The Transitional Government of Ethiopia (TGE) was an era established immediately after the Ethiopian People's Revolutionary Democratic Front (EPRDF) seized power from the Marxist-Leninist People's Democratic Republic of Ethiopia (PDRE) in 1991.[6] During the transitional period, Meles Zenawi served as the president of the TGE while Tamrat Layne was prime minister.[7] Among other major shifts in the country's political institutions, it was under the authority of the TGE that the realignment of provincial boundaries on the basis of ethnolinguistic identity occurred.[8] The TGE was in power until 1995, when it transitioned into the reconstituted Federal Democratic Republic of Ethiopia that remains today.[6]
In May 1991, the PDRE (1987-1991) was overthrown by forces consisting of the TPLF and the TPLF-controlled EPRDF with the promise that a recognition of human rights, democracy, the liberalization of the economic sector, and political rehabilitation were soon to follow.[9] The PDRE, the country's newest civilian regime, was actually dominated by leaders of the preceding Derg (1974-1987) a military junta led by Mengistu Haile Mariam that seized power by overthrowing the long-ruling Emperor Haile Selassie I in 1974. The Derg (meaning "committee" or "council") and its leaders were known for dramatically restructuring the country's political and economic institutions, often through the use of suppression and fear, while transforming the central government's role in domestic affairs.[10] Programs such as the extensive villagization schemes carried out in various parts of the country further served as a testament to the regime's commitment to radical reform measures.[11]
Once in power, the leaders of the PDRE continued pursuing their aims as former Derg leaders, such as by resuming forced resettlement programs that were deemed nonviable by many and were ultimately met with a considerable amount of international criticism.[12] Scholars have noted that the fall of the PDRE was largely made possible by the loss of both financial and military support from the dwindling Soviet Union, which had previously backed the Derg following their seizure of power in 1974.[10][13][14] The EPRDF capitalized on the mismanaged PDRE's weakening state and general unpopularity when rebel forces officially seized power from the PRDE in May 1991.[15]
Soon after the EPRDF secured the nation's capital, a "National Conference on Peace and Reconciliation" was called in Addis Ababa.[16] Held in July 1991, the conference was intended to outline a transitional framework for the period following the newest regime change.[14]:7 Some notable ethnicity-based political movements that were present include the Oromo Liberation Front, the Afar Liberation Front, and the Western Somali Liberation Front.[16] Any political organizations that wanted to attend was required to be centered around ethnic identity; thus, several organizations were quickly created for that purpose, resulting in the rapid development of urban elite-led ethnicity-based movements.[14][17]:45 Any person or political organization that had been associated with Mengistu Haile Mariam's Workers' Party of Ethiopia was also not permitted to attend.[14]:7
Transitional charter
The 1991 conference ultimately resulted in the adoption of the "Transitional Period Charter of Ethiopia" and the official establishment of a transitional government.[18] Much to the relief of the international community, the conference attendees agreed on major transformations of the country's political and economic systems that would usher in liberal institutions that were purportedly intended to guarantee fair representation, encourage plurality, and demand transparency at the executive level.[19]:14
This and other key initiatives of the TGE were outlined in the Transitional Period Charter of Ethiopia, which was divided into five parts:
Part I: democratic Rights
Explicitly drawing from the United Nations' Universal Declaration of Human Rights, Article One of the Charter declares that every individual is entitled to the following:
"a. The freedom of conscience, expression, association, and peaceable assembly; b. The right to engage in unrestricted political activity and to organize political parties, provided the exercise of such right does not infringe upon the rights of others."[20]
Article Two concerns the rights of "nations, nationalities, and peoples" in Ethiopia, referring to the various ethnolinguistic groups in the country.[20] Not only does the Charter protect nationalities' right to exercise their autonomy, but it also allows them to secede ("self-determination of independence") if they so wish.[20]
Part II: Principles guiding foreign policy
This section briefly affirms the TGE's authority to "abide by all mutual agreements that respect the sovereignty of Ethiopia and are not contrary to the interests of the People."[20] In addition, it grants subnational governments the right to form their own relationships with foreign organizations if it is for the purpose of humanitarian or relief efforts.[20]
Part III: Structure and Composition of the Transitional Government
This section outlines the structure of the Transitional Government, starting with the establishment of a Council of Representatives, which "shall be composed of representatives of national liberation movements, other political organizations and prominent individuals, to make-up a total of no more than 87 members."[20] The Council of Representatives was also responsible for supporting the work of the unelected Council of Ministers, which primarily consisted of members selected by the heads of state (president, prime minister, etc.).[20]
Part IV: Transitional programme
Part IV provides a general outline of the remaining actions to be taken during the transitional period. It assigns the Council of Representatives with the responsibility to oversee the creation of a draft constitution that would eventually be presented to the Constituent Assembly before being formally adopted.[20] Article twelve briefly mandates that elections for a National Assembly, must be held within the following two years; the Transitional Government was expected to hand over power to the parties who make up a majority of the Assembly.[20]
The second section of Part IV expresses the Transitional Government's commitment to relief efforts supporting those whose lives had been severely impacted by armed conflict, violence on behalf of the previous regime, and to "the rehabilitation of those forceably [sic] uprooted by the previous regime's policy of villagisation and resettlement."[20] Article Seventeen makes an additional reference to the state of inter-ethnic relations in the country"
"[The Transitional Government] shall make special efforts to dispel ethnic mistrust and eradicate the ethnic hatred that have been fostered by the previous regimes."[20]
Part V: Legality of the charter
Part V proclaims the Charter's authority as "the supreme law of the land for the duration of the transitional period," effective 22 July 1991.[20]
Leadership
The Ethiopian People's Revolutionary Democratic Front (EPRDF) was a coalition of various ethnically-based political movement created by the Tigray People's Liberation Front (TPLF), a guerrilla movement formed in the contemporary Tigray region of northern Ethiopia in 1975.[21]:6 The TPLF was at the core of the EPRDF, although other political movements in the coalition included the Ethiopian People's Democratic Movement (which later became the Amhara National Democratic Movement, representing those from what is now known as the Amhara region of the country) and the Oromo People's Democratic Organisation (OPDO), representing those from the Oromia region of Ethiopia.[21]:6
1992 marked the first elections of the transitional period, which were held to select representatives for 14 new regional assemblies.[21]:7 The main political movements competing for power were the EPRDF, the All Amhara People's Organisation, and the Oromo Liberation Front (OLF). During the campaign cycle, various opposition movements (including the OLF) publicly withdrew from the races, complaining that the threats and intimidation tactics allegedly used by the EPRDF would make it impossible for the elections to be free and fair.[21]:7
Meles Zenawi in 2012
The potential for the EPRDF to assume total power in the Transitional Government was suspected by many from the beginning. At the 1991 National Conference on Peace and Reconciliation, one foreign onlooker commented that "[although the 1991 conference may not have resulted in a one party government[,] its convention reflects to a large degree a one party dynamic."[21]:7 The terms of the resulting charter were likewise mainly drawn from the key ideals of the EPRDF (particularly those of the TPLF).[22] In addition, the president of the TGE was Meles Zenawi, chairman of the TPLF; his colleague, fellow EPRDF leader Tamrat Layne, became the prime minister.[21]:7 Thirty-two of the eighty-seven seats in the Council of Representatives were filled by EPRDF members as well.[21][23] The TGE also took steps to cleanse the government of any traces of the previous regime, such as removing and replacing the occupants of almost all senior government posts, reorganizing all state agencies and institutions, and disbanding the Derg's large military force.[24]:3
Ethnic federalism
One of the most dramatic political changes overseen by the Transitional Government was the realignment of provincial boundaries on the basis of ethnolinguistic identity.[25][26] This marked the beginning of Ethiopia's first federal administrative structure, made up of nine regional states (singular: ክልል kilil; plural: kililoch).[25]:157 Article Two of the Transitional Period Charter of Ethiopia formally proclaims the rights of ethnic groups within the country, which are officially referred to as nations or nationalities[27]:
"The right of nations, nationalities and peoples to self-determination is affirmed. to this end, each nation, nationality and people is guaranteed the right to:
a./ Preserve its identity and have it respected, promote its culture and history and use and develop its language;
b./ Administer its own affairs within its own defined territory and effectively participate in the central government on the basis of freedom, and fair and proper representation;
c./ Exercise its right to self determination of independence, when the concerned, nation/nationality and people is convinced that the above rights are denied, abridged or abrogated."
As such, one of the TGE's main aims was to establish a devolution of political power down to ethnic divisions, arguing that it was an essential move if the country wanted to lessen conflicts across ethnic lines, ensure a fairer distribution of resources across the country, and increase efficiency within the public sector.[25]:159 By 1994, the ethnically-based regions of Afar, Tigray, Somali, Amhara, Benishangul-Gumuz, Oromia, Harari, Gambela, and the Southern Nations, Nationalities, and Peoples Region (SNNPR), a diverse region inhabited by at least 40 different ethnic groups, were formally established.[25]:163 Addis Ababa, defined as a federal district, and later Dire Dawa were declared to be ethnically diverse chartered cities.[25]:164
Contemporary political boundaries of Ethiopia
It is commonly suggested by scholars that the EPRDF's decision to establish a federal administrative structure along ethnic lines was a move towards reinforcing its political dominance.[28][29]:9[30] By dividing the country and facilitating the creation of accompanying ethnically-based parties under the government's control, the TPLF (which represented less than 10% of the country's population) could intensify its hold on power.[29]:9 Dissatisfied opposition parties argued that this form of federalization was not appropriate for the country.[29]:42 For instance, the All Amhara People's Organisation (AAPO) and the Ethiopian Democratic Union Party expressed in 2000 that they preferred a strong unitary state with representation of the country's nationalities at the core.[29]:43 Other groups, such as the Oromo National Congress (ONC) and the Ethiopia Democratic Party (EDP), were not opposed to the idea of establishing a federal system, arguing that it set the foundation for regional autonomy, but believed that it was a mistake for it to conducted along ethnic lines.[29]:44
Human rights abuses
Throughout the transitional period, the Transitional Government of Ethiopia was criticized by various human rights organizations for abuses ranging from extrajudicial executions to unlawful detentions.[31][32][33][34][35][36][37] At the establishment of the TGE in 1991, when the EPRDF first took power, human rights organizations such as Human Rights Watch and Amnesty International expressed optimism about the future of the state of human rights in Ethiopia.[31][32] During the previous regime under Mengistu, human rights groups could not exist; following May 1991, however, human rights watchdogs such as the Ethiopian Human Rights Council, the Ethiopian Congress for Democrats, and the human rights committee of the Committee of Eleven were established.[31] However, hopes were quickly dashed following a pattern of rights violations aimed at political dissidents across the country.
For instance, at least ten demonstrators in Addis Ababa were killed while protesting the EPRDF in their early days of power.[31][32]:115 In addition, an estimated 5,000-100,000+ members (including jailed former soldiers) of the previous PDRE were swiftly imprisoned under the TGE.[31] While some were later released, many others were held without being officially charged or having a trial.[32]:115 Members of Mengistu's Workers' Party of Ethiopia were also not permitted to travel abroad or go back to work if they were previously detained by the EPRDF for the duration of the year, but generally found themselves able to do so in 1992.[31] From May 1991 to the end of the year, the EPRDF is suspected to have committed dozens of summary executions despite the government's lack of information surrounding state-sanctioned executions.[32]:116
The 1992 elections for 14 new regional assemblies were widely criticized by international observers who asserted that instances of fraud and the arrests of opposition leaders rendered the elections' results, which overwhelmingly favored the EPRDF, meaningless.[33][34]:127 For instance, in many cases, candidates representing the All-Amhara People's Organization were prevented from registering themselves in various constituencies.[33] Similarly, candidates representing the Oromo Liberation Front (OLF) were threatened, harassed, and detained by the EPRDF.[33] Despite a law that lifted nearly all of the censorship restrictions enacted by the PDRE, much of the media was still controlled by the government and many journalists were still reluctant to risk challenging the TGE or raising awareness of the regime's abuses.[33]
Later, the TGE created a Special Prosecutor's Office to begin investigating government personnel associated with the previous regime or Mengistu's Worker's Party of Ethiopia, deciding to formally suspend habeas corpus from August 1992 to the end of the year.[34]:123 By the end of the year, however, none of the detainees had been charged with any crimes.[34]:128 Nearly 20,000 suspected armed OLF members, some of which were believed to be unarmed civilians (including children) were forcibly held in military camps in three different regions for the purpose of disarming and "re-educat[ing]" them, although very few had been released by the end of 1992.[34]:128 Throughout this time, the country's judiciary had failed to adequately adjudicate cases or to hold the TGE and its forces accountable for rights abuses.[33] This was largely due to disruptions such as the looming threat of a possible suspension of all judges who were associated with the former Workers' Party of Ethiopia, the abrupt resignation of the Minister of Justice, a lack of an operating police force.[33]
These types of abuses persisted throughout the remainder of the transitional period. Freedom of the press was limited; in the first half of 1994, at least twenty journalists were fined or jailed as a result of publishing content that challenged the government, a situation exacerbated by the fact that the contemporary press laws were vague and improperly implemented.[36] Human rights organizations including the Ethiopian Human Rights Council were denied formal registration from the government but continued to process complaints and report abuses; the government accused EHRCO of being a politically-motivated group with a hidden agenda that favored opposition groups and reported false information.[36] Individuals suspected to have been previously associated with the OLF were treated particularly harshly once they were detained in secret detention centers across the country.[37]:132 In areas ranging from the Hararghe region in eastern Ethiopia to the Wollega region in the west, detainees reported experiencing beatings, food deprivation, death threats, and rape as a result of being suspected to be sympathetic with the OLF's cause.[37]:132 Government forces also continued to employ lethal force during confrontations with demonstrators until the end of the TGE's hold on power, with numerous civilians killed by police at demonstrations and student protests.[37]:132
The politics of Ethiopia are the activities associated with the governance of Ethiopia. The government is structured as a federal parliamentary republic with both a President and Prime Minister. The legislature is multicameral, with a house of representatives and a council. The term politics of Ethiopia mainly relates to the political activities in Ethiopia after the late 20th century when democratization took place in the nation. The current political structure of Ethiopia was formed after the Tigrayan People's Liberation Front (TPLF) overthrew dictator President Mengistu Haile Mariam in 1991. A general election was held in June 1994 and Ethiopia has maintained a multiparty political environment until today.
The government of Ethiopia is the federal government of Ethiopia. It is structured in a framework of a federal parliamentary republic, whereby the prime minister is the head of government. Executive power is exercised by the government. The prime minister is chosen by the lower chamber of the Federal Parliamentary Assembly. Federal legislative power is vested in both the government and the two chambers of parliament. The judiciary is more or less independent of the executive and the legislature. They are governed under the 1995 Constitution of Ethiopia. There is a bicameral parliament made of the 108-seat House of Federation and the 547-seat House of Peoples' Representatives. The House of Federation has members chosen by the regional councils to serve five-year terms. The House of Peoples' Representatives is elected by direct election, who in turn elect the president for a six-year term.
Meles Zenawi Asres, born Legesse Zenawi Asres was an Ethiopian politician and a former anti-Derg militant who served as president of Ethiopia from 1991 to 1995 and as prime minister from 1995 until his death in 2012.
The Ethiopian People's Revolutionary Democratic Front was an ethnic federalist political coalition in Ethiopia that existed from 1988 to 2019. It consisted of four political parties: Tigray People's Liberation Front (TPLF), Amhara Democratic Party (ADP), Oromo Democratic Party (ODP) and Southern Ethiopian People's Democratic Movement (SEPDM). After leading the overthrow of the People's Democratic Republic of Ethiopia, it dominated Ethiopian politics from 1991 to 2019. In November 2019, the EPRDF was dissolved, and Prime Minister and EPDRF chairman Abiy Ahmed merged three of the constituent parties into his new Prosperity Party, which was officially founded on 1 December 2019.
The Tigray People's Liberation Front, also known as the Tigrayan People's Liberation Front, is a left-wing ethnic nationalist, paramilitary group, and the former ruling party of Ethiopia. It was classified as a terrorist organization by the Ethiopian government during the Tigray War until its removal from the list in 2023. In older and less formal texts and speech it is known as Woyane or Weyané.
The People's Democratic Republic of Ethiopia was a socialist state that existed in Ethiopia and present-day Eritrea from 1987 to 1991.
The Oromo Liberation Front is an Oromo nationalist political party formed in 1973 to promote self-determination for the Oromo people inhabiting today's Oromia Region and Oromia Zone in the Amhara Region of Ethiopia. The OLF has offices in Addis Ababa, Washington, D.C., and Berlin, from which it operates radio stations that broadcast in Amharic and Oromo.
The Ethiopian Civil War was a civil war in Ethiopia and present-day Eritrea, fought between the Ethiopian military junta known as the Derg and Ethiopian-Eritrean anti-government rebels from 12 September 1974 to 28 May 1991.
The Islamic Front for Liberation of Oromia was an Oromo-based political and paramilitary organization founded in 1985 by its Commander in Chief, Sheikh Abdulkarim Ibrahim Hamid, otherwise known as Jaarraa Abbaa Gadaa.
Elections for a Constituent Assembly were held in Ethiopia on 5 June 1994 in order to form a body to draw up a new constitution. They were the first elections after the overthrow of the Mengistu regime at the end of the Ethiopian Civil War in 1991, and the first ever multi-party elections in the country; previous elections had either been non-partisan or one-party. The results saw the Ethiopian People's Revolutionary Democratic Front and its allies win 463 of the 544 seats. Voter turnout was 87.5%.
Ethiopian nationalism, also referred to as Ethiopianism or Ethiopianness, according to its proponents, asserts that Ethiopians are a single nation, and promotes the social equality of all component ethnic groups. Ethiopian people as a whole regardless of ethnicity constitute sovereignty as one polity. Ethiopian nationalism is a type of civic nationalism in that it is multi-ethnic in nature, and promotes multiculturalism.
The Gambela People's Liberation Movement was a rebel group in the Gambela Region in Ethiopia. The GPLM was founded by Anuak dissidents during the Derg and Woyane regime. The organization remained dominated by Anuaks. Agwa Alemu was the chairman of the GPLM.
Lencho Letta is an Ethiopian politician and Oromo activist who was founding member of Oromo Liberation Front (OLF). He was the Deputy Secretary General of the Oromo Liberation Front (OLF) from 1974 to 1995. In Late 1990s, Lencho left OLF leadership due to ideological differences. He is currently the leader of Oromo Democratic front, which was formed in 2013.
The Oromo conflict is a protracted conflict between the Oromo Liberation Front (OLF) and the Ethiopian government. The Oromo Liberation Front formed to fight the Ethiopian Empire to liberate the Oromo people and establish an independent state of Oromia. The conflict began in 1973, when Oromo nationalists established the OLF and its armed wing, the Oromo Liberation Army (OLA). These groups formed in response to prejudice against the Oromo people during the Haile Selassie and Derg era, when their language was banned from public administration, courts, church and schools, and the stereotype of Oromo people as a hindrance to expanding Ethiopian national identity.
The Prosperity Party is a ruling political party in Ethiopia that was established on 1 December 2019 as a successor to the Ethiopian People's Revolutionary Democratic Front by incumbent Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed.
Tigrayan nationalism is an ethnic nationalism that advocates the interests of Tigrayan people in Ethiopia. Inspired predominantly by the Tigray People's Liberation Front (TPLF) with its predecessor Tigray Liberation Front (TLF), this type of nationalism holds that Tigrayans are an independent group with unique ancestry, heritage, history and culture outside Ethiopia. As such, they claim Tigray is the source of Ethiopian civilization and utterly a benefactor of state-building without other local ethnic groups. Tigrayan nationalists accuse Amharas of imposing their cultural, economic and political hegemony over Tigrayans.
Since the 1990s, the Amhara people of Ethiopia have been subject to ethnic violence, including massacres by Tigrayan, Oromo and Gumuz ethnic groups among others, which some have characterized as a genocide. Large-scale killings and grave human rights violations followed the implementation of the ethnic-federalist system in the country. In most of the cases, the mass murders were silent with perpetrators from various ethno-militant groups—from TPLF/TDF, OLF–OLA, and Gumuz armed groups.
The fallof the Derg was a military campaign that resulted in the defeat of the ruling Marxist–Leninist military junta, the Derg, by the rebel coalition Ethiopian People's Revolutionary Democratic Front (EPRDF) on 28 May 1991 in Addis Ababa, ending the Ethiopian Civil War. The Derg took power after deposing Emperor Haile Selassie and the Solomonic dynasty, an imperial dynasty of Ethiopia that began in 1270. The Derg suffered from insurgency with different factions, and separatist rebel groups since their early rule, beginning with the Ethiopian Civil War. The 1983–1985 famine, the Red Terror, and resettlement and villagization made the Derg unpopular with the majority of Ethiopians tending to support insurgent groups like the Tigray People's Liberation Front (TPLF) and Eritrean People's Liberation Front (EPLF).
The 1995 Ethiopian Federal Constitution formalizes an ethnic federalism law aimed at undermining long-standing ethnic imperial rule, reducing ethnic tensions, promoting regional autonomy, and upholding unqualified rights to self-determination and secession in a state with more than 80 different ethnic groups. But the constitution is divisive, both among Ethiopian nationalists who believe it undermines centralized authority and fuels interethnic conflict, and among ethnic federalists who fear that the development of its vague components could lead to authoritarian centralization or even the maintenance of minority ethnic hegemony. Parliamentary elections since 1995 have taken place every five years since enactment. All but one of these have resulted in government by members of the Ethiopian People's Revolutionary Democratic Front (EPRDF) political coalition, under three prime ministers. The EPRDF was under the effective control of the Tigray People's Liberation Front (TPLF), which represents a small ethnic minority. In 2019 the EPRDF, under Abiy, was dissolved and he inaugurated the pan-ethnic Prosperity Party which won the 2021 Ethiopian Election, returning him as prime minister. But both political entities were different kinds of responses to the ongoing tension between constitutional ethnic federalism and the Ethiopian state's authority. Over the same period, and all administrations, a range of major conflicts with ethnic roots have occurred or continued, and the press and availability of information have been controlled. There has also been dramatic economic growth and liberalization, which has itself been attributed to, and used to justify, authoritarian state policy.
Amharization is a process of making dominance of Amhara traditions, culture and language above other ethnic groups in Ethiopia. During the Imperial rule, Amhara enjoyed greater influence, from imposing Amharic language and culture to dominate the Ethiopian politics. Amhara elites also aspired to build Ethiopian nation. Amhara dominance has been since during the Derg era until 1991.
1 2 Tuso, Hamdesa (1997). "ETHIOPIA: NEW POLITICAL ORDER. ETHNIC CONFLICT IN THE POST COLD WAR ERA". Istituto Italiano per l'Africa e l'Orient. 52 (3): 343–364 – via JSTOR.
↑ Young, John (1996). "The Tigray and Eritrean Peoples Liberation Fronts: A History of Tensions and Pragmatism." Journal of Modern African Studies. 34 (1): 114.
↑ Cohen, John M. (1995). "'Ethnic Federalism' in Ethiopia". Michigan State University Press. 2 (2): 157–188.
↑ Henze, Paul (1992). "The Defeat of the Derg and the Establishment of New Governments in Ethiopia and Eritrea". Santa Monaco: Rand Report No. P-7766.
1 2 Nelson, Harold D; Kaplan, Irving (1980). Ethiopia: a Country Study. Washington, D.C.: American University. p.207.
↑ Lorgen, Christy Cannon (January 1999). "The Experience of Villagisation: Lessons from Ethiopia, Mozambique, and Tanzania". Oxfam-GB: 13.
↑ Patman, Robert G. (1993). "Soviet–Ethiopian relations: the horn of dilemma". In Margot Light (ed.). Troubled Friendships: Moscow's Third World Ventures. London: British Academic Press. p.112. ISBN9781850436492.
1 2 3 4 Aalen, Lovise (2002). Ethnic Federalism in a Dominant Party State: The Ethiopian Experience 1991-2000. Chr. Michelsen Institute.
1 2 Abbink, Jon (July 1995). "Breaking and Making the State: The Dynamics of Ethnic Democracy in Ethiopia". Journal of Contemporary African Studies. 13 (2): 149–163. doi:10.1080/02589009508729570.
↑ Vaughan, Sarah 1994. The Addis Ababa Transitional Conference of July 1991: its origin, history and significance. Edinburgh: Edinburgh University Centre for African Studies.
↑ Abbink, Jon (July 1995). "Breaking and Making the State: The Dynamics of Ethnic Democracy in Ethiopia". Journal of Contemporary African Studies. 13 (2): 149–163. doi:10.1080/02589009508729570.
↑ Vaughan, Sarah 1994. The Addis Ababa Transitional Conference of July 1991: its origin, history and significance. Edinburgh: Edinburgh University Centre for African Studies.
1 2 3 4 5 6 7 Aalen, Lovise (2002). Ethnic Federalism in a Dominant Party State: The Ethiopian Experience 1991-2000. Chr. Michelsen Institute.
↑ Leencho Lata 1999. The Ethiopian State at the Crossroads. Lawrenceville: The Red Sea Press
↑ Gebregziabher, Tefera Negash; Hout, Wil (2018). "The Rise of Oligarchy in Ethiopia: The Case of Wealth Creation since 1991". Review of African Political Economy: 7.
↑ Abbink, Jon (July 1995). "Breaking and Making the State: The Dynamics of Ethnic Democracy in Ethiopia". Journal of Contemporary African Studies. 13 (2): 149–163. doi:10.1080/02589009508729570.
1 2 3 4 5 Cohen, John M. (1995). "'Ethnic Federalism' in Ethiopia". Michigan State University Press. 2 (2): 157–188.
↑ Aalen, Lovise (2002). Ethnic Federalism in a Dominant Party State: The Ethiopian Experience 1991-2000. Chr. Michelsen Institute.
↑ Abbink, Jon (July 1995). "Breaking and Making the State: The Dynamics of Ethnic Democracy in Ethiopia". Journal of Contemporary African Studies. 13 (2): 149–163. doi:10.1080/02589009508729570.
1 2 3 4 5 Vaughan, Sarah 1994. The Addis Ababa Transitional Conference of July 1991: its origin, history and significance. Edinburgh: Edinburgh University Centre for African Studies.
↑ Hassen, Mohammed. 1999. 'Ethiopia: Missed opportunities for peaceful democratic process' in Kidane Mengisteab and Daddieh, Cyril (ed.) State building and democratization in Africa. Westport: Praeger.
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