Rafael Marques de Morais | |
---|---|
Born | |
Nationality | Angolan |
Occupation | Journalist |
Organization | Maka Angola |
Known for | Reporting on corruption, human rights and conflict diamonds in Angola. |
Awards |
Rafael Marques de Morais (born 1971 [1] ) is an Angolan journalist and anti-corruption activist [2] [3] who received several international awards for his reporting on conflict diamonds and government corruption in Angola. He currently heads the anti-corruption watchdog Maka Angola. [4]
While growing up, Marques became disturbed by the worsening state of his country: “I had never heard of a lawyer, [had] no idea of what human rights were, no idea of what fighting corruption was”, he later recalled. “I realised that the way of addressing the issues that concerned me was by being a journalist.” [5]
He received a BA (Hons) Anthropology & Media from Goldsmiths, University of London and an MSc in African Studies from St Antony's College, University of Oxford. [4] He started work as a journalist in 1992 at the state-owned newspaper Jornal de Angola .
Shortly after joining Jornal de Angola, Marques wrote an article on the forthcoming presidential election in which he quoted an opposition leader's criticism of dos Santos. He did not intend for the quotation to be published in the newspaper, but through some editorial error it did appear in the paper. Marques was punished with a transfer to the local news desk. Owing to his continued “tendency to inject unwelcome social commentary into even the driest reportage”, he continued to be demoted. One day, assigned to write about the latest national statistics, he included political analysis. “And that was the last straw”, he later told a reporter. He was fired. [5]
In 1998 the Angolan Civil War resumed. In 1999 shortly after publishing the opinion piece “Cannon Fodder” Marques began collecting signatures on a petition calling for an end to the war. He was attacked on radio and in the press. [5]
On 3 July 1999, the weekly magazine Agora published an article by Marques entitled "The Lipstick of Dictatorship" (a play on words based on the Portuguese term for a police baton). In it, he criticized Angolan President José Eduardo dos Santos. Marques called Dos Santos a dictator and charged him with destroying Angola and with promoting “incompetence, embezzlement and corruption as political and social values". [5] Three months later, on 16 October, Marques was arrested at his home in Luanda and charged with defamation. [6]
He was held for forty days without charges and was not permitted to contact his family or a lawyer. At night “the police would burst in, wake him up, and try to force him to sign blank documents that could later be doctored against him.” When he refused, they denied him food and water. Marques went on a hunger strike that went public. As a result he was transferred to another prison, where he was given food, but where his cell was so crowded that “the prisoners slept leaning up against the walls which were crawling with lice.” [5] [7]
Thanks to rising international pressure on Angola spurred by the efforts of the Open Society Institute, Marques was released on bail on 25 November, on the condition that he remain in Luanda and not speak to journalists or make public statements. On 15 December, without explanation, the Luanda Provincial Court transferred his case to the Supreme Court of Angola. [5] [8] [9]
According to the Committee to Protect Journalists, dos Santos's government thereupon “began a campaign of verbal abuse against Marques,” citing a statement by legislator Mendes de Carvalho, during a 19 January 2000 parliamentary debate on press freedom, that if Marques kept criticizing dos Santos, he “would not live to the age of 40.” [9]
His trial began on 9 March 2000. He was charged under Angola's Law 7/78, also known as the Law on Crimes Against State Security. The Committee to Protect Journalists charged that “Law 7/78 violates Article 35 of the 1992 Angolan Constitution, which guarantees the right to freedom of expression.” [9]
Although it had been scheduled to be heard before the Supreme Court, Marques' case was referred back to the Criminal Divisional Court, where it was heard before Joaquim de Abreu Cangato, a former member of Angola's secret police with no legal training. [6] On 10 March the trial was adjourned until 21 March. On that date, Cangato ordered spectators, including US and Portuguese embassy officials, human-rights activists, and journalists, to leave the courtroom, after which the trial continued in secrecy.
On 31 March, Marques was found guilty of the charge of abuse of the press, resulting in an “injury” to the President. [7] He was sentenced to six months' imprisonment, but remained free pending an appeal. [10] He was also fined US$17,000. [11]
The US State Department expressed concern that Marques had not received a fair trial. [11] The US-based Committee to Protect Journalists "strongly condemned" the prosecution. [12] On 27 October, under international pressure, the Supreme Court changed Marques's sentence to a suspended sentence on the condition that he not write anything defamatory about the government for the following five years. [13] He was also ordered to pay damages to the President, and his passport was confiscated until the end of February 2001. [5] [7]
Following the defamation incident, Marques focused on ending the Angolan Civil War, organizing a coalition of 250 civic and religious leaders to call for peaceful resolution. [1] On 14 July 2001, he was detained again after visiting evicted people in a resettlement camp outside of Luanda with BBC reporter Justin Pearce; the people in the camp had been forcibly evicted from a neighborhood in the city that had apparently been rezoned for commercial development. [14]
Between 1999 and 2002, Marques wrote a series of articles about the trade in conflict diamonds in Luanda Province and corruption in Cabinda Province, a major oil center. According to his Civil Courage Prize citation, "his unvarnished criticisms of the Angolan army's brutality and the malfeasance of the government and foreign oil interests put him at extreme personal risk." [1]
In 2003 he wrote Cabinda: A Year of Pain, a catalog of hundreds of human rights abuses allegedly inflicted on the populace by government forces and others. In several human rights reports, and in the September 2011 book Blood Diamonds: Corruption and Torture in Angola, he described the killing and terrorizing of villagers by private security companies and Angolan military officials in the name of protecting mining operations. In November 2011 he issued a criminal complaint accusing nine Angolan generals of crimes against humanity in connection with diamond mining.
In 2008, he founded an anti-corruption website called Maka Angola. [5]
Marques has participated in a number of international conferences and seminars, including "Transitions: A Conversation with National Leaders," sponsored by New York University and the International Peace Academy and held in New York in March 2005; "Beyond 'Conflict Diamonds:' a New Report on Human Rights and Angolan Diamonds," held at the Woodrow Wilson Center for International Scholars in Washington, DC, on 24 March 2005; and "Angola's Oil Curse," at the Post-Nobel Conference on "Oil Revenues – From Curse to Blessing for Developing Countries?”, held on 17 December 2004. [8] [15]
Marques received the Percy Qoboza Award of the US National Association of Black Journalists in 2000. [16] In 2006, he received the Civil Courage Prize from the Northcote Parkinson Fund, which recognizes "steadfast resistance to evil at great personal risk — rather than military valor". [17] In 2015 Marques received the Index on Censorship Freedom of Expression Award. [18]
On October 1, 2015, Rafael Marques de Morais was declared a recipient of the 2015 Allard Prize for International Integrity, sharing the CDN$100,000 prize with co-recipient John Githongo. [19] Commenting at the time of his nomination, Marques said “It is a boost for my work, and an important break in my isolation and regular harassment. It also provides a ray of hope for Angolans who believe in the importance of exposing corruption as a criminal offense and the main scourge of society.” [20]
Marches shared the 2014 Gerald Loeb Award for International business journalism for "The Shortest Route to Riches." [21]
In May 2018, the International Press Institute awarded Marques the World Press Freedom Hero prize, commending him for his "dedication to pursuing truth at all costs". [22]
Angola, officially the Republic of Angola, is a country on the west-central coast of Southern Africa. It is the second-largest Lusophone (Portuguese-speaking) country in both total area and population and is the seventh-largest country in Africa. It is bordered by Namibia to the south, the Democratic Republic of the Congo to the north, Zambia to the east, and the Atlantic Ocean to the west. Angola has an exclave province, the province of Cabinda, that borders the Republic of the Congo and the Democratic Republic of the Congo. The capital and most populous city is Luanda.
Angola was first settled by San hunter-gatherer societies before the northern domains came under the rule of Bantu states such as Kongo and Ndongo. In the 15th century, Portuguese colonists began trading, and a settlement was established at Luanda during the 16th century. Portugal annexed territories in the region which were ruled as a colony from 1655, and Angola was incorporated as an overseas province of Portugal in 1951. After the Angolan War of Independence, which ended in 1974 with an army mutiny and leftist coup in Lisbon, Angola achieved independence in 1975 through the Alvor Agreement. After independence, Angola entered a long period of civil war that lasted until 2002.
José Eduardo dos Santos was an Angolan politician and military officer who served as the president of Angola from 1979 to 2017. As president, dos Santos was also the commander-in-chief of the Angolan Armed Forces (FAA) and president of the People's Movement for the Liberation of Angola (MPLA), the party that has ruled Angola since it won independence in 1975. By the time he stepped down in 2017, he was the second-longest-serving president in Africa, surpassed only by Teodoro Obiang Nguema Mbasogo of Equatorial Guinea.
Group Sonangol is a parastatal that formerly oversaw petroleum and natural gas production in Angola. The group consisted of Sonangol E.P. and its many subsidiaries. The subsidiaries generally had Sonangol E.P. as a primary client, along with other corporate, commercial, and individual clients. In 2023, Sonangol produced 202,000 barrels of oil with an income of US$ 10.9 billion.
John Githongo is a former Kenyan journalist who investigated bribery and fraud in his home country (Kenya) and later, under the presidency of Mwai Kibaki, took on an official governmental position to fight corruption. In 2005 he left that position, later accusing top ministers of large-scale fraud. In the Anglo-leasing corruption which he blew the lid over, fraudulent deliveries of government military and forensic laboratory equipment were allegedly ordered, "delivered" and the payment completed in the former president Uhuru Kenyatta's tenure. The story of his fight against corruption is told in Michela Wrong's book It's Our Turn to Eat: The Story of a Kenyan Whistle-Blower.
Isabel dos Santos is an Angolan businesswoman, the eldest child of Angola's former President José Eduardo dos Santos, who ruled the country from 1979 to 2017.
Angola has long been severely criticized for its human rights record. A 2012 report by the U.S. Department of State said, "The three most important human rights abuses [in 2012] were official corruption and impunity; limits on the freedoms of assembly, association, speech, and press; and cruel and excessive punishment, including reported cases of torture and beatings as well as unlawful killings by police and other security personnel. Other human rights abuses included: harsh and potentially life-threatening prison conditions; arbitrary arrest and detention; lengthy pretrial detention; impunity for human rights abusers; lack of judicial process and judicial inefficiency; infringements on citizens' privacy rights and forced evictions without compensation; restrictions on nongovernmental organizations; discrimination and violence against women; abuse of children; trafficking in persons; discrimination against persons with disabilities, indigenous people, and persons with HIV/AIDS; limits on workers' rights; and forced labor." In 2022, Freedom House rated Angola "not free".
The institutional corruption in Angola refers to the pervasive and long-standing issue of corruption within the country's government and public institutions. The aftermath of the 30-year civil war and the influence of the Soviet command economy have resulted in significant institutional damage and the emergence of a centralized government with authoritarian tendencies. This has allowed the president and his associates to exert control over the nation's resources, enabling them to exploit the economy for personal gain through legal and extra-legal means.
General Manuel Hélder Vieira Dias Jr, known by the nickname "Kopelipa", is an Angolan general, former public official, and businessman with close ties to former Angolan President José Eduardo dos Santos. In 2014, his net worth was estimated at close to $3 billion. In 2021, the U.S. Treasury Department blocked his assets in 2021.
Sindika Dokolo was a Congolese businessman and art collector, married to Isabel dos Santos since 2002, the eldest daughter of José Eduardo dos Santos, then President of Angola. As of January 2020, he and his wife were under investigation for large scale corruption. Dokolo owned one of the most important contemporary African art collections of more than 3,000 pieces. He died on 29 October 2020, in a free diving accident near Umm al-Hatab Island in Dubai, UAE, at the age of 48.
Alberto Graves Chakussanga , was an Angolan journalist. Chakussanga worked as a weekly current affairs program radio host for the Radio Despertar in the Viana district outside of Luanda when he was murdered in his home. A vocal critic of the government, Chakussanga's murder remains unsolved. According to the Committee to Protect Journalists's database, Chakussanga and Stanislas Ocloo, also killed in 2010, were the first journalists killed in Angola since Simao Roberto, also a government critic, was killed in 1998.
Hugo Miguel Barreto Henriques Marques is an Angolan professional footballer who plays as a goalkeeper for Girabola club Atlético Petróleos de Luanda and the Angola national team.
Álvaro de Oliveira Madaleno Sobrinho is a Portuguese Angolan banker and businessman that developed his career in Portugal. He rose to prominence as director of Portuguese bank Banco Espírito Santo that went bankrupt in 2014.
Indonesia Corruption Watch (ICW) is an Indonesian NGO whose primary mission is to monitor and publicise incidents of corruption in Indonesia. ICW is also heavily engaged in the prevention and deterrence of corruption through education, cultural change, prosecutions and system reform. The organization was formed in Jakarta in June 1998 to prevent corruption in post-Suharto governments.
The Allard Prize for International Integrity is one of the world's largest prizes dedicated to the fight against corruption and the protection of human rights. The prize is awarded biennially to an individual, movement or organization that has "demonstrated exceptional courage and leadership in combating corruption, especially through promoting transparency, accountability and the Rule of Law." The winner receives the Allard Prize Award, a uniquely crafted brass artwork, and CAD$100,000. Honourable mention recipients are awarded a unique nickel-plated artwork, and may also receive a cash award.
The recorded history of the Jews in Angola stretches from the Middle Ages to modern times. A very small community of Jews lives in Angola mostly in the capital city of Luanda with a handful scattered elsewhere of mixed origins and backgrounds. There are also a number of transitory Israeli businesspeople living in Angola.
The Presidential Guard Unit is the Angolan Armed Forces presidential guard to the President of Angola. It is also responsible for the defense of the capital of Luanda. The special unit specializes in house warfare. The group consists of both male and female members whose mission is to ensure and protect the physical integrity of the President. It is therefore part of the Central Protection and Security Unit (DCPS) in the Military Bureau of the Angolan Presidency. The unit's commander is Lieutenant General Alfredo Tyaunda.
Rui Pedro Gonçalves Pinto is a Portuguese activist, whistleblower, creator of the Football Leaks website, and responsible for Malta Files and Luanda Leaks revelations.
The Sociedade de Comercialização de Diamantes, in English the Diamond Trading Society, is the national diamond trading company of Angola. It is owned in part by ENDIAMA and exists to bring diamonds produced both through ENDIAMA's partnered mines and by artisanal miners to national and international markets.
Teleservice Sociedade de Segurança e Serviços Lda, is the largest private security company in Angola. It counts many international oil companies among its clients including the state-owned Sonangol group.
Rafael Marques de Morais is a journalist and anti-corruption activist.
But government critics in Angola saw irony in Portugal's quest. "The capital barely has any electricity," said Rafael Marques de Morais, an anticorruption campaigner.