Liberties" from 2 to 5. Political parties have been banned in Eswatini since 1973. A 2011 Human Rights Watch report described the country as being "in the midst of a serious crisis of governance", noting that "[y]ears of extravagant expenditure by the royal family, fiscal indiscipline, and government corruption have left the country on the brink of economic disaster". In 2012, the African Commission on Human and Peoples' Rights (ACHPR) issued a sharp criticism of Eswatini's human-rights record, calling on the Swazi government to honor its commitments under international law in regards to freedom of expression, association, and assembly. HRW notes that owing to a 40% unemployment rate and low wages that oblige 80% of Swazis to live on less than US$2 a day, the government has been under "increasing pressure from civil society activists and trade unionists to implement economic reforms and open up the space for civil and political activism" and that dozens of arrests have taken place "during protests against the government's poor governance and human rights record".
Human rights in Liberia became a focus of international attention when the country's president, Ellen Johnson Sirleaf, was named one of the three female co-winners of the 2011 Nobel Peace Prize, all of whom were cited "for their non-violent struggle for the safety of women and for women's rights to full participation in peace-building work".
Human rights are "rights and freedoms to which all humans are entitled". Proponents of the concept usually assert that everyone is endowed with certain entitlements merely by reason of being human.
The issue of human rights in Djibouti, a small country situated within the Horn of Africa, is a matter of concern for several human rights organizations.
Equatorial Guinea is known for human rights abuses. Under the current government it has "limited ability of citizens to change their government; increased reports of unlawful murders of civilians by security forces; government-sanctioned kidnappings; systematic torture of prisoners and detainees by security forces; life threatening conditions in prisons and detention facilities; impunity; arbitrary arrest and detention and incommunicado detention; harassment and deportation of foreign residents with limited due process; judicial corruption and lack of due process; restrictions on the right to privacy; restrictions on freedom of speech and of the press; restrictions on the rights of assembly, association, and movement; government corruption; violence and discrimination against women; suspected trafficking in persons; discrimination against ethnic minorities; and restrictions on labor rights."
The issue of human rights in Tanzania, a nation with a 2012 population of 44,928,923, is complex. In its 2013 Freedom in the World report, Freedom House declared the country "Partly Free".
Human rights in Lesotho, a nation of 2,067,000 people completely surrounded by South Africa, is a contentious issue. In its 2012 Freedom in the World report, Freedom House declared the country "Partly Free". According to the United States Bureau of Democracy, Human Rights and Labor, which produces annual human rights reports on the country, the most pressing human rights issues are the use of torture, poor prison conditions, and the abuse of women and children.
Human rights in Guinea, a nation of approximately 10,069,000 people in West Africa, are a contentious issue. In its 2012 Freedom in the World report, Freedom House named Guinea "partly free" for the second year in a row, an improvement over its former status as one of the least free countries in Africa.
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